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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
And Now This… Brexit: an Overview of the Challenges and Conundrums of Leaving the European Union
And now this… Brexit: An overview of the Challenges and Conundrums of leaving the European Union The last few days have been highly significant in the the Labour MP who voted most often against the ongoing saga of the United Kingdom’s effort to leave party whip. the European Union. Prime Minister Theresa May The only mainstream party who announced on Friday that she are solidly Remain are the would resign on June 7th as Liberal Democrats. They are leader of the Conservative simply too small a party to have Party. There will be a a realistic shot of forming a leadership contest within the government on their own. party to decide a new leader. Friday’s news doesn’t seem to There is no guarantee the new move events in a positive leader of the Conservatives will direction. Does it end up become Prime Minister. The breaking the deadlock? There Conservatives do not have an are no obvious positive overall majority in the House of outcomes. Commons (313/650) and are only in power by virtue of a The British elections for seats in ‘confidence and supply’ agreement with the DUP the European Parliament on Thursday only add further (Democratic Unionist Party - 10 seats) and the refusal complexity. The irony of this is, of course, that of Sinn Féin to take their 7 seats. England’s representatives to the European Parliament will only serve until or if Brexit is executed. The new The new party leader would have to agree to continue far right Brexit Party led by longtime anti-EU that arrangement with the DUP. -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform
Signaling Change: New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform Barry Naughton Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are now the two top leaders in China. Both have moved quickly to break with the Hu-Wen Administration and signal their support for dramatic new economic reforms. The structure of the new Politburo Standing Committee appears to support their aspirations. Neither Xi nor Li has yet committed to specific reform measures, and the obstacles to reform are formidable. However, both Xi and Li have committed to a process that will lead to the creation of a reform program by late 2013. From the standpoint of economic reform policy, the outcome of the 18th Party Congress was clear and unambiguous. The two top leaders, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, emerged from the Congress with a substantial degree of room to maneuver. Both leaders quickly displayed their willingness to break with what had become business as usual under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. Xi and Li, each in his own way, moved quickly to express their intention to support a revitalized program of economic reform. Xi Jinping has received most of the attention, which is certainly appropriate. Xi has brought a more direct and personal style to the top job, a refreshing change of pace that has generally been welcomed both in China and abroad, and has shown that he intends to keep an eye on economics. Li Keqiang has also begun to signal his intentions. Although Li’s approach is more understated—in part because he will not actually step in as Premier until the March National People’s Congress meetings—his comments merit close attention. -
The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
Supplying confidence or trouble? The deal between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party Jon Tonge University of Liverpool Introduction The surprise 2017 General Election result saw one party’s difficulty equate to another’s gain. The outcome produced a dream scenario for the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland. It offered the opportunity, as monopoly supplier of friends to the Conservatives, for the DUP to name its price for propping up a government stripped of its overall majority in the House of Commons. Support from the DUP’s ten MPs offered the Conservatives, on 318 seats, command of the Commons in key votes. Although 326 is the figure most often cited as the number of MPs required to command the 650-seat chamber, the actual figure for the current parliament is 321, when the non-voting status of ten members is taken into account; seven abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs, the Speaker and his two deputies. A deal between the Conservatives and the DUP was confirmed on 26th June, 18 days after the election. Improbably, within 48 hours of the contest, Downing Street had claimed a deal had been reached. This announcement was soon corrected as a ‘mistake’. The speed of that claimed agreement would have been at odds with all previous evidence regarding the DUP’s propensity to drive a hard bargain. When a genuine deal was finally reached, it was a ‘confidence and supply’ arrangement. Although there would be no formal coalition, the DUP agreed to support the Conservative government in key votes, such as the Queen’s Speech, Budget, Brexit and anti-terrorism legislation. -
Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands
