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In Defence of Primordialism Alan Bairner a a Loughborough University, UK Version of Record First Published: 06 Aug 2009 This article was downloaded by: [90.178.132.210] On: 02 September 2012, At: 23:03 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK National Identities Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cnid20 National sports and national landscapes: In defence of primordialism Alan Bairner a a Loughborough University, UK Version of record first published: 06 Aug 2009 To cite this article: Alan Bairner (2009): National sports and national landscapes: In defence of primordialism, National Identities, 11:3, 223-239 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608940903081101 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. National Identities Vol. 11, No. 3, September 2009, 223Á239 National sports and national landscapes: In defence of primordialism Alan Bairner* Loughborough University, UK This article explores the relationship between landscape, sport and the formation and reproduction of national identities. Central to this discussion is the concept of national sports with evidence being taken from various genres of sports-related literature and from a variety of nations. Just as the landscape provides the context in which national sports are played and watched, it is the playing and watching of these sports which in turn give the landscape added meaning As a consequence of this, the nation, sport and landscape come to be recognised as interconnected texts which taken as whole offer significant insights into the primordial formation of national identities. Keywords: national sports; landscapes; national anthems; primordialism sports writing Introduction In compliance with the advice of Henri Lefebvre (1991, p. 404) who commented that ‘social relations, which are concrete abstractions, have no real existence save in and through space’, this paper examines the concept of national sports not only in relation to theoretical debates on nations and nationalisms but within the context of a particular understanding of space. Indeed, following Lefebvre, the article sets out from the position that interpretations of nationalism that fail to incorporate the significance of space in their analyses are flawed (Lefebvre, 1991; Fulton & Bairner, 2007). The specific aim of the article is to explore the relationship between landscape, sport and the formation and reproduction of national identities. Central to this discussion is the concept of national sports with evidence being taken from various genres of sports-related literature. Downloaded by [90.178.132.210] at 23:03 02 September 2012 It is relatively standard practice in sociological and political studies of nations and nationalisms to differentiate between primordialist (or ethno-symbolist) and modernist perspectives (Smith, 1998). Central to the former is the belief that primordial attachments or relations are a matter of the significance attributed to criteria that are perceived to be objective Á language, ethnicity, geography, religion Á and which are almost certain to predate the emergence of the modern nation state and of nationalism as a modern political ideology. As Machin (2007, pp. 12Á3) notes, ‘today, this idea is considered deeply suspect’. The modernist perspective, on the other hand, focuses on nations and nationalisms as modern inventions which emerge in response to new social and economic challenges. However, as Machin (2007, p. 13) observes, this rationalist account ‘reveals the contingency of the nation but struggles *Email: [email protected] ISSN 1460-8944 print/ISSN 1469-9907 online # 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14608940903081101 http://www.informaworld.com 224 A. Bairner to understand its apparent inevitability and its common potency’. Somewhere between those two extreme positions are various assertions that, whilst nations and nationalism may indeed be modern and nation states most certainly are, their existence and resilience rely heavily on the presence of certain historic criteria, both real and imagined, upon which nationalists themselves consistently draw. In relation to the primordialism-modernism debate, Lefebvre (1991, p. 112) asserts, ‘both of these approaches to the question of the nation, the argument from nature and the argument from ideology, leave space out of the picture’. However, this is less true of the primordialist or ethno-symbolist position than of that of the modernist perspective. Thus, Grosby (2007, p. 110) refers to the importance of ‘a bounded, territorial focus that distinguishes the collective consciousness of a nation from that of other social relations’. It is on that basis that this article argues that the claim that a discussion of modern sports can generate support for a qualified primordial perspective is far less absurd or irrational than initial reactions might suppose. More specifically, it is argued here that the relationship between national sports and the landscapes with which they are commonly associated assists greatly in helping us to understand the reproduction of certain readings of the nation. On nations, nationalisms and landscapes According to Hechter (2000, p. 14), ‘territoriality is one objective criterion that does seem to be a necessary characteristic of the nation’. Certainly ‘blood and soil’ motifs are commonly thought of as the key ingredients of aggressive, xenophobic nationalism. For example, as Vejdovsky (2004, p. 10) notes, ‘Nazi propaganda would use the aesthetics of the pastoral to illustrate the necessity and the ethical justification of a garden like Lebensraum (vital space) where the germ of virtue of the Aryan race could be planted, and where it could grow to subdue and fill the earth’. Even at a less polemical level of discourse, ‘the presence of a real or putative homeland is properly regarded as a defining feature of the nation’ (Hechter, 2000, p. 14). Relatively seldom though is the actual physical character of the nation invoked by primordialists, compared with the frequent invocations of blood ties and language. However, Anthony D. Smith (1995, p. 56), more sympathetic than most academic commentators to the merits of primordialism (or ethno-symbolism), notes the Downloaded by [90.178.132.210] at 23:03 02 September 2012 territorial ‘homeland’ component of nations and suggests that ‘the landscapes of the nation define and characterise the identity of its people’. Thus, ‘homeland psychology’ (Connor, 1994) and the ‘charismatic’ quality of land, country and nation (Grosby, 1995) are set against more secular, rational and voluntaristic modes of thought. This line of argument is, of course, mocked by those who prefer the modernist interpretation. For example, Ernest Gellner (1987, p. 1) satirises the mythical nation of Vodkobuzia, writing that ‘it is a breathtakingly beautiful country. In the autumn, the wooded slopes of the Manich Depression are ablaze with a colour not even Hampshire or Liguria can match’. Warming to his theme, he continues, ‘it is also from this area that the most plaintive, most moving folk songs come, commemorat- ing as they do the devastation wrought by the invasion of the Rockingchair Mongols’ (p. 1). In such ways does the advocacy of primordial categories stand condemned by the modernists, supported to a large extent, in my opinion, by some National Identities 225 of the upholders of Benedict Anderson’s ‘imagined political community’ thesis (Anderson, 2006). Anderson is regularly invoked in discussions on the relationship between sport and national identity formation (Blain, Boyle & O’Donnell, 1993; Smith and Porter, 2004; Silk and Falcous, 2005; Starc, 2006). One wonders in this regard to what extent the thesis is in danger of becoming overused such that it comes to represent nothing other than the claim that national identity is all in the mind with no material basis whereas it was initially intended to help us understand the complex nature of national identity formation, weaving together as it does both objective and subjective factors. Hargreaves (2000), for example, equates the ‘imagined commu- nity’ with the idea of ‘invention’, thereby potentially obscuring the fact that whilst the formation of a nation necessarily involves the imagination, the nation cannot be dismissed as imaginary. Even when the word ‘invention’ is used, as Anderson (2006, p. 6) points out, it should not be assimilated to ‘fabrication’ or ‘falsity’. The nation has material substance. In the wrong hands, however, the ‘imagined community’ approach can be used to serve an agenda which seeks to deny the structural or material basis of everything. For Smith (1995, p. 41), ‘the myth of the modern
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