Josephy IT Rechtsinformatiker Gbr: Informationdesign Semitism

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Projektvorschlag 1.9 - Informationdesign Semitism-2019-12-20

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Änderungsanforderung Requirements Datum (Stakeholder) Motivation Werbestragien für Juden 09.12.2019 und/oder Israelis - CampaigneManagement Ralf Josephy, Hermann Detaillierung, Korrekturen – 10.12.2019 Josephy, Leonid Golstein, Erarbeitung einer Manuel Gil Theorieebene und einer zweiten Gliederungebene – durch Istaufnahme der Werbebeiträge, Hannukah Ralf Josephy, Thomas Korrekturen und 11.12.2019 Biedassek, Christiana Nolte, Ergänzungen – Werberecht, Prof. Dr. Oppermann, Prof. Korrekturvorschlag - Dr. Manfred Kaul, Peter Umstellung der Gliederung Kossek, RA Bianca Usability Engineering, Junghanns, Dirk Schreiber, Intellectual Property Rights. Ludwig Schmeing, Peter Learning Müller,, Ulrike Müller, Sabine Müller, Johannes Smigielski, Yoko Ono Restaurant Kubana, Peter Brunner, Ulrike Müller Appendix I Medienrecht begonnen

ILTV.IL Design: „United Israel and Palestine“ - a new Flag (Reunification) – MediationsG, Social Constructivism1 Ralf Josephy, Lea Josephy, Ergänzungen, Information 12.12.2019 Bernadette Benning, Dirk Ecology, Design Ecology, Michel, Jared Kushner, Sustainability

Naturata Information Ecology

Rolf Höying Hebräische Zeichensätze mit dem Heim PC oder Laptop

Thomas Biedassek, Fish Bowl Katharina Just-Hahn

Ulrike Müller, Astrid Fink, Bowls Mediation, Fish Bowl, Wilhelm Klein, Siegfied Information Ethics Schulz, Dirk Nürnberg, Demonstrationsgebot Druck Marko Klein, Andrea Noll, gegen Rechts bei ordentlich Doris Josephy, Lea Josephy, angemeldeten Andreas, Sabine und Demonstrationen mit Susanne Müller, Walter Bankgewerkschaftern Moers, Banerjea, Bernd organisieren (Vorschlag für Pfeiffer, Maria Effing Andrea Noll) Weihnachtsmarkt und Bonner Straße

Astrid Fink, Dr. Siegfried Verbesserung der Kaiser, Kai H. Brassel, Gliederung zum Einsatz von Thomas Biedassek Mediatoren (Gutacher) (Gespräch im Kubana – als ● Dr. Brabara Müller nicht erfolgreiche (Wahlenau) Mediationsstrategie für ● Dr. Schmidt-Eenbohm Bauigenieure (Archimedes ● Dr. Burckhardt Huck und Phytogoras), Anja Schmeing Ralf Josephy Korrekturen (Hinweise von 13.12.2019 gestern

Ludwig Schmeing, Friedhelm Usability Engineering, VDE Schmidt, Prof. Dr. Helmut beachten Giessen, Elektroingenieure und Maschinenbauer des ev. Studierendenwohnheim Koblenz Kartause, Andreas König und Dr. Ing. Johannes Scholten

Städtenamen religions- Dieppe, La Rochelle, polisch für Dirk Fuest, Frank Deventer Marais und Ingrid Thuilot

1 Berard, Ole Bengt; Vestergaard, Flemming; Karlshøj, Jan: Building Information Modeling for Managing Design and Construction - Assessing Design Information Quality Assessing Design Information Quality, Lyngby, Denmark, 2012 Ralf Josephy, Andreas Korrekturen Anhang Blatzheim (Stadtbibliothek Hebräisch Siegburg) Tastaturempfehlungen

Jürgen Müller (ev. Ivrit Language Revitalization Studierendenwohnheim), Empfehlung von Sozialpädagogen für Sozialwissenschaftliche Informatiker (VerwaltungsinformatikerInn en) und auch für ComputerlinguistikerInnen

