DOCSLIB.ORG

Canada and the Legacy of the Indian Residential Schools: Transitional Justice for Indigenous People in a Non-Transitional Society Courtney Jung

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Canada and the Legacy of the Indian Residential Schools: Transitional Justice for Indigenous People in a Non-Transitional Society Courtney Jung View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Scholarship@Western Western University Scholarship@Western Aboriginal Policy Research Consortium International (APRCi) 3-18-2009 Canada and the Legacy of the Indian Residential Schools: transitional justice for indigenous people in a non-transitional society Courtney Jung Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/aprci Part of the Other Sociology Commons Citation of this paper: Jung, Courtney, "Canada and the Legacy of the Indian Residential Schools: transitional justice for indigenous people in a non- transitional society" (2009). Aboriginal Policy Research Consortium International (APRCi). 295. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/aprci/295 Canada and the Legacy of the Indian Residential Schools: transitional justice for indigenous people in a non-transitional society Courtney Jung 1 March 18, 2009 The framework of transitional justice, originally devised to facilitate reconciliation in countries undergoing transitions from authoritarianism to democracy, is used with increasing frequency to respond to certain types of human rights violations against indigenous peoples. 2 In some cases, transitional justice measures are employed in societies not undergoing regime transition. Transitional justice measures offer opportunities for re-inscribing the responsibility of states toward their indigenous populations, empowering indigenous communities, responding to indigenous demands to be heard, and rewriting history. Nevertheless, treating indigenous demands for justice as a matter of “human rights” is an ethically loaded project that may reinforce liberal (and neo-liberal) paradigms that indigenous peoples often reject. Whether transitional justice measures will serve primarily to legitimate the status quo between post- colonial states, settler societies, and Aboriginal peoples, or whether they will have transformational capacity, will depend in part on the political context in which they take place. The impact of such transitional justice measures as apologies, truth commissions, and reparations will be limited, or extended, by the wider policy environment in which they occur. This paper outlines some of the potential complexities involved in processing indigenous demands for justice through a transitional justice framework. It identifies three broad areas in which the interests and goals of governments and indigenous peoples may clash, and where transitional justice itself may be the object of political wrangling. First, governments and indigenous peoples may differ over the scope of injustices that transitional justice measures can address. Second, governments may try to use transitional justice to draw a line through history and legitimate present policy, whereas indigenous peoples may try to use the past to critique present policy and conditions. Third, governments may try to use transitional justice to reassert their sovereign and legal authority, whereas indigenous peoples may try to resist this strategy, and even make competing claims to sovereignty and legal authority. Recent developments in the relationship between the Canadian government and First Nations highlight the challenges and opportunities of addressing indigenous demands for justice through the lens of transitional justice. In May 2006, the government, the Churches, and the Assembly of First Nations and other Aboriginal organizations reached agreement on a settlement to address the legacy of the Indian Residential School system 3. The agreement included reparations, a truth commission, and commemoration. In June 2008, Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper 1 The author would like to thank Paige Arthur, Gina Cosentino, Eduardo Gonzalez, and Patrick Macklem for helpful comments and insight on this paper. The analysis and conclusions are the sole responsibility of the author. 2 On the intellectual history of transitional justice, see Paige Arthur, “How ‘Transitions’ Re-shaped Human Rights: A Conceptual History of Transitional Justice” Full reference? 3 The Assembly of First Nations is an organization of First Nations chiefs that acts as the national political representative of First Nations governments and their citizens in Canada. The AFN is funded by the government, and has an office in Ottawa. The National Chief is elected by the Assembly of Chiefs, and plays a prominent role in responding to and shaping government initiatives that impact aboriginal people. 1 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1374950 offered an official state apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools. Both the Harper government and First Nations leaders seem keen to employ transitional justice measures to deal with the legacy of the Residential School system. Nevertheless, they have different reasons for endorsing a transitional justice framework, and distinct perspectives on the work and goals of the apology, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and compensation. The scope of injustice Almost every dimension of indigenous life has been shaped, and limited, by the colonial encounter and by a post-colonial history of dispossession, racism, exclusion, betrayal, and forced assimilation. The indigenous experience is one of loss of land and sovereignty, the loss or devaluation of language and culture, loss of access to resources, and limited access to the socioeconomic and political rights of citizenship. The scope of the wrongs that have been committed against indigenous people is extensive. As