A Queer Reading of Euripides' Bacchae
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Teiresias As Magus in Oedipus Rex Kent J
Teiresias as Magus in "Oedipus Rex" Rigsby, Kent J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1976; 17, 2; ProQuest pg. 109 Teiresias as Magus in Oedipus Rex Kent J. Rigsby AVING QUESTIONED an obstinate Teiresias with increasing irrita H tion only to be himself accused as the country's plague, Oedipus concludes that the seer has conspired with Creon to overthrow him and denounces them both (OT 385ft): KpEWV 0 mcroc, oug apxfjc t/JLAOC Aa8p~ p.' U1T€A8wv EKf3aA€LV ip.€Lp€TaL, V't'€tc<,/.., p.ayov1 TOLOVO€1 ~ p.7JXavoppa't'0V','/'' ~ 1\ 'I " , ~ 'I:' OO/UOV ayvpT7Jv, oene EV TO Le KEPO€CLV , ~ ,~ " ~, "A.. A.. \ , P.OVOV OEOOPK€, T7JV TEXV7JV 0 €'t'V TV't'I\Oe. He goes on to attack Teiresias' supposed prophetic powers, which could not solve the riddle of the sphinx; he, Oedipus, had had the wisdom to do that (and thus become king). Creon is motivated by envy (380ft), Teiresias by the ambition to stand next to Creon's throne (399£). Why does he call Teiresias a 'Magus'? The traditional view is eloquently stated by Jebb: "The word p.ayoc expresses contempt for the rites of divination practised by Teiresias: ayvpT7Je taunts him as a mercenary imposter ... The passage shows how Asiatic superstitions had already spread among the vulgar, and were scorned by the edu cated, in Greece ... So Bur. Or. 1496 (Helen has been spirited away), ~ t/Jap/LaKOLCLV (by charms), ~ p.aywv I TExvaLCLv, ~ 8€wv KA01TaLc."l Kamerbeek has commented recently in a somewhat different vein: "The word is very common in Hdt. -
Classical Mythology in the Victorian Popular Theatre Edith Hall
Pre-print of Hall, E. in International Journal of the Classical Tradition, (1998). Classical Mythology in the Victorian Popular Theatre Edith Hall Introduction: Classics and Class Several important books published over the last few decades have illuminated the diversity of ways in which educated nineteenth-century Britons used ancient Greece and Rome in their art, architecture, philosophy, political theory, poetry, and fiction. The picture has been augmented by Christopher Stray’s study of the history of classical education in Britain, in which he systematically demonstrates that however diverse the elite’s responses to the Greeks and Romans during this period, knowledge of the classical languages served to create and maintain class divisions and effectively to exclude women and working-class men from access to the professions and the upper levels of the civil service. This opens up the question of the extent to which people with little or no education in the classical languages knew about the cultures of ancient Greece and Rome. One of the most important aspects of the burlesques of Greek drama to which the argument turned towards the end of the previous chapter is their evidential value in terms of the access to classical culture available in the mid-nineteenth century to working- and lower- middle-class people, of both sexes, who had little or no formal training in Latin or Greek. For the burlesque theatre offered an exciting medium through which Londoners—and the large proportion of the audiences at London theatres who travelled in from the provinces—could appreciate classical material. Burlesque was a distinctive theatrical genre which provided entertaining semi-musical travesties of well-known texts and stories, from Greek tragedy and Ovid to Shakespeare and the Arabian Nights, between approximately the 1830s and the 1870s. -
Thebaid 2: Oedipus Descendants of Cadmus
Thebaid 2: Oedipus Descendants of Cadmus Cadmus = Harmonia Aristaeus = Autonoe Ino Semele Agave = Echion Pentheus Actaeon Polydorus (?) Autonoe = Aristaeus Actaeon Polydorus (?) • Aristaeus • Son of Apollo and Cyrene • Actaeon • While hunting he saw Artemis bathing • Artemis set his own hounds on him • Polydorus • Either brother or son of Autonoe • King of Cadmeia after Pentheus • Jean-Baptiste-Camile Corot ca. 1850 Giuseppe Cesari, ca. 1600 House of Cadmus Hyrieus Cadmus = Harmonia Dirce = Lycus Nycteus Autonoe = Aristaeus Zeus = Antiope Nycteis = Polydorus Zethus Amphion Labdacus Laius Tragedy of Antiope • Polydorus: • king of Thebes after Pentheus • m. Nycteis, sister of Antiope • Polydorus died before Labdacus was of age. • Labdacus • Child king after Polydorus • Regency of Nycteus, Lycus Thebes • Laius • Child king as well… second regency of Lycus • Zethus and Amphion • Sons of Antiope by Zeus • Jealousy of Dirce • Antiope imprisoned • Zethus and Amphion raised by shepherds Zethus and Amphion • Returned to Thebes: • Killed Lycus • Tied Dirce to a wild bull • Fortified the city • Renamed it Thebes • Zethus and his