Maria Effing, Martin Teach the language in Bussmann, Heinrich Wilting, schools and learn yourself Siegfried Schulz, Brigitte Mayer, Peter Hänscheid, Christina Biffi, Marion Claussen, Walter Moers, Bernhard Osterfinke, Martin Bussmann, Thomas Biedassek, Prof. Dr. Christoph Steigner, Martin Buchwald ( - tbd. - ) Yiddish in Abramovitsh's Literary Ralf Josephy, Jürgen Müller Revival of Hebrew – (Inspiration) beenden und Ivrit korrigieren Ralf Josephy, „Beppo“, Unity Korrekturen – vgl. Gespräch 14.12.2019 Media und Jürgen Müller, im Kubana gestern Dirk und Martin Fuest, Astrid (s.o.) und im Text Fink, Jonathan Arntz, Andrea ● Information Ethics Noll, Hans Lehmkuhl, Peter ● Information Ecoogy Bittner, Katharina Just-Hahn, ● Fish Bowl Thomas Biedassek, Kai H. Brassel, Wolfram Lakaszus, Ingo Schmidt, Ulrike und Andreas Müller, Doris Josephy, Sabine und Susanne Müller Ralf Josephy, Markus Müller, Korrekturen der Gliederung 15.12.2019 Ludwig Schmeing, im Bereich jBPM und Portfolio Selection Campaigne Management

Ralf Josephy, Manfred Introduction Knowledge Dohmhoff, Luc de Haas Management, Human Resource Management, Überarbeitung der Gliederung Ralf Josephy TCO, TBO Argumentation 16.12.2019 (Fuels and Vendor Lock-In)

Introduction Pluralism

Anfrage Arbeitsagentur Kur/Reha Maßnahme – HR Konzepte, IT-GSHB, KRITIS gegen Autorkorsos

Glossary Extensions, Sociologists and Anthropologists Ralf Josephy Korrekturen, Exploratives 17.12.2019 „Setzen“ von jüdischen Soziologiethemen Ralf Josephy, Lea Josephy, Sociology: „embeddedness“, 18.12.2019 Doris und Anke König, Erweiterung: „religious Mechtild und Ralf pluralism“ Heggemann, Astrid Fink, Prof. Dr. Andreas Engel, Glossary History of the Michael Sehlhorst, Dr. Ancient and Modern Hebrew Andreas Pinkwart, Johannes Language Keusekotten, Johannes Smigielski Markowitz – Introduction

Anthropology – Further Readings Ralf Josephy Korrekturen und 19.12.2019 Ergänzungen im Bereich HR

Family Josephy (Los Philantrophy Angeles), Jews for Jesus (Synagoge Essen) Ralf Josephy Korrekturen – erste 20.12.2019 Überlegungen zum Thema Informationmanagement Youtube (Bonn und Castrop Rauxel) Bausachverständige

Prof. Dr. Edwin Czwerwick, Information Management, Dr. Siegfried Kaiser, Volker Informationswirtschaft -IT- Strotmann, Wolfram AmtBw Lakaszus, Frau Mittler, Herr Garcia, Andreas Blatzheim, Frau Traffal und Frau Dr. Pericas, Michael Keller (SPD) und Mika Gökel

Karl-Heinz Staudt, Don Seemann, Latif Akanho, Jean Pierre Ruzindaza, Jerome Ruboneza Jewish Ethiopian Israelis Ralf Josephy, Astrid Fink, Regulated Information 21.12.2019 Peter Brunner, Oliver Dörfler, Management, Enterprise Peter Schwermer, Joseph Information Management Bino, Anja und Marko Klein, Gaby, Klaus und Jürgen eHealth, Scype, et. al. Agenendt, Ursula Noll und Process Reporting Vendor die Banerjeas, Dr. Bodatsch, Specific – Meyer Wieck – Randike Gajanayake, MPI Datenschutzanfage, Renato Iannella, Tony Joaquim Fuester Sahama, Lea Josephy, Mika Ammendments, Gökel, Mitsubishi White neurologischical „EMF – Plains und Bochott (Fiat based Cortex – Fuels“, The Schmitz), Dr. Rita Schmitz, Role of Perceived Dr. Helge Schirrmacher, Usefulness and Attitude on Andreas Badorek,, Andreas Electronic Health Record Blatzheim, Karl-Heinz Acceptance Staudt, Doris und Anke An empirical investigation König, Carola Kurzer, using response surface Michael Kremer, Marion (Critics versus Ethics), Schneider Stichwort (Amtsdeutsch): „komprimitierende Informationen gegen Autofahrerfahrer und Fußgänger (Autopilot benötigt)2“ Ralf Josephy, Vivian Klaff, Reform Judaism: Defining 22.12.2019 Elisabeth Schneider American Jewry From Maukisch, Prof. Dr. Günther Religious and Ethnic Oppermann Perspectives (with permission form the author) Ralf Josephy Korrekturen, Socilogy - 23.12.2019 „Spätaussiedler“ - Bundestag ,

