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John C. Calhoun and the Secession Movement of 1850 Herman V

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John C. Calhoun and the Secession Movement of 1850 Herman V 1918.] John C. Calhoun and Secession. 19 JOHN C. CALHOUN AND THE SECESSION MOVEMENT OF 1850 HERMAN V. AMES It has been truly said that "state rights apart from sectionalism have never been a serious hinderance to the progress of national unity"; on tbe other band "sectionalism is by its very nature incipient dis- union," as its ultimate goal is political independence for a group of states.' Prior to the Civil War there were numerous instances of the assertion of state rights. Almost every state in the Union at some time declared its own sovereignty but on other occasions denounced as treasonable similar declarations by other states. Only, however, when the doctrine of state rights has been laid hold of as an effective shibboleth by some particular section of the country, to give an appearance of legality to its opposition to measures of the federal government, has the doctrine threatened the integrity of the Union. The great and outstanding sectional movement prior to tbe Civil War, which rallied under the banner of state rights, was due to tbe divergence of interests and views between the North and the South, caused by the growth of the institution of slavery. Indeed the increasing antagonism between the slave and free labor systems and States had revealed itself from time to time even in the first quarter of the Nation's history. Its sectionalizing tendency was realized by the time of the Missouri Compromise in 1820, and pointed out by several, but especially by Jefferson, when he wrote this oft-quoted passage, "This mo- •AiiBoii D. Moree in Political Science QuarUrl]/, I, 158. 20 American Antiquarian Society. [Apr., mentous question, like a fire bell in the night, a- wakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once tbe knell of the Union. ... A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men will never be obliterated, and every new irritation will make it deeper and deeper."^ Although the tariff was the ostensible reason for the nullification movement in South Carolina, Calhoun admitted in a private letter in 1830 that it was but "the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised that the peculiar domestic in- stitutions of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil and chmate have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relations to the majority of the Union; against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the States, they must in the end be forced to rebel or submit to having their permanent interests sacrificed."^ President Jackson also recognized slavery as the real issue. Following the settlement of the nullifica- tion controversy he wrote to a friend that "the tariff was only the pretext, and disunion and a southern confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the negro or slavery question."* A striking and interesting example of the effect of environment and the sectionalizing movement on the thought and policy of a statesman is revealed in the public career of John C. Calhoun, whose name is more closely identified with state rights doctrines than that of any other public man prior to the Civil War. *Wrüinge, X, 157. »Cftlboun to Maxey. Sept. 11. 1830. Quoted in Basaett, Jackson. II, 547. <I.«tter of May 1, IR33 to Rev. Andrew J. Crawford, given in Congressxonal Globe. 36 Cong., 2 Ses»., 1, 32. 1918.] John C. Calhoun and Secession 21 In his early life he was conspicuous for his strong nationalism and his advocacy of a liberal construction of the constitution. John Quincy Adams' contemporary estimate of Calhoun as recorded in his Diary at this period is especially noteworthy. He writes, "He is above all sectional and factional prejudices more than any other statesman of this Union with whom I ever acted. "^ The causes which led to his change of views have been variously ascribed and doubtless always will be subject to discussion. It has been claimed by some of his contemporaries, as well as by some writers of more recent times, that he was led to give up his former views to identify himself with the nuUificationists who had become the dom- inant political party in South Carolina in the late twenties, out of consideration for his future political career and by hia burning ambition to become Presi- dent. While it must be admitted that Calhoun would not have been human if considerations for his political future had not had their weight, and that there is abundant evidence that, like his contempo- raries Clay and Webster, he had a laudable ambition for the Presidency, nevertheless we are loathe to accept the view that such crass and selfish motives could have been the dominating ones in the mind of so great and commanding a character. Rather are we inclined to the opinion already suggested that, as a true son of the South, he was affected by his environment. He became convinced that the econo- mic life of the South was destined to grow increasingly divergent from that of the North, and that the interests identified with and resulting from the institution of slavery would lead to its permanently being in the minority in the general government of the country. He, therefore, was led seriously to consider the means by which the peculiar interests of his section could be safe-guarded, while at the same time the Union, which he loved could be preserved. Hence ^Memoirs, V, 381. 22 American Antiquarian Sodety. [Apr., he laid hold with eagerness upon the doctrine of nullification as the device by which the rights and interests of the minority were to be preserved in the Union. The theory was an attempt to devise a theoretical reconciliation between the most complete state sovereignty and the existence of a general government. Shortly after drafting the South Caro- lina Exposition of 1828, he writes to a private corre- spondent, "Topreserve our Union on the fair basis of equality, on which alone it can stand, and to transmit the blessings of liberty to the remotest posterity is the first great object of all my exertions."^ If this is a correct explanation of Calhoun's reason- ing, we can understand why the doctrine of nullifica- tion appealed to him; first, because it reconciled his devotion to the Union a-s well as to his state and section; and secondly, it enabled him honestly to declare, as he did declare, that it was the great conserving feature of our system of government.' The right of secession, which, since the establishment of the government under the Constitution, had been held from time to time in the North as well as in the South as a theoretical possibility, was reserved by Calhoun's Exposition as a last resort. The acceptance of the view just advanced of Calhoun's motives will go far in explaining his subsequent course. Although he championed south- ern interests, he restrained the radicals of his state and section for nearly two decades longer, until at last he became convinced that the interests of the two sections were so irreconcilable that the Union ought not to be preserved except at the price of specific constitutional concessions.* Apparently, the year 1847 marks the date when Calhoun, alarmed by the aggressiveness of the northern advocates of the *Ciilhouii'e Corresponde nee, American Historical Astodation Report. 1809, 11,269- 270. 'Calhoun, Works, VI, 50, 123. 'Beverley Tucker's letter, March 25, 1850. William and Mary Quarterly, XVIII, Ab. See pott. 1918.] John C. Calhoun and Secession. 23 Wilmot Proviso, deemed it high time to arouse the South "to calculate the value of the Union." In a private letter, dated March 19, 1847, he writes, "The time has come when it (the slavery question) must be brought to a final decision."** The part that Calhoun played in the sectional agitation during the next three years, the last of his life, and especially his part in launching and promoting the project for a Southern Convention, as also the history of the movement for such a Convention of the Southern States, which was to demand protection for the rights of that section in the Union, or to concert measures for secession from the Union, is the theme of the remainder of this paper. The idea of a Southern Convention, however, was not new."* It had been proposed as early as 1844, both at the time of the T'exas agitation and in connection with the tariff agitation of that year. The project at that time found considerable support in South Carolina both in the press and with the public, as fiery and radical speeches, resolutions, and toasts threatening disunion testify. The Hon. R. Barnwell Khett, Calhoun's colleague in the United States Senate, especially championed the measure. The movement, however, met with general opposition in the other Southern States and Calhonn and his friends opposed it, favoring a more astute policy and awaiting the results of the Presidential election. The resulting election of Polk led to the abandonment of the project, even by its former advocates. The demand of the North that slavery should be excluded from all the new territory that it was expected would be acquired as a result of the Mexican War revived the sectional issue. Calhoun now takes •CcirreepondriiRG, 720. See also letter to a member of the Alabama Legislature, nenton, Thirty Yeara View, II, 098.
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