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Romanian Journal of Political Science Romanian Journal of Political Science Volume 15, number 1, Summer 2015 The Romanian Academic Society (RAS) Romanian Journal of Political Science Editor Alina Mungiu Pippidi International Advisory Board Larry Diamond (Stanford University) Tom Gallagher (University of Bradford) Alena Ledeneva (University College London) Michael McFaul (Stanford University) Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute) Helen Wallace (London School of Economics and Political Science) Editorial Board Gabriel Bădescu (Babeş Boliay University) Olivia Rusu-Toderean (Babeş Boliay University) Bogdan Iancu (Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest) Cosmina Tănăsoiu (American University in Bulgaria) Adrian Cioflâncă (A.D. Xenopol Institute) Managing Editors Andrei Panțu Valentina-Andreea Dimulescu © 2015 Romanian Academic Society ISSN 1582-456X 2 Romanian Journal of Political Science TABLE OF CONTENTS POLSCI PAPERS ………………………………………………………………………4 DEMOCRATIC CONTRIBUTIONS TO UN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS. A TWO-STEP FUZZY SET QCA OF UNIFIL II……………………………………………...……………….4 Tim Haesebrouck VOTER CHARACTERISTICS AND LEADER EFFECTS IN A POST-COMMUNIST CONTEXT: THE CASE OF THE 2012 LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS IN ROMANIA……….……….……………48 Andrei Gheorghiță GOVERNMENT ENGAGEMENT IN CO-OPERATIVE SERVICE DELIVERY IN ROMANIA: KNOWLEDGE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT…………………………...……………………..76 Cristina Stănuș CORRUPTION EXPERIENCE, PERCEPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION TRUST: DIFFERENT EFFECTS IN VARIOUS POST-COMMUNIST STATES……………..………………...…...103 Pavel Baboš FACTORS AFFECTING GREEN PARTY DEVELOPMENT: EXPLAINING THE DECLINE OF GREEN PARTIES IN SLOVENIA……………………………………………...…………..125 Danica Fink-Hafner and Matej Knep VOTERS’ PERSONALITIES AND IDEAL PARTY PERSONALITY. EVIDENCE FROM POLAND……………………………………………………………………...………….155 Irena Pilch and Agnieszka Turska-Kawa STABLE OR NOT? PATTERNS OF PARTY SYSTEM DYNAMICS AND THE RISE OF THE NEW POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC……………...…………………………..180 Vlastimil Havlík CALL FOR PAPERS……………………………………………………………………203 3 Romanian Journal of Political Science POLSCI PAPERS Democratic Contributions to UN Peacekeeping Operations. A Two-Step Fuzzy Set QCA of Unifil II Tim Haesebrouck1 ABSTRACT What explains democratic participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations? Although the division of the burden of UN peacekeeping operations has attracted a considerable amount of scholarly attention, neither the impact of domestic variables, nor the interaction between the domestic and international determinants of peacekeeping contributions has been systematically analysed. This article aims to fill this gap in academic research. First, insights from research on peacekeeping burden sharing, democratic peace theory and integrated decision models are combined in a multi-causal framework. Subsequently, two-step fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis is used to assess whether this model explains diverging contributions to the 2006 enhancement of the UNIFIL operation. The results of this analysis show that contributions result from a complex interplay between domestic and international conditions. Two combinations of international level conditions allowed for large contributions. In the absence of significant military engagements, military capable states and states with a high level of prior involvement in UNPOs had an incentive to participate. Actual contributions, however, only materialized if such a conductive international context was combined with favourable domestic conditions: only states governed by a left-leaning government that was not constrained by either proximate general elections or a right-leaning parliament with extensive veto powers participated in the operation. KEY WORDS: burden sharing, UN Peacekeeping, QCA, democratic peace theory Introduction Following the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah War, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) was reinforced significantly. The EU member states carried the 1 Tom Haesebrouck is a PhD candidate in political science at the Department of Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium. His current research interests include QCA, burden sharing, crisis management operations, R2P and UN Peacekeeping. E-mail: [email protected] 4 Romanian Journal of Political Science brunt of the burden of this reinforcement. However, while many member states made sizeable personnel contributions, others did not contribute at all. This article aims to explain the pattern of contributions to UNIFIL II. Hereby, it addresses a substantial gap in the academic literature on peacekeeping burden sharing (e.g. Bobrow and Boyer, 1997; Shimizu and Sandler, 2010). The bulk of the research on