family died of illness Death of Dirce • The Farnese Bull • 2nd cent. BC • Asinius Pollio, owner • 1546: • Baths of Caracalla • Cardinal Farnese • Pope Paul III Farnese Bull Amphion • Taught the lyre by Hermes • First to establish an altar to Hermes • Married Niobe, daughter of Tantalus • They had six sons and six daughters • Boasted she was better than Leto • Apollo and Artemis slew every child • Amphion died of a broken heart Niobe Jacques Louis David, 1775 Cadmus = Harmonia Aristeus =Autonoe Ino Semele Agave = Echion Nycteis = Polydorus Pentheus Labdacus Menoecius Laius = Iocaste Creon Oedipus Laius • Laius and Iocaste • Childless, asked Delphi for advice: • “Lord of Thebes famous for horses, do not sow a furrow of children against the will of the gods; for if you beget a son, that child will kill you, [20] and all your house shall wade through blood.” (Euripides Phoenissae) • Accidentally, they had a son anyway. -
Pausanias' Description of Greece
BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA. -
The Ancient Reception of Euripides' Bacchae from Athens to Byzantium
Simon Perris and Fiachra Mac Góráin The ancient reception of Euripides’ Bacchae from Athens to Byzantium Abstract: This chapter offers a reception history of Euripides’ Bacchae from its original production until its intertextual transformation in the Byzantine Christus Patiens. It traces a broad arc from Classical Athens through the Roman Empire, taking in also Hellenistic Alexandria, the Greek-speaking East, Christianity, and Byzantine literature. By examining the cultural contexts and inflections of the different receptions of one poetic text – Greek, Roman and Italian, ‘Eastern’, and Christian – it exposes distinctions between religious or cultural attitudes to Bac- chus/Dionysus across a broad range of Greek and Latin sources. The discussion is divided into four thematic sections, within which receptions are mostly pre- sented in chronological order: Classic Bacchae; Performances; Narratives; and Christian discourse. These sections encompass drama, epic, didactic, epyllion, historiography, biography, epigram, scholarly citations, and theological texts. A selection of the most significant case studies receive in-depth discussion in the body of the chapter; for completeness, the reception history of Bacchae is filled out by listing additional receptions in summary form in an appendix. Introduction Euripides’ Bacchae was undoubtedly the single most influential literary text for constructions of Dionysus throughout Greco-Roman antiquity. In this chapter, we examine how receptions of the play across the spectrum of Greek and Roman literature act as a barometer for cultural attitudes to Dionysus. Many of the most significant and revealing receptions occur in Latin texts or in Greek texts that deal with Roman subjects, whether Plutarch’s Antony, Greek epigrams about Italian pantomime performances, or Christian writings polemicizing against Greek and Roman cults. -
Few Problems in Herodotus Have Attracted More Scholarly Attention Than the Religious Attidudes He Expresses in Book 2
Herodotus, Dionysus, and the Greek death taboo. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter and the construction of the “chthonic” in Greek literary tradition. Herodotus’ explicit avoidance of the mentioning of divine names and matters in the second book of the Histories counts in most cases as instances of the Greek taboo concerning the relation of gods to the impurity of death, which the Egyptian death cult of Osiris transgresses in an obvious manner. In 2.171.2–3, Herodotus’ reticence may have concerned Persephone, whose name was taboo for the same reasons. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter, the Theogony, the Eumenides, and other works featuring underwordly deities, construed the Chthonian category of the divine as an attempt to justify and explain the nature of these ancient agricultural gods and rituals in a manner acceptable to the aristocratic religious tendency, which had come to regard death as impure: a tendency which justifiably may be called Olympian and traced its ideological origins back to the Homeric epos.1 One of many contentious problems in Herodotus concerns the religious attitudes expressed, purportedly as his own, in the second book of the Histories, in particular those attitudes which indicate a taboo in operation. On a number of occasions, Herodotus claims that it is forbidden or sacrilegious for him to mention something, usually the name of a god. A couple of times he states that the mention of something of a religious character would be unpleasant or improper. There are also some passages which have been taken as implicit expressions of the same or a similar attitude. -