2 Randike Gajanayake, Renato Iannella, Tony Sahama: The Role of Perceived Usefulness and Attitude on Electronic Health Record Acceptance An empirical investigation using response surface analysis, Brisbane, Australia Contents

Management Summary...... 10 Objectives...... 12 Introduction...... 12 Information Design...... 12 Ivrit – Language Revitalisation...... 15 Specifications...... 27 Milestones...... 28 Social Media Advertisment Campaigne...... 28 Campaigne Management ...... 29 Information Ethics...... 30 Introduction...... 30 Information ethics...... 31 Bioinformation ethics...... 35 Business information ethics...... 35 Internet privacy...... 38 Cyberethics...... 40 Property...... 41 Freedom of information...... 43 Digital divide...... 44 Sexuality and pornography...... 44 Gambling...... 44 Activities...... 47 Mediation...... 47 Fish Bowl...... 48 Intellectual Property Rights...... 52 Good Data Governance...... 52 Information Ecology...... 53 Introduction...... 53 Information Ecology Design...... 63 ICNIRP...... 65 EMF Components...... 66 Anthropology...... 67 Introduction...... 67 Overview Research Designs...... 85 Migration Studies...... 86 Nationbuilding Israel...... 94 Ethiopean Jews...... 104 Jewish Ethiopian Israelis...... 104 Coffee and Posession...... 106 Sociology...... 107 Introduction...... 107 Philanthropy...... 108 The Transition of Communal Values and Behavior ...... 108 Sociology of Holocaust...... 122 Introduction...... 122 Sociology of Jewry...... 125 Introduction...... 125 Cultural Sociology...... 128 The “Holocaust” from War Crime to Trauma Drama - On the SocialConstruction of Moral Universals...... 128 Historical Sociology...... 139 Eastern Europe...... 139 Eisenstadt’s theory of modernity and the classical modernization paradigm...... 139 Sociology of Rights and Norms...... 142 Women's Rights – Reform Judaism...... 142 Political Sociology...... 148 Jewish Demography...... 148 Law...... 150 Introduction...... 150 Mediationsgesetz...... 150 Pluralism...... 151 Introduction...... 151 Language...... 160 Librarys...... 178 Newspaper and Internet Media...... 180 Botany...... 181 Introduction...... 181 Climate Middle East...... 181 Flora and Fauna...... 181 Jewish Gardening...... 181 Middle East...... 181 Middle – European...... 181 Bonsai...... 181 Paintings...... 182 Architecture...... 183 Architects...... 183 Koscher Recipes...... 184 Gaststätten...... 184 Internet Service...... 184 Furniture...... 185 Life Style...... 186 Self Choosen Diat Plans...... 186 Reform Judaism...... 187 Learning ...... 188 Business Alignment...... 189 Knowledge Management...... 190 Introduction...... 190 Human Resource Management...... 196 Jewish Considerations – Critical to Human Resources...... 199 Information Management...... 209 Introduction...... 209 Informationswirtschaft...... 217 Information Management in Behörden...... 220 Key Issues in eHealth Identity Management ...... 227 Survey(s) of Israel (SOI) and at the Technion...... 230 Business Process Management...... 234 Introduction...... 234 jBPM - Drools...... 234 jBPM (Java Business Process Model...... 234 Drools...... 238 OpenBIM...... 238 Blockchain...... 243 Usability Engineering Process...... 243 Design Process...... 250 Information Design Contact Center...... 250 TCO – Analysis...... 256 Introduction...... 256 Portolio Selection and Optimization...... 264 Introduction...... 264 Appendix I...... 274 Medienrecht...... 274 Strafprozessrecht...... 276 Zivilprozessordnung...... 278 Mediationsgesetz (MediationsG)...... 279 Appendix II...... 281 Hebräische Schrift...... 281 Einführung – Auszüge Wikipedia, , , ...... 282 Sprachumgebung und Tastatur Josephy IT Rechtsinformatiker GbR...... 294 Internet Help Pages: Questions and Answers...... 296 Social Media Advertisement Campaigne...... 300 Bibliography...... 306 Anti Holocaust...... 306 Pluralists...... 309 Jewish Anthropologists...... 310 Jewish Sociologists...... 311 History of the Ancient and Modern Hebrew Language...... 313 Management Summary