the subject consists of empirical tests of collective-action-based models. Scarce studies that do take into account a wider range of conditions almost exclusively focus on international-level determinants. Hereby, the impact of domestic-level conditions remains largely unexamined. A rare exception to this fixation on external explanations consists in the many studies that establish a link between a states’ level of democracy and its propensity to contribute to (UN) peacekeeping operations. Several scholars have posited that democracies are more likely to contribute personnel to United Nations peacekeeping operations (UNPOs) than non-democracies (e.g. Andersson, 2002; Lebovic, 2004; Victor, 2010: 226). Explanations for this correlation generally build on the normative model of democratic peace: democracies are more inclined to participate in UNPOs because the latter’s goal of promoting the peaceful resolution of conflict corresponds to their domestic political norms. More recently however, democratic peace research has emphasized the significant variation across democratic political systems, which, in turn, affects their international behaviour (e.g. Prins and Sprecher, 1999; Ireland and Gartner, 2001). Based on this logic, the domestic differences between democracies can be expected to affect their propensity to contribute to UNPOs. Unfortunately, previous studies have not systematically explored the impact of cross- democratic domestic variation on contributions to UNPOs. The lack of attention to domestic conditions not only contrasts sharply with recent democratic peace research, but also with studies that build on integrated models to explain contributions to multilateral operations (e.g. Auerswald, 2004; Bennett et al., 1994). The latter consistently conclude that contributions result from a complex interplay between domestic and international conditions. However, such integrated models have been exclusively used to explain diverging contributions to operations conducted by coalitions of the willing or under the aegis of NATO or the EU. In consequence, a structured analysis that links cross-democratic domestic 5 Romanian Journal of Political Science variation to participation in UNPOs, let alone examines the complex interplay between domestic and international conditions, has not yet been produced. This study aims to fill this gap. It combines international and domestic conditions in an integrated model that aims to explain varying contributions to UNPOs. It focusses on the 2006 reinforcement of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL II) because this is one of the few recent UNPOs to which traditional Western democracies made pivotal troop contributions. In consequence, it constitutes a particularly suited case for testing a model that aims to explain varying democratic contributions to UN-peacekeeping. Two-step fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis is used to examine whether the model can explain the varying contributions to this operation. The results of the analysis reveal that personnel contributions to UNIFIL II indeed depend on a complex interplay between domestic and international conditions. Contributions are only possible if the absence of military stretch is combined with either a high level of prior involvement in UNPOs or sizeable military capabilities. However, for large contributions to materialize, these international level conditions must be combined with favourable domestic conditions, more specifically with a left-leaning executive that is neither constrained by proximate elections or a right-leaning parliament with extensive veto powers. The article proceeds as follows. The first section builds on the comprehensive literature on peacekeeping burden sharing and democratic peace theory to develop an integrated model that aims to explain diverging contributions to UNPOs. The next section justifies the case selection, introduces the methodological approach and discusses the operationalization of the condition and the outcome. The third section presents the results of the analysis, before the conclusions recapitulate the study’s major findings. Explaining democratic participation in UN Peacekeeping I build on three partially overlapping areas of academic research to develop an integrated model for explaining democratic contributions to UNPOs. First, I derive plausible international level explanations from previous research on peacekeeping operations. Subsequently, I draw on democratic peace theory to identify cross- democratic differences that could be relevant for explaining varying contributions to UNPOs. Lastly, I build on integrated decision models to formulate hypotheses on how contribution decisions are produced by specific combinations of international 6 Romanian Journal of Political Science and domestic conditions. Although the resulting framework integrates hypotheses from the prevailing
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