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Downloaded from Brill.Com09/30/2021 08:01:41AM Via Free Access 46 Benoist CHAPTER 4 The Emperor Beyond the Frontiers: A Double-Mirror as a ‘Political Discourse’ Stéphane Benoist 1 This is a contribution about ‘an imperial discourse’ in which long-term notions of the Roman Empire in the worlds outside of that empire, and of the out- side worlds from within the Roman Empire, are related to the multiple fig- ures of the princeps. It raises diverse (Roman and alien) conceptions of the imperial power during the first five centuries of the Principate, and analyses the various messages we can find during periods of peace and war. Epigraphic, numismatic, juridical, and iconographic evidence, e.g., from the Res Gestae diui Augusti to the so-called Res Gestae diui Saporis, is used to analyse different aspects of the conception of the princeps by insiders and outsiders.1 This contribution is part of a research program which interprets the imperial identity through the various ‘forms, practices, and representations of the impe- rial power at Rome and in the Roman world from the beginnings to the Late Antique Empire.’ The process of construction of a discourse involving a sort of ‘double-entendre’2 (various meanings depending on diverse audiences) will be the main focus of this inquiry. It sees political discourse essentially as part of a dialogue, in which rhetoric plays a crucial role.3 1 For a few preliminary aspects about the frontiers of the Roman Empire and the concep- tion of imperial power: Stéphane Benoist, ‘Penser la limite: de la cité au territoire impérial’, in Olivier Hekster and Ted Kaizer (eds.), Frontiers in the Roman World, Proceedings of the Ninth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Durham, 16–19 April 2009), (Leiden/Boston 2011), 31–47. 2 About ‘double-entendre’ and the nature of a ‘subtext,’ see Stéphane Benoist, ‘Fragments de mémoire, en quête de paroles condamnées’, in Bénédicte Delignon and Yves Roman (eds.), Le Poète irrévérencieux. Modèles hellénistiques et réalités romaines, collection du CEROR 32 (Paris 2009), 49–64, for a general overview. 3 E.g. Stéphane Benoist, ‘Identité(s) du prince et discours impérial, l’exemple des titulatures, des Sévères à Julien’, in Moïra Crété (ed.), Discours et systèmes de représentation: modèles et transferts de l’écrit dans l’Empire romain (Besançon 2016) forthcoming; and the conclu- sion of the same volume: Id., ‘Miroir des princes et discours d’éloge, quelques remarques © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/97890043�6750_005 Stéphane Benoist - 9789004326750 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 08:01:41AM via free access 46 Benoist 2 This interpretation of imperial power can be illustrated through two well- known situations at the margins of the Imperium Romanum. Both deal with the apparatus of the emperor handling foreign embassies. The two examples show how, on the one hand, the image of an all-powerful Rome, which had dominated the first three centuries of the Principate, is still put forward in the second half of the third century, but contrasts sharply with testimonies pro- duced by enemies of Rome during the second part of the 3rd, or during the 4th and 5th centuries AD.4 Dexippus, in a fragment, describes Aurelian’s negotiations with the Iuthungi, in probably 270.5 He gives us a very interesting description: the army was arranged around the prince, who was seated on a high stage, as accom- panied by eikones Basileioi and gold eagles.6 Those signa and imagines were taken from the sacellum of the military camp, and were used to boost the notion of solemnity at the reception of the ambassadors of the Iuthungi. This spectacular imperial manifestation will certainly have impressed the visitors; but what was the real meaning of this staging? For whom was it primarily intended? Was it chiefly aimed at the Roman soldiers (insiders), or at the for- eign ambassadors (outsiders)? Was it meant to give the Roman emperor the necessary auctoritas to maintain his power under very difficult circumstances, or did it seek to inspire awe into his enemies (the latter being the traditional interpretation of the passage)?7 The physical link that was created between the ruler (Aurelian) and his predecessors (the diui = eikones basileioi) created a concrete expression of the eternity of Rome (Roma Æterna) and of the statio conclusives’; Id., ‘Rhétorique, politique et pratique épigraphique monumentale’, Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 25 (2014), 209–214. 4 See the accurate inquiry by Audrey Becker, Les relations diplomatiques romano-barbares en Occident au Ve siècle. Acteurs, fonctions, modalités (Paris 2013) on this radical change of per- spectives from a conquering Rome to a much more disputed situation. 5 Jacoby FGRH II.A = Dex., Frag. 6.3. 6 For a commentary about ‘the images of emperor and empire’ citing this testimony (i.e. Excerpta de legationibus, Dexippus 1 de Boor [FHG fr. 24 = Dindorf, HGM fr. 22]), see Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (Berkeley 2000), 263. 