Delivering Hate
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A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/ 84893 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Culture is a Weapon: Popular Music, Protest and Opposition to Apartheid in Britain David Toulson A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History University of Warwick Department of History January 2016 Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………...iv Declaration………………………………………………………………………….v Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….vi Introduction………………………………………………………………………..1 ‘A rock concert with a cause’……………………………………………………….1 Come Together……………………………………………………………………...7 Methodology………………………………………………………………………13 Research Questions and Structure…………………………………………………22 1)“Culture is a weapon that we can use against the apartheid regime”……...25 The Cultural Boycott and the Anti-Apartheid Movement…………………………25 ‘The Times They Are A Changing’………………………………………………..34 ‘Culture is a weapon of struggle’………………………………………………….47 Rock Against Racism……………………………………………………………...54 ‘We need less airy fairy freedom music and more action.’………………………..72 2) ‘The Myth -
Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements
P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Qualitative Sociology, Vol. 25, No. 3, Fall 2002 (C 2002) Music in Movement: Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements Ron Eyerman1 After a period of interdisciplinary openness, contemporary sociology has only re- cently rediscovered culture. This is especially true of political sociology, where institutional and network analyses, as well as rational choice models, have dom- inated. This article will offer another approach by focusing on the role of music and the visual arts in relation to the formation of collective identity, collective memory and collective action. Drawing on my own research on the Civil Rights movement in the United States and the memory of slavery in the formation of African-American identity, and its opposite, the place of white power music in contemporary neo-fascist movements, I will outline a model of culture as more than a mobilization resource and of the arts as political mediators. KEY WORDS: social movements; representation; performance. COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR: CULTURE AND POLITICS The study of collective behavior has traditionally included the study of sub- cultures and social movements as central elements. This was so from the beginning when the research field emerged in the disciplinary borderlands between sociology and psychology in the periods just before and after World War II. Using a scale of rationality, the collective behaviorist placed crowd behavior at the most irra- tional end of a continuum and social movements at the most rational. The middle ground was left for various cults and subcultures, including those identified with youth. -
The Alt-Right on Campus: What Students Need to Know
THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW About the Southern Poverty Law Center The Southern Poverty Law Center is dedicated to fighting hate and bigotry and to seeking justice for the most vulnerable members of our society. Using litigation, education, and other forms of advocacy, the SPLC works toward the day when the ideals of equal justice and equal oportunity will become a reality. • • • For more information about the southern poverty law center or to obtain additional copies of this guidebook, contact [email protected] or visit www.splconcampus.org @splcenter facebook/SPLCenter facebook/SPLConcampus © 2017 Southern Poverty Law Center THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW RICHARD SPENCER IS A LEADING ALT-RIGHT SPEAKER. The Alt-Right and Extremism on Campus ocratic ideals. They claim that “white identity” is under attack by multicultural forces using “politi- An old and familiar poison is being spread on col- cal correctness” and “social justice” to undermine lege campuses these days: the idea that America white people and “their” civilization. Character- should be a country for white people. ized by heavy use of social media and memes, they Under the banner of the Alternative Right – or eschew establishment conservatism and promote “alt-right” – extremist speakers are touring colleges the goal of a white ethnostate, or homeland. and universities across the country to recruit stu- As student activists, you can counter this movement. dents to their brand of bigotry, often igniting pro- In this brochure, the Southern Poverty Law Cen- tests and making national headlines. Their appear- ances have inspired a fierce debate over free speech ter examines the alt-right, profiles its key figures and the direction of the country. -
1 U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points