a result, indigenous demands for justice are wide-ranging. But transitional justice measures are limited. In Canada, the apology, the TRC, and compensation are designed to address only the legacy of the residential schools system. Yet the residential school system is a narrow slice of the outstanding issues that bedevil the relationship between aboriginals, the Canadian government, and non-aboriginal Canadians. In the last fifteen years alone there have been two major government initiatives that proposed serious and wide ranging transformation of Canada-First Nations relations – the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples and the Kelowna Accord. But both floundered, and the Conservative government entered office in January 2006 with little more than a controversial proposal to “extend human rights to First Nations” in a way that threatened to undermine aboriginal collective rights. The government has attempted to use “human rights” as a strategy for limiting state obligation, and as a wedge to undermine indigenous collective rights to self determination. Although the Conservative government did not initiate the transitional justice project that is now the centerpiece of its aboriginal policy, transitional justice extends the party’s human rights agenda, and is offered as an alternative to constitutional transformation and social justice. In 1991, the Government of Canada established the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples ("RCAP") to investigate the social, economic and political conditions of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, and to develop recommendations focused on the improvement of these conditions, and the overall relationship between First Nations and the Crown. The Commissioners directed their consultations to one over-riding, and extremely broad, question: What are the foundations of a fair and honorable relationship between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people of Canada? The Commission held 178 days of public hearings, visited 96 communities, consulted dozens of experts, commissioned scores of research studies, and reviewed numerous past inquiries and reports. Their central conclusion was that the main policy direction, pursued for more than 150 years, first by colonial then by Canadian governments, has been wrong. 4 The Royal Commission released its final report and recommendations in November, 1996. The report was five volumes long, including 4,000 pages and 440 recommendations. The first 4 Highlights from the report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, online at www.ainc- inac.gc.ca/ap/pubs/rpt/rpt-eng.asp 2 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1374950 volume traces the history of the relationship between aboriginals and the state, details various failed policies, including the Indian Residential Schools policy, and proposes a new path forward. Volume two lays out the laws that presently govern First Nations, including treaty rights, existing financial arrangements for aboriginal governments, land provisions, and co- management agreements. Volume three recommends new directions in social policy in the areas of housing, education, language preservation, health, family and child welfare, arts and heritage, and museums. Volume four articulates the views of Aboriginals themselves. It includes sections on the perspectives of Elders, women, youth, Metis, and urban aboriginals. Volume five is titled “Renewal: A Twenty Year Commitment.” The two central planks of the commitment are redressing economic and welfare disparity, and constitutional reform. Fourteen months later, in January 1998, the government unveiled its response to the RCAP report: “Gathering Strength-Canada’s Aboriginal Action Plan.” The Action Plan had four components: renewing the partnership, strengthening aboriginal governance, developing a new fiscal relationship, and supporting strong communities, people, and economics. Nevertheless, in April 1999 the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights released its concluding observations
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Emergence Andevolution of Themétis Nation
    Emergence and Evolution of the Métis Nation Métis National Council September 2019 People of mixed ancestry appeared in eastern Canada soon after initial contact between Indians and Europeans. With large-scale European immigration and agricultural settlement in eastern Canada, these people of mixedBy ancestry President were generally Clément absorbed into Chartier, the settler or QCIndian populations. It was on the isolated Métisplains of westernNational North AmericaCouncil during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that people of mixed ancestry emerged as a new and distinct people and nation. TheINVESTING fur trade companies operating IN ABORIGINAL in this territory - the Hudson’s CANADA Bay Company 2014 and! the North West Company - had a common interest in blocking agricultural settlement and large-scale immigration onto the westernOttawa,ON plains from! the British colonies to the east. December 9, 2014! Hence, the mixed offspring of French fur traders from the North West Company or Scottish fur traders from the Hudson’s Bay Company1 and their Cree, Ojibwe, or Dene wives formed an ever- increasing proportion of the fur trade population. As the numbers of the mixed offspring grew and married among themselves, they developed a new culture, neither European nor Indian, but a fusion of the two. Thus, the Métis people emerged. 4 Emergence and Evolution of the Métis Nation Their Michif language mixed the French, Cree, and Ojibwe languages. Their dance form combined the reels of Scotland with the intricate steps of Plains Indians. Their dress, as can be seen in this photo, was semi-European, semi- Indian in style but of European cut and was often decorated with glass beads and quills.