Contemporary European History (2020), 29, 139–154 doi:10.1017/S096077732000003X ARTICLE Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands Arie L. Molendijk University of Groningen, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Oude Boteringestraat 38, Groningen, 9712GK, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract In 1947 the liberal Protestant minister Willem Banning drafted a new programme for the Labour Party, in which the party dropped the Marxist view of history and class struggle. New Labour in the Netherlands was envisioned as a party that strove for a democratic and just society. Banning’s role in reforming the Labour Party was part of his broader project of breaking down structures of socio-political segregation that had existed since the end of the nineteenth century. Banning argued that the Labour Party had to abandon its atheist ideology to open up to Protestants and Catholics. This article will examine Banning’sviewsandideals and show how he contributed to the transformation of Labour into a social democratic party and seek answer to the question: how could a liberal Protestant minister become the main ideologue of the Labour Party? Introduction A touching photograph shows Willem Banning being decorated by Prime Minister Willem Drees on the occasion of his sixty-firth birthday in February 1953. The demeanour of the two social democrats displays a degree of ambiguity: they both seem to be fully enjoying this special moment, while at the same time being sceptical of such honours. In his words of gratitude Banning said that his resistance had been over- come by his friends’ insistence that he should accept the distinction.1 The Dutch Labour Party could not have been what it was in the 1950s without the decisive input of Drees and Banning. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
The Impact of Multi-Party Government on Parliament-Executive Relations
Paper for ASPG Conference 2011 The Executive vs. Parliament, who wins? The impact of multi-party government on parliament-executive relations. Examples from abroad. Abstract: Following the 2010 federal election that did not produce a clear majority, Julia Gillard decided to govern with a minority of seats. This was to be supported by confidence and supply agreements with the Green‟s only delegate in the House of Representatives and three independent MPs. Media comments and the public debate precluding and following this decision showed the electorate‟s uneasiness with this model of government which is more common in continental Europe. This was evident in particular by the fear of handing over power to four kingmakers who effectively represent only a very small number of citizens. This paper deals with common concerns about multi-party and minority-governments, in particular that they are unstable, that there is no clear string of delegation, that they may facilitate a dictatorship of the smaller party, and that they limit the parliament‟s scope to take the executive to account. It addresses the effect multi-party government has on parliament-executive relations by looking at examples from the United Kingdom and Germany and takes account of the mechanisms used in these countries for setting up and maintaining multi-party government while analysing, how these impact on executive-parliament relations. In Britain with its Westminster influence, parliamentarians in the devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales have grown slowly accustomed to coalition and minority government. In contrast, Britain‟s current coalition government on a national level has reignited public concerns about the unsuitability of multi-party government for Westminster systems. -
BRIAN M. MCCARTHY Senior Thesis
BRIAN M. MCCARTHY Senior Thesis “The End of Unity: Grand Coalitions in Austria, Israel, and West Germany” 1 Brian McCarthy Senior Thesis due Monday, 4/15/02 Advisor Jonathan Isacoff INTRODUCTION This document consists of a straightforward comparison of case studies, grounded in an empirical tradition – insofar as ‘empirical’ is taken in its generic sense of “depending upon experience or observation”1 – but drawing upon theory where theory is useful. The cases under consideration are three unity governments, which ruled respectively in Israel from 1984-1990, in West Germany from 1966-1969, and in Austria from 1945-1966. As I will observe below, in the most analytical segment of the paper, the political frameworks that supported these unity governments resemble one another to a notable degree. The question that begs investigation is an outgrowth of the endings that the case-study narratives possess. What structural or circumstantial factors account for the different final moments of these three grand coalitions, which were born in similar contexts? Unity governments are not uncommon animals in the world of modern parliamentary politics. They are the exception and not the rule, to be sure, but they appear frequently enough to allow for systematic study. Broadly speaking, unity governments may be divided into two sets, which are not mutually exclusive – those forced by crisis and those forced by electoral necessity (Nathan Yanai suggests that a country “facing a parliamentary deadlock after a no-win election”2 is de facto in a state of crisis, and thus conflates the abovementioned types, but here I assume that they are 1 Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language, 2001 ed., s.v. -
Party Competition and European Integration in the East and West