7 E.g. Ando 2000, 263: “On the appointed day, the emperor ordered the legions to assemble as if for battle, to terrify the enemy (. .) Aurelian’s preparations were successful: the Juthungi, we are told, were stunned and remained silent for a long time.” Stéphane Benoist - 9789004326750 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 08:01:41AM via free access The Emperor Beyond The Frontiers 47 principis (Æternus Augustus or perpetuus Augustus), visible to every partici- pant in this political ritual.8 About a century later, the situation had changed profoundly. Ammianus Marcellinus gives us an account of the meeting between Athanaric’s Visigoths and the emperor Valens in order to prepare the treaty of 369. It was finally concluded in the middle of the Danube, because neither the Romans nor the Visigoths were able to convince the others to cross the river. “Because Athanaric asserted that an oath pronounced with formidable curses stopped him from ever walking on Roman ground, that his father in his recommenda- tions had forbidden it, and that it was, moreover, impossible to oblige him to do so, and because on the other hand the emperor would have to dishonour himself and stoop to crossing the river to meet him, some counsellors with a straight judgment decided that ships should be rowed into the middle of the river, the one carrying the emperor with his guards, the other the judge of the people of this country with his own guards, to conclude the peace in the terms that had been agreed upon.”9 As a matter of fact, the weakness of the Roman Empire was demonstrated clearly, as was the importance of the physi- cal presence of the emperor, at the Danube frontier during the second part of the 4th century AD. In the period of time between our two introductory examples, several orators still tried to celebrate an imperium sine fine, but it no longer existed. Panegyrists may have asserted that “beyond the Rhine everything is Roman!”,10 8 See Stéphane Benoist, ‘Images des dieux, images des hommes. Réflexions sur le ‘culte impérial’ au IIIe siècle’, in Marie-Henriette Quet (ed.), La “crise” de l’empire romain de Marc Aurèle à Constantin (Paris 2006), 27–64: the display of imagines of deceased emperors, probably the diui, reminds us of Decius’ use of a monetary series of diui from Augustus onwards. The conception of the Eternity of the Empire and the emperor was central from the very beginning of the Principate, but increasingly became so during the 3rd century AD: Stéphane Benoist, Rome, le prince et la Cité. Pouvoir impérial et cérémonies publiques (Ier siècle av.–début du IVe siècle ap. J.-C.), collection Le Nœud Gordien (Paris 2005), chap- ters VII–VIII, 273–333. 9 Amm. Marc. XXVII.5.9: et quoniam adserebat Athanaricus sub timenda exsecratione iurandi se esse obstrictum, mandatisque prohibitum patris ne solum calcaret aliquando Romanorum, et adigi non poterat, indecorumque erat et uile ad eum imperatorem transire, recte noscentibus placuit, nauibus remigio directis in medium flumen, quae uehebant cum armigeris principem gentisque iudicem inde cum suis, foederari, ut statutum est, pacem. Becker 2013, op. cit. (n. 4), quotes this passage in her introduction (15–16), underlining the symbolic aspect of the Danube as an appropriate space belonging to nobody, neither the Romans, nor the Visigoths. 10 Mamertinus, Maximiano Augusto, Pan. 10 [II].7.7: quidquid ultra Rhenum prospicio, Romanum est. Stéphane Benoist - 9789004326750 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 08:01:41AM via free access 48 Benoist and that “in its peaceful embrace the Roman power (Romana res publica) embraces all which, in the succession and the diversity of time, was at some moment Roman, and this greatness, which often had tottered as under an excessive weight, found its cohesion in an ultimately unshakable Empire (solido imperio).”11 However, the Pax Romana embodied by the Imperator Caesar Augustus had failed. These two case studies illustrate the scope in which an empire made of words differed from the empire as it was experienced by contemporaries. It is worth while to consider this in perspective of ‘an imperial discourse,’ composed of words, monuments, and acts. This will help us to understand relationships between ‘Ours’ and ‘Theirs’, insiders and outsiders, Romans and Barbarians in the period from Augustus to Theodosius. 3 Following the two examples from the Rhine and Danube limites in the 3rd and the 4th centuries AD, we will further concentrate on the Oriental frontier, looking at diplomatic as well as military relationships between Romans and Parthians/Persians, from the very beginnings of the Empire onwards. Some rel- evant elements are already visible in the so-called “Königin der Inschriften”; the famous Res Gestae diui Augusti.12 Five passages that are important in this context deal with Armenian affairs (27.2), the recovery of military standards by Tiberius in Augustus’ name (29.2), embassies from faraway kings (31.1–2), royal fugitives and hostages (32.1–2), and finally rulers imposed by Rome to foreign kingdoms (33).
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