    [Show full text]
  • National Inquiry Into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls
    Registrar's note: Portions of this Final Written Submission have been redacted pursuant to Rule 55 of the Commission's Legal Path: Rules of Respectful Practice. National Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls AFFIDAVIT OF MELANIE OMENIHO, PRESIDENT Women of the Métis Nation/Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak I, MELANIE OMENIHO, of the City of Edmonton, in the Province of Alberta, MAKE OATH AND SAY: 1) My name is Melanie Omeniho. I am a Métis woman and a citizen of the Métis Nation. I am President of the one national organization that represents only Métis women – the Women of the Métis Nation/Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak (the “WMN/LFMO”). I have personal knowledge of the matters to which I hereinafter depose, except where stated to be on information and belief, and as to these last said matters I verily believe them to be true. My Background 2) I was born and raised in and around Edmonton. I have lived here all my life. I was raised to be a proud Métis woman and I have learned about my Métis Nation culture and history from my family, my community, my direct experience working for the Métis Nation and from the time I have spent with our Métis elders. 3) I have worked for the Métis Nation since 1986. I began working for my people in a variety of consulting and management positions. I first actively worked on issues concerning Métis women in 1986. I worked on Métis women’s issues for the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, during the Meech Lake Accord, the Charlottetown constitutional negotiations, the Kelowna Accord and many other significant national events.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wealth of First Nations
    The Wealth of First Nations Tom Flanagan Fraser Institute 2019 Copyright ©2019 by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief passages quoted in critical articles and reviews. The author of this book has worked independently and opinions expressed by him are, there- fore, his own and and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute, its Board of Directors, its donors and supporters, or its staff. This publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate. Printed and bound in Canada National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data The Wealth of First Nations / by Tom Flanagan Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-88975-533-8. Fraser Institute ◆ fraserinstitute.org Contents Preface / v introduction —Making and Taking / 3 Part ONE—making chapter one —The Community Well-Being Index / 9 chapter two —Governance / 19 chapter three —Property / 29 chapter four —Economics / 37 chapter five —Wrapping It Up / 45 chapter six —A Case Study—The Fort McKay First Nation / 57 Part two—taking chapter seven —Government Spending / 75 chapter eight —Specific Claims—Money / 93 chapter nine —Treaty Land Entitlement / 107 chapter ten —The Duty to Consult / 117 chapter eleven —Resource Revenue Sharing / 131 conclusion —Transfers and Off Ramps / 139 References / 143 about the author / 161 acknowledgments / 162 Publishing information / 163 Purpose, funding, & independence / 164 About the Fraser Institute / 165 Peer review / 166 Editorial Advisory Board / 167 fraserinstitute.org ◆ Fraser Institute Preface The Liberal government of Justin Trudeau elected in 2015 is attempting massive policy innovations in Indigenous affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Model for Making Aboriginal Policy? Evaluating the Kelowna
    Christopher Alcantara A new model for making Zachary Spicer Aboriginal policy? Evaluating the Kelowna Accord and the promise of multilevel governance in Canada Abstract: Government policy-making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy-making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavily on political agency. Meaningful and enduring change to Aboriginal policy-making will therefore likely require significant institutional adjustments to the Canadian federation. Sommaire : L’elaboration de politiques gouvernementales ayant une incidence sur les collectivites autochtones au Canada a souvent fait face a une resistance feroce de la part des dirigeants autochtones. Nous examinons la gouvernance a divers paliers gouvernementaux en tant que mode`le de rechange pour l’elaboration de politiques autochtones en nous penchant sur une etude de cas particulie`re : le processus qui a abouti a l’Accord de Kelowna de 2005. Nous constatons qu’alors que la gouvernance a divers paliers gouvernementaux pourrait produire des resultats hautement souhaitables, sa mise en œuvre semble fortement liee aux organismes politiques. Des changements significatifs et durables al’ elaboration des politiques autochtones exigeront donc tre`s probablement que d’importants ajustements soient apportes aux institutions de la federation canadienne. An enduring theme among Canadian academics and public commentators is that federal and provincial governments in this country have not been able or willing to properly accommodate the demands of Indigenous com- munities.