Theorie Bildung zum Excel Sheed: Projektvorschlag 1.2 – Istaufnahme-JüdischerIntegrationsangebote-III-Q1-2019

Social Responsibilities ● Religious Pluralism ● Harry M. Markowitz ● Elinor Ostrom ● Ivrit ●

Information Design Josephy IT Rechtsinformatiker GbR ● Campaigne Management ● Information Design ● Usability engineering ● Social Constructivism3 ● Information Ecology ● Cohort Research

“Information design is defined as the art and science of preparing information s that it can be used by human beings with efficiency and effectiveness.”

- Robert E. Horn

Design (noun) is a specification of an object, manifested by an agent, intended to accomplish goals, in a particular environment, using a set of primitive components, satisfying a set of requirements, subject to constraints.

- Ralph and Wand 2009

Information Design Principles ● Visualisierung ● Visuelle Kommunikation ● Interface Design ● Informationsvisualisierung ● Corporate Information Design ● Grafikdesign

Medienrecht ● Medienregulierung ● Medienwirtschaftsrecht ● Medienzivilrecht

3 Berard, Ole Bengt; Vestergaard, Flemming; Karlshøj, Jan: Building Information Modeling for Managing Design and Construction - Assessing Design Information Quality Assessing Design Information Quality, Lyngby, Denmark, 2012 ● Medienarbeitsrecht

Usability engineering4 is a field that is concerned generally with human-computer interaction and specifically with devising human-computer interfaces that have high usability or user friendliness. It provides structured methods for achieving efficiency and elegance in interface design. Several broad disciplines including Psychology, Human Factors and Cognitive Science subsume usability engineering, but the theoretical foundations of the field come from more specific domains: human perception and action; human cognition; behavioral research methodologies and, to a lesser extent, quantitative and statistical analysis techniques.

When usability engineering began to emerge as a distinct area of professional practice in the mid to late 1980s, many usability engineers had a background in Computer Science or in a sub-field of Psychology such as Perception, Cognition or Human Factors. Today, these academic areas still serve as springboards for the professional practitioner of usability engineering, but Cognitive Science departments and academic programs in Human-Computer Interaction now also produce their share of practitioners in the field.

The term usability engineering (in contrast to interaction design and user experience design) implies more of a focus on assessing and making recommendations to improve usability than it does on design. However, Usability Engineers may still engage in design to some extent, particularly through the design of wire-frames or other prototypes.

1. The Web Accessibility Initiative Guidelines. 2. The Section 508 government guidelines applicable to all public-sector websites. 3. The ADA Guidelines for accessibility of state and local government websites. 4. The IBM Guidelines for accessibility of websites.