U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points: • Some modern white supremacist groups, such as The Base, Hammerskin Nation, and Atomwaffen Division, subscribe to a National Socialist (neo-Nazi) ideology. These groups generally make no effort to hide their overt racist belief that the white race is superior to others. • Other modern white supremacist groups, however, propagate their radical stances under the guise of white ethno-nationalism, which seeks to highlight the distinctiveness––rather than the superiority––of the white identity. Such groups, which include the League of the South and Identity Evropa, usually claim that white identity is under threat from minorities or immigrants that seek to replace its culture, and seek to promote white ethno- nationalism as a legitimate ideology that belongs in mainstream political spheres. • Most modern white supremacist groups eschew violent tactics in favor of using demonstrations and propaganda to sway public opinion and portray their ideologies as legitimate. However, their racial elitist ideologies have nonetheless spurred affiliated individuals to become involved in violent altercations. • White supremacist groups often target youth for recruitment through propaganda campaigns on university campuses and social media platforms. White supremacists have long utilized Internet forums and websites to connect, organize, and propagate their extremist messages. Executive Summary Since the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) first formed in 1865, white supremacist groups in the United States have propagated racism, hatred, and violence. Individuals belonging to these groups have been charged with a range of crimes, including civil rights violations, racketeering, solicitation to commit crimes of violence, firearms and explosives violations, and witness tampering.1 Nonetheless, white supremacist groups––and their extremist ideologies––persist in the United States today. -
The Transgender-Industrial Complex
The Transgender-Industrial Complex THE TRANSGENDER– INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX Scott Howard Antelope Hill Publishing Copyright © 2020 Scott Howard First printing 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be copied, besides select portions for quotation, without the consent of its author. Cover art by sswifty Edited by Margaret Bauer The author can be contacted at [email protected] Twitter: @HottScottHoward The publisher can be contacted at Antelopehillpublishing.com Paperback ISBN: 978-1-953730-41-1 ebook ISBN: 978-1-953730-42-8 “It’s the rush that the cockroaches get at the end of the world.” -Every Time I Die, “Ebolarama” Contents Introduction 1. All My Friends Are Going Trans 2. The Gaslight Anthem 3. Sex (Education) as a Weapon 4. Drag Me to Hell 5. The She-Male Gaze 6. What’s Love Got to Do With It? 7. Climate of Queer 8. Transforming Our World 9. Case Studies: Ireland and South Africa 10. Networks and Frameworks 11. Boas Constrictor 12. The Emperor’s New Penis 13. TERF Wars 14. Case Study: Cruel Britannia 15. Men Are From Mars, Women Have a Penis 16. Transgender, Inc. 17. Gross Domestic Products 18. Trans America: World Police 19. 50 Shades of Gay, Starring the United Nations Conclusion Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Introduction “Men who get their periods are men. Men who get pregnant and give birth are men.” The official American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Twitter account November 19th, 2019 At this point, it is safe to say that we are through the looking glass. The volume at which all things “trans” -
Hate and the Internet by Kenneth S. Stern Kenneth S. Stern Is the American Jewish Committee's Specialist on Antisemitism and E
Hate and the Internet by Kenneth S. Stern Kenneth S. Stern is the American Jewish Committee’s specialist on antisemitism and extremism. Introduction For ten or twenty dollars a month, you can have a potential audience of tens of millions of people. There was a time when these folks were stuck surreptitiously putting fliers under your windshield wiper. Now they are taking the same material and putting it on the Internet." – Ken McVay[i] Visit any archive on hate and extremism and you will find a treasure trove of books, newspapers, magazines and newsletters. If you are lucky enough to find original mailers, many will be plain brown or manila wrappings, designed to protect the recipient from inquisitive neighbors and postal workers. If the archive includes material from the 1980s and early 1990s, it likely contains videotapes and radio programs, maybe even dial-a-hate messages from "hot line" answering machines. It may also house faxed "alerts" that were broadcast to group members with the push of one button, in place of old-fashioned telephone "trees." Supporters of the Branch Davidians at Waco used faxes, as did groups involved in some militia confrontations. Today’s hate groups still mail newsletters, print books, produce videos and radio programs, have message "hot lines," fax alerts and, yes, put fliers under windshield wipers. But they increasingly rely on the Internet. Hate groups understand that this global computer network is far superior to the other modes of communication. Even in its infancy — for the ’net is still being defined — it is already what CDs are to records, and may, for many, become what electricity was to gaslight. -
Understanding Anti-Semitic Hate Crimes and Addressing the Security Needs of Jewish Communities a Practical Guide