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Indigenous Policy Goals Through Métis and First Nations Identity Assertions
    SHIFTING INSTITUTIONAL CONTROL: CHANGING INDIGENOUS POLICY GOALS THROUGH MÉTIS AND FIRST NATIONS IDENTITY ASSERTIONS A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Johnson Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By REBECCA ANN MAJOR Ó Copyright Rebecca Ann Major, September, 2020. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis/dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis/dissertation in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis/dissertation work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis/dissertation or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis/dissertation. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or in part shall be addressed to: Executive Director Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy University of Saskatchewan 101 Diefenbaker Place Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5B8 Canada OR Dean College of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies University of Saskatchewan 116 Thorvaldson Building, 110 Science Place Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5C9 Canada i ABSTRACT The late 20th and 21st centuries witnessed the mobilization of Indigenous peoples who have engaged with the federal government to assert identity-based rights and title to land in Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sioux- Métis Wars
    FALL 2007 ÉTIS OYAGEUR M THE PUBLICATION OFV THE MÉTIS NATION OF ONTARIO SINCE 1997 THE SIOUX- MÉTIS WARS NEW BOOK EXPLORES THIS LITTLE KNOWN CHAPTER OF MÉTIS HISTORY PAGE 27 SPECIAL SECTION AGA AT THE MÉTIS RENDEZVOUS 2007 Camden Connor McColl makes quite the Métis Voyageur atop his IT’S BACK TO THUNDER grandfather Vic Brunelle’s shoulders BAY FOR ANOTHER as the Georgian Bay Métis commu- GREAT MÉTIS NATION nity hosts the third annual Métis OF ONTARIO ASSEMBLY Rendezvous at the Lafontaine Parks PAGES 11- 22 and Recreation Centre, on Saturday September 29th, 2007. Check out BRENDA our next issue for more on this year’s POWLEY Rendezvous. INTERVIEW WITH A PROUD FIGHTER FOR MÉTIS RIGHTS. PAGE 9 MÉTIS FAMILIES LEARNING TOGETHER MNO INTRODUCES NEW LITERACY PROGRAM. PAGE 3 1785370 PHOTO: Scott Carpenter 2 MÉTIS VOYAGEUR Captain’s WEDDING BELLS OBITUARY Corner BY KEN SIMARD CAPTAIN OF THE HUNT, REG. 2 ATTENTION MÉTIS HUNTERS! Sahayma Many Métis Citizen harvesters Parker and Isaac Omenye are still have not reported their Marie-Claire Dorion-Dumont proud to announce the arrival of 29 November 1938 - 18 August 2007 harvest for the year 2006. their baby sister, Sahayma Orillia ——————— PLEASE DO SO NOW! This is Sarah, born on July 13, 2007, It is with deep sadness that the very important for our weighing 8 lbs. 1 oz. Proud par- We are happy to join Judi Trott in announcing the marriage of Melissa Dumont family announces the pass- records. Our negotiating ents are Kelly and George Cabezas to Mr Jason Button on March 9th, 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Reflections on Canadian Indigenous Policies in the Early Twenty-First Century David T
    10 Are We Really Sorry? Some Reflections on Canadian Indigenous Policies in the Early Twenty-First Century David T. McNab and Paul-Emile McNab Introduction On June 11, 2008, the prime minister of Canada rose in the House of Commons and made history with three words: “We are sorry.” His statement, and others that day by the leaders of the other parties in Parliament, and the responses by the leaders of five national Aboriginal organizations, may have been a historic watershed in Canada’s Aboriginal history, marking a new beginning in the rela- tionship between Aboriginal people and the federal government in Canada. The apology was for the many harms wrought on stolen children by the residential schools since the nineteenth century. Quite apart from the apology, which was a promise fulfilled, however, there