Usability testing ● Interviews ● Focus groups ● Questionnaires/surveys ● Cognitive walkthroughs ● Heuristic evaluations ● RITE method ● Cognitive task analysis ● Contextual inquiry ● Think aloud protocol ● Card sorting

Web Interface Analyzer ● Web Static Analyzer Tool (WebSAT) – checks web page HTML against typical usability guidelines ● Web Category Analysis Tool (WebCAT) – lets the usability engineer construct and conduct a web category analysis ● Web Variable Instrumenter Program (WebVIP) – instruments a website to capture a log of user interaction ● Framework for Logging Usability Data (FLUD) – a file format and parser for

4 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Usability_engineering representation of user interaction logs ● FLUDViz Tool – produces a 2D visualization of a single user session ● VisVIP Tool – produces a 3D visualization of user navigation paths through a website ● TreeDec – adds navigation aids to the pages of a website

Objectives

Introduction

Vorhandene Konzepte ● Ontology Ivrit ● Jewish Arts ● PMI/PMBOK ● SCRUM ● Six Sixgma

Erarbeitung von zielgruppenspezifischen Werbekampagnen. ● Theoriebildung ● Presserecht ● Rechtssoziologie ● Kartellrecht, Wettbewerbsrecht, Gemeinschaftsmarken VO, GWB (Vergabe Recht) ● Intellectual Property Rights ●

Information Design

Dimensions of Information Quality

Juran‟s fitness-for-use definition informed Wang and Strong (1996) definition of information quality as “data that are fit for use by data consumers.” Wang and Strong further stated that dat quality “must be considered within the context of the task a hand.”

Wang and Strong (1996) argued that understanding users‟ problem with data is essential for understanding information quality. They identified the following four categories and 14 dimensions of information quality:

● Intrinsic – believability, accuracy, objectivity, and reputation ● Contextual – value-added, relevancy, timeliness, completeness, and appropriate amount of data ● Representational – interpretability, ease of understanding, representational consistency, and concise representation ● Accessibility – accessibility and access security Social Constructivism

The perception of reality (Kant‟s phenomena) changes over time. What imposes this perception is a central question. Consequently, there are different types of constructivism; Young and Collin (2004) identified three types:

● Radical constructivists – the individual mind constructs reality. ● Moderate constructivists – individual constructions take place within a systematic relationship to the external world. ● Social constructivists – the inﬂuence on the individual construction is derived from, and preceded, by social relationships. (Young and Collin 2004) ● Constructivism has a dualist assumption, such as Kant‟s phenomena and noumena perceptio of reality. Even radical constructivists do not neglect the existence of a mind-independent realit (noumena), but they believe it cannot be known. ● Social constructivism is closely related to social constructionism, which is often seen in studies of societal influence. Social constructivism and social constructionism are sometimes used interchangeably. and the differences between them are not always evident. Advocates of both philosophies believe in the influence of the social on reality. According to Young and Collin (2004):

[Social constructionism] contrasts with it [social constructivism] in having a social rather than an individual focus [and] it is less interested, or not at all interested, in the cognitive processe that accompanyknowledge. (Young and Collin 2004) Social constructivism has its roots in positivism and has a dualist assumption, although phenomena and noumena are not always apparent (Young and Collin 2004). Social constructionism, on the other hand, is in the hermeneutic tradition. There is no knowledge beyond individuals‟ subjective and inter-subjective interpretations of reality (Lindgren and Packendorff 2009).

They are both used in different sociological fields, but social constructionism is more common in the field of psychology (Young and Collin 2004, Puig et al. 2008). The misconception that social constructivism and social constructionism are identical could be that much work in humanities and sociology is related to the social construction of phenomena. However, describing the world as socially constructed is not specific to social constructionism.

Social constructivists or even plain constructivists also work with this topic. These two fields are sometimes lumped together, especially when being criticized, because they are so closely related. Boghossian (2001), who has been critical of social constructivism, described the social constructivist claim as follows: “The correct explanation for why we have some particular belief has to do with the role that that belief plays in our social lives, and not exclusively with the evidence adduced in its favor.” For a social constructivist, theory is “some sort of representation of a phenomenon, for example a set of beliefs about a particular phenomenon”(Mallon 2007). This rather superficial definition includes not only scientific theories, but also theories that are held by individuals or groups (such as folk theories). Fuller´s (2003) definition of constructivism and Mallon‟s (2007) definition of theory include all knowledge and beliefs a society has. These beliefs, whether scientific or nonscientific, are influenced by the social context and their preexisting knowledge and categories. “Scientific knowl edge itself had to be understood as a social product” (Pickering 1992). Social constructivist theory studies scientific and common beliefs. Beyond that, more provocative constructivist studies concern the social construction of the objects to which those theories refer (Mallon 2007). According to Boghossian (2001), the core idea of social construction of objects is: This thing could not have existed had we not built it; and we need not have built it at all, at least not in its present form. Had we been a different kind of society, had we had different needs, values, or interests, we might well have built a different kind of thing, or built this one differently. (Boghossian 2001)