Understanding Anti-Semitic Hate Crimes and Addressing the Security Needs of Jewish Communities A Practical Guide ODIHR Understanding Anti-Semitic Hate Crimes and Addressing the Security Needs of Jewish Communities A Practical Guide Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10 00-251 Warsaw Poland www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2017 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ ODIHR as the source. ISBN 978-92-9234-945-5 Cover designed by Nona Reuter Designed by Nona Reuter Printed in Poland by Poligrafus Jacek Adamiak Understanding Anti-Semitic Hate Crimes and Addressing the Security Needs of Jewish Communities A Practical Guide Acknowledgments ODIHR would like to express its gratitude to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the following individual experts, whose contributions were instrumental in the devel- opment of this guide: Rabbi Andrew Baker, Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in- Office on Combating Anti-Semitism, United States Stacy Burdett, Vice President, Government Relations, Advocacy & Community Engagement, Anti-Defamation League (ADL), United States Jakub Cygan, Main Specialist, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Administration, Poland Paul Giannasi, Head of the Cross-Government Hate Crime Programme, Ministry of Justice, United Kingdom Gabriela Jiraskova, Crisis Management Consultant, World Jewish Congress, Czech Republic Robin Sclafani, Director, CEJI – A Jewish Contribution to an Inclusive Europe, Belgium Michael Whine, Director, Government & International Affairs, Community Security Trust (CST), United Kingdom Contents Foreword vii Executive Summary ix Introduction 1 PART ONE: UNDERSTANDING THE CHALLENGE 5 I. -
FUNDING HATE How White Supremacists Raise Their Money
How White Supremacists FUNDING HATE Raise Their Money 1 RESPONDING TO HATE FUNDING HATE INTRODUCTION 1 SELF-FUNDING 2 ORGANIZATIONAL FUNDING 3 CRIMINAL ACTIVITY 9 THE NEW KID ON THE BLOCK: CROWDFUNDING 10 BITCOIN AND CRYPTOCURRENCIES 11 THE FUTURE OF WHITE SUPREMACIST FUNDING 14 2 RESPONDING TO HATE How White Supremacists FUNDING HATE Raise Their Money It’s one of the most frequent questions the Anti-Defamation League gets asked: WHERE DO WHITE SUPREMACISTS GET THEIR MONEY? Implicit in this question is the assumption that white supremacists raise a substantial amount of money, an assumption fueled by rumors and speculation about white supremacist groups being funded by sources such as the Russian government, conservative foundations, or secretive wealthy backers. The reality is less sensational but still important. As American political and social movements go, the white supremacist movement is particularly poorly funded. Small in numbers and containing many adherents of little means, the white supremacist movement has a weak base for raising money compared to many other causes. Moreover, ostracized because of its extreme and hateful ideology, not to mention its connections to violence, the white supremacist movement does not have easy access to many common methods of raising and transmitting money. This lack of access to funds and funds transfers limits what white supremacists can do and achieve. However, the means by which the white supremacist movement does raise money are important to understand. Moreover, recent developments, particularly in crowdfunding, may have provided the white supremacist movement with more fundraising opportunities than it has seen in some time. This raises the disturbing possibility that some white supremacists may become better funded in the future than they have been in the past. -
Deafening Hate the Revival of Resistance Records
DEAFENING HATE THE REVIVAL OF RESISTANCE RECORDS "HATECORE" MUSIC LABEL: COMMERCIALIZING HATE The music is loud, fast and grating. The lyrics preach hatred, violence and white supremacy. This is "hatecore" – the music of the hate movement – newly revived thanks to the acquisition of the largest hate music record label by one of the nation’s most notorious hatemongers. Resistance Records is providing a lucrative new source of revenue for the neo-Nazi National Alliance, which ADL considers the single most dangerous organized hate group in the United States today. William Pierce, the group's leader, is the author of The Turner Diaries, a handbook for hate that was read by convicted Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh prior to his April, 1995 bombing attack. The National Alliance stands to reap thousands of dollars from the sale of white supremacist and neo-Nazi music. Resistance Records, which has had a troubled history, has been revitalized since its purchase last year by William Pierce, leader of the National Alliance. Savvy marketing and the fall 1999 purchase of a Swedish competitor have helped Pierce transform the once-floundering label into the nation’s premiere purveyor of "white power" music. Bolstering sales for Resistance Records is an Internet site devoted to the promotion of hatecore music and dissemination of hate literature. Building a Lucrative Business Selling Hate Since taking the helm of Resistance Records after wresting control of the company from a former business partner, Pierce has built the label into a lucrative business that boasts a catalogue of some 250 hatecore music titles. His purchase of Nordland Records of Sweden effectively doubled the label’s inventory to 80,000 compact discs. -
Mobilizing White Power