was nothing new attached to the words, “We are sorry.” As many Aboriginal people said that day, the real work to heal their rela- tionship with Canada was only about to begin, and whether it would change there- after remained a question mark in the early twenty-first century. In this century there are indeed plenty of questions but few answers. Policy is multi-dimensional and multi-faceted, noted thirty-nine years ago by J. W. Cell, “as being something rather less fixed, something rather more histori- cal.” Cell also noted that at any moment in time there is “not so much policy as policy formation, an unsettled and changing set of responses by government to the continual interaction among men [and women], forces, ideas, and institutions.”1 Canada’s Aboriginal policy, or rather policies, have been regional (or local) and are the result of indigenous resistance to European and Canadian empires.
    [Show full text]
  • Aboriginal Student Persistence and Success In
    ABORIGINAL STUDENT PERSISTENCE AND SUCCESS IN ONTARIO COLLEGES by Christa Dawn Iacovino Hinds A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Leadership, Adult and Higher Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Christa Dawn Iacovino Hinds 2014 ABORIGINAL STUDENT PERSISTENCE AND SUCCESS IN ONTARIO COLLEGES Doctor of Philosophy 2014 Christa Dawn Iacovino Hinds Graduate Department of Leadership, Adult and Higher Education University of Toronto Abstract This study relies on a mixed method research approach with a focus on qualitative research including open-ended, semi-structured interviews at Aboriginal Resource Centres in three colleges in Ontario. Interviews were conducted with 31 participants engaged with Aboriginal Resource Centres, including Aboriginal students, staff and Elders. Participants spoke about their interactions with the Ontario college system including their positive and negative experiences. The research process is also informed by an in-depth analysis of various studies and reports regarding Aboriginal peoples, education and enrolment statistics from the 24 Ontario colleges. The overall data analysis and interpretation includes insight from all of these data sources. The research is guided by a two-eyed seeing approach (Iwama, Marshall, Marshall, & Barlett, 2009) that respects a combination of Western and Aboriginal worldviews; however, a concerted effort has been made to honour Indigenous paradigms thus, at times, this minimizes the inclusion of traditional Euro-centric views and methodology. Nevertheless, parallels were drawn between Euro-centric student development and engagement theories and Indigenous paradigms to provide insight into how postsecondary institutions can support Aboriginal students and create a safe and welcoming environment on campus for all Aboriginal peoples.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    aboriginal policy studies aps Article Daniels vs. Canada: Origins, Intentions, Futures Joseph Eliot Magnet, Professor, Faculty of Law University of Ottawa aboriginal policy studies Vol. 6, no. 2, 2017, pp. 26-47 This article can be found at: http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/aps/article/view/28316 ISSN: 1923-3299 Article DOI: https://doi.org/10.5663/aps.v6i2.28316 aboriginal policy studies is an online, peer-reviewed and multidisciplinary journal that publishes origi- nal, scholarly, and policy-relevant research on issues relevant to Métis, non-status Indians and urban Aboriginal people in Canada. For more information, please contact us at [email protected] or visit our website at www.nativestudies.ualberta.ca/research/aboriginal-policy-studies-aps. Daniels vs. Canada: Origins, Intentions, Futures Joseph Eliot Magnet1 University of Ottawa On April 14, 2016, the Supreme Court of Canada decided Daniels v. Canada,2 one of the most transformative indigenous constitutional cases, if not the most transformative case, of this generation. The Daniels decision is the culmination of a 17-year legal odyssey that began in 1999. The case is unusual in that plaintiffs sought and obtained a declaration as to constitutional authority as a means to reconstruct the situation of Non-Status Indige- nous (NSI) people in Canada. In the pages that follow, I will describe the issues that motivated a national Aboriginal organization to seek this atypical remedy. I will explain why the plaintiffs believed that a declaration as to constitutional jurisdiction was necessary to alleviate the underdevelopment that typifies Non-Status Aboriginal people in Canada (NSI slightly outnumber Status Indians).