Comparative Political Studies Volume 39 Number 2 10.1177/0010414005281932ComparativeMarks et al. / PoliticalParty Competition Studies March 2006 155-175 © 2006 Sage Publications Party Competition and 10.1177/0010414005281932 http://cps.sagepub.com European Integration hosted at in the East and West http://online.sagepub.com Different Structure, Same Causality Gary Marks Liesbet Hooghe University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Free University Amsterdam Moira Nelson Erica Edwards University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill How does the ideological profile of a political party affect its support or oppo- sition to European integration? The authors investigate this question with a new expert data set on party positioning on European integration covering 171 political parties in 23 countries. The authors’ findings are (a) that basic struc- tures of party competition in the East and West are fundamentally and ex- plicably different and (b) that although the positions that parties in the East and West take on European integration are substantively different, they share a single underlying causality. Keywords: European integration; political parties; ideological dimension; Eastern Europe; communism; Western Europe n May 1, 2004, eight former communist societies entered the European OUnion, with two more anticipating membership by 2007. These are decisive events in the stitching together of Europe after the demise of com- munism. The prospect or experience of membership in the European Union is the most effective means yet devised to disseminate and consolidate the defining ideals of Western civilization—civil rights, markets, and democ- racy. Enlargement is a geopolitical process extending Western norms, and hence peace and economic growth, to bordering countries. -
The Conservative Party's Leadership Election
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Essex Research Repository THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY’S LEADERSHIP ELECTION OF 2016: CHOOSING A LEADER IN GOVERNMENT Corresponding author: Thomas Quinn Department of Government University of Essex Wivenhoe Park Colchester CO4 3SQ Email: [email protected] This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in British Politics. DOI: 10.1057/s41293-018-0071-2 Accepted for publication: 2 January 2018 The Conservative Party’s Leadership Election of 2016: Choosing a Leader in Government Abstract This paper examines the British Conservative Party’s leadership election of 2016, held in the aftermath of the UK’s referendum vote to leave the European Union. The paper analyses the contest using Stark’s theoretical framework, which assumes that leaders are chosen according to a hierarchy of criteria: acceptability, electability and competence, in that order. The eventual victor, Theresa May, was indeed the strongest candidate on all three criteria. However, electability appeared subordinate to competence during the contest. Electability is usually regarded as more basic than competence because parties must first win elections before they can start governing. However, governing parties are already in office and new leaders chosen mid-term must begin governing immediately. Current competence in office may be a prerequisite for future electability. The paper reviews other post-war leadership elections in Britain and finds that competence normally superseded electability as a selection criterion in governing parties. This finding implies a modification of Stark’s framework. Key words: Conservative Party; EU referendum; leadership elections; prime ministers; Theresa May 1 Britain’s historic referendum vote in June 2016 to leave the European Union (EU) unleashed an immediate wave of political instability in the country. -
The UK's CHANGING
Democratic Audit The UK’S CHANGING DEMOCRACY The 2018 Democratic Audit Edited by Patrick Dunleavy, Alice Park and Ros Taylor The UK’S CHANGING DEMOCRACY The 2018 Democratic Audit Edited by Patrick Dunleavy, Alice Park and Ros Taylor Democratic Audit Published by LSE Press 10 Portugal Street London WC2A 2HD press.lse.ac.uk First published 2018 Cover and design: Diana Jarvis Cover image: Union Jack © kycstudio/iStock Printed in the UK by Lightning Source Ltd. ISBN (Paperback): 978-1-909890-44-2 ISBN (PDF): 978-1-909890-46-6 ISBN (ePub): 978-1-909890-47-3 ISBN (Kindle): 978-1-909890-48-0 DOI: https://doi.org/10.31389/book1 Text © Democratic Audit and the individual authors. Images © Democratic Audit and the individual authors or copyright holders attributed in the source information. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 2.0 UK: England & Wales licence. To view a copy of this licence, go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc/2.0/uk/. This licence allows for copying and distributing the work in any form and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for noncommercial purposes, providing author attribution is clearly stated. Note, copyright restrictions apply to some images; see source information for individual licensing terms, where they differ. This book has been peer-reviewed to ensure high academic standards. For our full publishing ethics policies, see http://press.lse.ac.uk Suggested citation: Dunleavy, P, Park, A and Taylor R (eds), 2018, The UK’s Changing Democracy: The 2018 Democratic Audit, London, LSE Press.