1 MOBILIZING WHITE POWER Music, Culture, and Politics here’s a whole other genre of music out there that no one ever “Thears about and its [sic] real powerful, especially at that awkward stage where no one exactly knows who they are.”1 This California teen- age skin girl is talking about white power music. Resistance Records, once the major distributor in the United States, has dubbed white power music “the soundtrack to the white revolution.”2 Mainstream Americans recently heard more about white power music due to sev- eral high-proÀle hate crimes. Wade Michael Page, the 2012 Sikh Temple shooter, played in multiple white power bands and belonged to Ham- merskin Nation, a racist skinhead group known for its annual music festivals. Paul Craig Cobb, the internationally known white suprema- cist arrested for terroristic threats in Leith, North Dakota, planned to host white power music festivals on his rural land.4 Anders Behring Breivik, who committed the July 2011 terrorist attack on a socialist labor party camp in Norway, also enjoyed white power music, though he reportedly preferred hip hop.5 They are only a few of the individu- als, many of them teenagers, radicalized by white power music often accessed over the Internet. The importance of white power music for an expanding network of white supremacists across the globe should come as no surprise. However, the role of music in politics generally receives too little 1 © 2016 State University of New York Press, Albany 2 TRENDY FASCISM attention from scholars, politicians, and citizens—and white power music is no exception. -
Duke V. Cleland: the Eleventh Circuit Neglects the First Amendment
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 46 Issue 6 Issue 6 - November 1993 Article 8 11-1993 Duke v. Cleland: The Eleventh Circuit Neglects the First Amendment Rights of Political Parties and Allows States to Limit Ballot Access of Presidential Primary Candidates Steven A. Kirsch Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Steven A. Kirsch, Duke v. Cleland: The Eleventh Circuit Neglects the First Amendment Rights of Political Parties and Allows States to Limit Ballot Access of Presidential Primary Candidates, 46 Vanderbilt Law Review 1591 (1993) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol46/iss6/8 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RECENT DEVELOPMENT Duke v. Cleland: The Eleventh Circuit Neglects the First Amendment Rights of Political Parties and Allows States to Limit Ballot Access of Presidential Primary Candidates I. INTRODUCTION ......................................... 1591 II. LEGAL BACKGROUND ................................... 1594 A. The First Amendment's Protection of the Right of Association ................................... 1594 B. The State Action Requirement ................. 1597 III. RECENT DEVELOPMENT: Duke v. Cleland ............... 1599 A . F acts ......................................... 1599 B. M ajority Opinion .............................. 1601 C. The Dissent ................................... 1602 IV . ANALYSIS ........................................... 1603 V. CONCLUSION ........................................... 1609 I. INTRODUCTION Notwithstanding H. Ross Perot's strong third place finish in the 1992 Presidential election,' history suggests a successful presidential candidate must be a member of one of the two major political parties to win. -
A Critical Rhetorical Analysis of Selected White Supremacist Hate Sites Peter Weinberg
Rhode Island College Digital Commons @ RIC Honors Projects Overview Honors Projects Spring 2011 A Critical Rhetorical Analysis of Selected White Supremacist Hate Sites Peter Weinberg Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/honors_projects Part of the Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons Recommended Citation Weinberg, Peter, "A Critical Rhetorical Analysis of Selected White Supremacist Hate Sites" (2011). Honors Projects Overview. 50. https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/honors_projects/50 This Honors is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Projects at Digital Commons @ RIC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects Overview by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ RIC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contents: Chapter 1: The Problem: Page 1 Chapter 2: International Attempts to Regulate the Problem: Page 13 Chapter 3: A General Assessment of the Threat Posed to Youth: Page 21 Chapter 4: Selection of Sites: Page 30 . Content Analysis Chart: Page 33 Chapter 5: Rhetorical Analysis of Selected Hate Sites: Page 35 . Part I: Page 35 . Artifact (1): Page 36 . Artifact (2): Page 42 . Artifact (3): Page 50 . Part II: Page 58 . Part III: Page 66 Chapter 6: Findings, Implications, and Conclusion: Page 73 Appendix: Page 84 Bibliography: Page 88 Chapter 1: The Problem Introduction to the Problem Hate, as a principle, is a word that usually carries with it negative connotations, and when put into practice, should always be taken seriously. On the internet, however, this is not always the case. In the virtual world, hate is becoming more and more common, is increasingly easy to propagate, and is easily accessible by nearly anyone, including youth.