    [Show full text]
  • Being Métis in Canada: an Unsettled Identity
    BEING MÉTIS IN CANADA: AN UNSETTLED IDENTITY A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities. 2017 SINÉAD O’SULLIVAN SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE Table of Contents Table of Contents ................................................................................................................................ 2 Acronyms ............................................................................................................................................ 4 List of Images ...................................................................................................................................... 5 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................... 6 Declaration .......................................................................................................................................... 7 Copyright Statement ........................................................................................................................... 7 Dedication ........................................................................................................................................... 8 Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 1. Introduction .....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • First Nations and the Harper Government's
    DEMOCRACY Irreconcilable differences First Nations and the Harper government’s energy superpower agenda Daniel Wilson To many Canadians, the prime pinister’s apology for residential schools in June 2008 appeared as true statesmanship. Most political observers regard the day as a high point for Stephen Harper’s public image. Reconciliation between the Crown and First Nations even seemed a possibility. But in the end, as the policy record shows, it was only words. The government has forsaken the more difficult road to reconciliation, partially laid out by previous Progressive Conservative and Liberal governments, for the well-trodden path of assimilation. Ironically, the prime min- ister’s insincerity on the day of the apology may prove the greatest obstacle to the achievement of one of his government’s highest ambitions: getting natural resour- ces out of the ground and to markets. First Nations have the means, the motive and the opportunity to significantly impede about $650 billion worth of new investment in natural resource develop- ment over the next decade. Harper’s tactics on this file, and others described below, are generating more resistance than co-operation. Bolstered by the rise of the Idle No More movement and an impressive winning streak in court, Indigen- ous resolve against the Harper government agenda is deepening. Ideological dif- ferences underlie the discord, while the prime minister’s inability to change course prevents progress. As a result, many of the government’s economic promises re- The Harper Record 2008–2015 | Democracy 19 lated to oil and gas expansion in particular may never occur. As long as true rec- onciliation is not an option, First Nations will almost certainly use their new pol- itical and legal clout as a lever for change.
    [Show full text]
  • Aboriginal Roundtable to Kelowna Accord: Aboriginal Policy Negotiations, 2004-2005
    PRB 06-04E ABORIGINAL ROUNDTABLE TO KELOWNA ACCORD: ABORIGINAL POLICY NEGOTIATIONS, 2004-2005 Lisa L. Patterson Political and Social Affairs Division 4 May 2006 PARLIAMENTARY INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICE SERVICE D’INFORMATION ET DE RECHERCHE PARLEMENTAIRES The Parliamentary Information and Research Service of the Library of Parliament works exclusively for Parliament, conducting research and providing information for Committees and Members of the Senate and the House of Commons. This service is extended without partisan bias in such forms as Reports, Background Papers and Issue Reviews. Analysts in the Service are also available for personal consultation in their respective fields of expertise. CE DOCUMENT EST AUSSI PUBLIÉ EN FRANÇAIS LIBRARY OF PARLIAMENT BIBLIOTHÈQUE DU PARLEMENT TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 1 CANADA-ABORIGINAL PEOPLES ROUNDTABLE, APRIL 2004 ............................... 2 A. Participants and Purpose ............................................................................................... 2 B. Outcomes....................................................................................................................... 3 SECTORAL TABLES – NOVEMBER 2004 TO JANUARY 2005 .................................... 4 A. Participants and Process................................................................................................ 4 B. Outcomes......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]