Objects shaped through social interaction are contrary to naturally existing objects that are independent of their context, as in realism. Money is an example of a social construction. Neither citizenship nor the presidency would exist without society; they exist because people believe in them. Phenomena that existed before societies are also socially constructed. Two such examples are dinosaurs and quarks (Boghossian 2001). Even mental illness (Mallon 2007) is seen as socially constructed. To understand the social construction of objects, it is necessary to divide the notion of social construction of objects in half. As Mallon (2007) explained: “one centered on our ways of thinking about, representing, or modeling the world, and the second centered on parts of the world itself.” The world is divided into noumena (objects as they are) and phenomena (objects as we can think of them). A radical constructionist does not believe in a mind-independent world, claiming instead that everything is constructed. Moderate social constructivists theorize that phenomena is constructed and shaped by society and the meaning it gives them. While there evidence for the existence of dinosaurs, society attributes the status and role of dinosaurs on the basis of its experiences and beliefs. Constructivism opposes scientific realism. In the 1990s, it led to a war on the nature of scientific theories between scholars on each side (that is, the science wars). As part of this, the concept of social construction of objects was criticized. One of the critiques addressed the denial of universal truth. Boghossian (2006) tried to expose constructivism by reduction ad absurdum:

a. Since we have constructed the fact that P, P exists. b. Since it is possible that another community constructed the fact that not-P exists, then possibly not-P exists. c. So it is possible that both P and not-P exist.

Of course, there is no possible world in which both P and not-P exist. The law of non-contradiction is inviolable. (Boghossian 2006)

Social constructivists are also criticized for having a political agenda by their critiques: “The content of theories is determined by the self-interest of the powerful (for example, of the wealthy, white, or male) in retaining their power” (Mallon 2007).

Ivrit – Language Revitalisation

Language revitalization

“Language revitalization, language revival or reversing language shift is the attempt by interested parties, including individuals, cultural or community groups, governments, political authorities, to reverse the decline of a language.5”

● To preserve a language / prevent its extinction ● To preserve the “richness” of having many different languages ● In countries with a colonial history: to restore the language of th colonised instead of speaking the language of the colonisers ● To strengthen a cultural / ethnic identity by reviving the language of that culture/ ethnic group ● Language as a heritage which shouldn't be lost ● Roots of an identity in a language ● To unify an ethnic group under one language and give them their identity ● To unify many cultural groups under one language

Language Revival: Joshua Fishman's model for reviving threatened or dead languages (8 steps) :

● Acquisition of the language by adults, who in effect act as language apprentices (recommended where most of the remaining speakers of the language are elderly and socially isolated from other speakers of the language). ● Create a socially integrated population of active speakers (or users) of the language (at this stage it is usually best to concentrate mainly on the spoken language rather than the written language). ● In localities where there are a reasonable number of people habitually using the language, encourage the informal use of the language among people of all age groups and within families and bolster its daily use through the establishment of local neighbourhood institutions in which the language is encouraged, protected and (in certain contexts at least) used exclusively. ● In areas where oral competence in the language has been achieved in all age groups encourage literacy in the language but in a way that does not depend upon assistance from (or goodwill of) the state education system.

5 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Language_revitalization ● Where the state permits it, and where numbers warrant, encourage the use of the language in compulsory state education. ● Where the above stages have been achieved and consolidated, encourage the use of the language in the workplace (lower worksphere). ● Where the above stages have been achieved and consolidated encourage the use of the language in local government services and mass media. ● Where the above stages have been achieved and consolidated encourage use of the language in higher education, government etc.