Socrates, Cadmus, and the Case for Unphilosophical Parenting
374 Socrates, Cadmus, and the Case for Unphilosophical Parenting Socrates, Cadmus, and the Case for Unphilosophical Parenting Avi Mintz Independent Scholar When my eldest son was in third grade, he started reporting that he was regularly eating doughnuts at school in the morning.1 Neither my partner in these parenting decisions nor I hold any particular ill will towards doughnuts. They aren’t exactly her sweet of choice—she comes from a family of chocolate worshippers and the quantity and quality of chocolate in doughnuts, even a chocolate doughnut with a chocolate glaze, just doesn’t excite her. I, at least, can recognize their fatty and sweet appeal. But between her indifference and my range of food intolerances (curse you, my weak-stomached ancestors!), we fed our children doughnuts very rarely, making them almost exclusively a birthday treat (since our kids prefer them over birthday cake). But, of course, the main reason that the doughnut purchases were so rare was that we have been habituated in a parenting culture that induces feelings of guilt and shame when feeding children high-calorie, high-fat, high-sugar snacks. In the part of red state America in which I lived, many of the parents at our children’s school had no such hang-ups. Oddly, they seemed to think that pleasure was a sufficient reason to feed their children doughnuts. I envied those parents. Oh—what it must be like to let one’s children eat inexpensive, convenient treats without suffering waves of existential angst about one’s moral failure as a parent! So, back to my son’s school, where doughnuts, so he claimed, had seemingly become a staple of daily classroom life. -
Vergil and the Death of Pentheus in Ovid, Metamorphoses III
Edinburgh Research Explorer Vergil and the death of Pentheus in Ovid, Metamorphoses III Citation for published version: Maciver, C 2017, 'Vergil and the death of Pentheus in Ovid, Metamorphoses III', Philologus, vol. 161, no. 1, pp. 141-161. https://doi.org/10.1515/phil-2017-0005 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1515/phil-2017-0005 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Philologus General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 25. Sep. 2021 Philologus 2017; aop Calum Alasdair Maciver* Vergil and the Death of Pentheus in Ovid, Metamorphoses 3 DOI 10.1515/phil-2017-0005 Abstract: In a pivotal article in 1990, P. Hardie illustrated that the Theban narra- tive of Ovid Metamorphoses 3 and 4 was the first anti-Aeneid. He did not include discussion of the death of Pentheus at the end of Book 3. In this article I show that the depiction of the Theban king’s death is bound up with key Vergilian intertexts which have a profound impact both on reading the pathos of the scene, but more importantly, on Ovid’s reconstruction of the end of the Aeneid and the death of Turnus. -
Aeschylus' Seven Against Thebes, Probability, and a New Theory Of
Aeschylus’ Seven Against Thebes, Probability, and a New Theory of Tragedy In Euripides’ Bacchae, the worst-case scenario happens to Pentheus if the stranger spreading a seditious cult happens to be a god, and not a hobo. In Shakespeare’s Macbeth, the worst-case scenario happens to Macbeth if his opponent happens to be not born of woman. In Miller’s Death of a Salesman, the worst-case scenario happens to Loman if he discovers that his insurance policy makes him worth more dead than alive. In Sophocles’ Oedipus rex, the worst- case scenario happens to Oedipus if he finds out that he is the regicide. What were the odds of the worst-case scenario happening in each of these cases? Although the odds appear to be a longshot, they are impossible to quantify. In the tragic canon, there is one play—and one play only—where it is possible to quantify and demonstrate the odds of everything that does happen and does not happen. This fascinating play is Aeschylus’ Seven Against Thebes. In Aeschylus’ Seven, seven attacking captains—one of whom is Polyneices—lay siege to seven-gated Thebes. Seven defending captains—one of whom is Polyneices’ brother Eteocles— defend Thebes’ seven gates. The worst-case scenario takes place if brother confronts brother at the seventh gate: brother will kill brother, kindred blood will be shed, and, in addition to the normal hazards of warfare, miasma results and the Furies will be unleashed. Because the captains are assigned their gates by a random, lottery process (Hermann, 2013), it is possible to precisely quantify the odds of the worst-case scenario. -
Rejection and Integration: State Reactions to the Evolution of Dionysian Mystery Cult In
Rejection and Integration: State Reactions to the Evolution of Dionysian Mystery Cult in Greece and Rome by Andrew Noakes A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Classical Studies Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2019 © Andrew Noakes 2019 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This thesis examines the integration of Dionysian mystery cults into the state religions of Greek polis and the Roman Republic. The cults are often portrayed as controversial and immoral in myth and literature, but the official reactions of various ancient city states never restricted the cult’s rituals or showed any concern over moral degeneracy. Rather, official reactions from the state pertained solely to leadership and organization of the cults. This thesis proposes that the reason for this is that Dionysian mystery cults provided an opportunity for women to obtain leadership, authority, and self definition through a means that was usually restricted to only a small number of women who obtained official state priesthoods. Therefore integration of the cults and restriction on leadership was the most common reaction, with some allowances still made for the cults to exist in private forms. When this opportunity for leadership, authority and self definition was opened up to men, as in the case of the Roman Bacchanalia, the state reacted much more harshly since the cult now provided a social structure that undermined those of the Roman Republic. -
The Bacchae of Euripides
The Bacchae of Euripides By Wole Soyinka Directed by Prof. Judyie Al-Bilali Dramaturgy by Prof. Megan Lewis STUDY GUIDE Contact: Prof Megan Lewis [email protected] DIRECTOR’S NOTE Dionysus and his magnificent initiates, the Bacchantes, have come back for me. I met them twenty years ago when I directed this same adaptation by distinguished Nigerian Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka. I embraced his vision as it foregrounds the social and political transformations inherent to the ancient drama, and now two decades later, Soyinka’s script rings even more true as we face unprecedented environmental, ecological, and spiritual challenges. A play is relevant after 2,400 years because it illuminates primal forces, notable among them, sexuality. Dionysus, called by many names including ‘The Liberator’ has often symbolized gender fluidity. In the rigid caste system of ancient Greece, his devotees included slaves, women, and foreigners -- allowing those usually excluded to participate in the annual Dionysian festivals. Our play is set in 2020, just across the threshold into the upcoming decade, at the pivot point of a new era in human history. Our location is Gaia, the mythological Greek name recognizing our beloved and beleaguered planet Earth as a sentient, living goddess. Right now, Gaia demands our attention. She calls us beyond ideology to unity, a call we must heed for our survival as a species. Myth is how we navigate and ultimately evolve both individual and collective psyches. Myth must change for us to grow. Artists are the antennae for society and we are re-imagining Euripides’ myth of Dionysus to address our need for balance between reason and passion. -
The Reception of Euripides in Ovid's Metamorphoses
Tragic palimpsests: The reception of Euripides in Ovid's Metamorphoses The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Paschalis, Sergios. 2015. Tragic palimpsests: The reception of Euripides in Ovid's Metamorphoses. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467245 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Tragic palimpsestsμ The reception of Euripides in Ovid’s Metamorphoses A dissertation presented by Sergios Paschalis to The Department of the Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Classical Philology Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts May 2015 © 2015 Sergios Paschalis All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Albert Henrichs Sergios Paschalis Tragic palimpsestsμ The reception of Euripides in Ovid’s Metamorphoses Abstract ἦhἷΝὅuἴjἷἵtΝὁἸΝthiὅΝἶiὅὅἷὄtἳtiὁὀΝiὅΝthἷΝὄἷἵἷptiὁὀΝὁἸΝἓuὄipiἶἷἳὀΝtὄἳἹἷἶyΝiὀΝἡviἶ’ὅΝMetamorphoses. In Chapter 1 I offer a general survey of the afterlife of Euripidean drama in the major mediating intertexts between Euripides and Ovid, namely Hellenistic poetry, Roman Republican tragedy, ἳὀἶΝViὄἹil’ὅΝAeneid, as well as a review of the pervasive presence of the Greek tragedian in the ἡviἶiἳὀΝ ἵὁὄpuὅέΝ ἑhἳptἷὄΝ ἀΝ ἸὁἵuὅἷὅΝ ὁὀΝ thἷΝ ὄἷἵἷptiὁὀΝ ὁἸΝ ἓuὄipiἶἷὅ’Ν Bacchae in the Metamorphoses. The starting point of my analysiὅΝiὅΝἡviἶ’ὅΝἷpiἵΝὄἷwὄitiὀἹΝὁἸΝthἷΝἓuὄipiἶἷἳὀΝplἳyΝ in the Pentheus episode. Next, I argue that Ovid makes use of the allusive technique of “ἸὄἳἹmἷὀtἳtiὁὀ”,Ν iὀΝ thἷΝ ὅἷὀὅἷΝ thἳtΝ hἷΝ ἹὄἳἸtὅΝ ἷlἷmἷὀtὅΝ ὁἸΝ thἷΝ Bacchae in the narratives of the Minyads and Orpheus.