Hebräisches Alphabet

Schrifttyp Abdschad

Hebräisch Aramäisch Jiddisch Sprachen Judäo-Arabisch Jidi Judäo-Berberisch Ladino

Verwendungszeit seit etwa 300 v. Chr.

Phönizische Schrift Abstammung Aramäische Schrift Hebräisches Alphabet

horizontal von rechts nach links geschrieben; Besonderheiten von rechter Buchseite nach linker Buchseite; von links nach rechts geblättert

U+0590 und U+05FF Unicodeblock U+FB1D und U+FB40

ISO 15924 Hebr Schulungsanbieter bewerben und bewerten ● Learning Hebrew ● Rosen School Of Hebrew6 ● Aliya ●

The Europeanized dialect is spoken by Ashkenazi8 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashkenazi) Jews of European descent. It is strongly inuenced by Yiddish. Today, the Europeanized dialect enjoys greater social prestige and tends to be preferred by most young Israelis.

The Oriental dialect is spoken by Sephardi (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sephardi_Jews) Jews whose ancestors came to Israel from Middle Eastern countries. The name “Sephardic” comes from the Hebrew word Sefarad, ‘Spain’. These Jews lived in Spain and Portugal from the Middle Ages until their persecution and mass expulsion from those countries in the last decades of the 15th century when they ed to the Middle East. Oriental Hebrew is strongly influenced by Arabic.

Although the Academy of the Hebrew Language attempts to establish standards, native speakers of Hebrew who now constitute a majority, have created a variety, Spoken Israeli Hebrew, that has yet to be systematically described and standardized.

6 Empfehung der Josephy IT Rechtsinformatiker GbR 7 Learning Hebrew 8 https://www.mustgo.com/worldlanguages/hebrew/ Using ILT.IL, Original with Subtitle (e.g. TV in the Netherlands)

KISS Principe: Teach the language in schools

Offer them: music ● radio programs, ● tv-programs, ● websites, ● books ● etc. in the language 9

Yiddish in Abramovitsh's Literary Revival of Hebrew10

It is impossible to justify the wide-ranging disregard for the role of Yiddish in the creation of secular Hebrew literature during the nineteenth century. Only ideological bias can account for the failure to acknowledge the centrality of Yiddish in “ the invention of modern Hebrew prose. ” By examining S. Y. Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew translations of his Yiddish fĳiction, this article illustrates how the spoken language directly influenced modern Hebrew style. Based on the implicit presence of Yiddish in Hebrew writing, one may say that “ Yiddish, like a dybbuk, haunted the evolution of modern Hebrew. ”

In his seminal study The Invention of Hebrew Prose, Robert Alter retraces the rise of a new Hebrew style and points out that “ this literary revolution was brought about by writers whose native language was Yiddish. ” He goes on to write that Abramovitsh “ sought, against all historical logic, to make Hebrew sound as though it were the living language of the Jews about whom he wrote. ” Moreover, Abramovitsh “ worked to give it the suppleness, the colloquial vigor, and the nuanced referential precision of the Yiddish he had fashioned during his years of growth to artistic maturity. ” Yet like most other critics of Hebrew literature, Alter minimizes the direct influence of Yiddish on Hebrew writing in the twentieth century, instead emphasizing Abramovitsh ’ s use of post-biblical Hebrew.

According to a century-old premise, Abramovitsh began a new era in Hebrew writing Most scholars agree that his earliest Hebrew .חסונ when he developed his so-called writing ( 1857 – 1862 ) was stifff, influenced by the prevailing Haskala style, and that his innovative nussaḥ crystallized around 1886, when he began to publish Hebrew

9 Shilan Anderson: Language Revival / Language Revitalisation - Aliya 10 Ken Frieden (Hrsg. Marion Aptroot, Efrat Gal-Ed, Roland Gruschka und Simon Neuberg): Yiddish in Abramovitsh's Literary Revival of Hebrew Yiddish in Abramovitsh's Literary Revival of Hebrew, Syracuse University, 2012https://surface.syr.edu/rel/73, düsseldorf university press, 2012, ISBN 978-3-943460-09-4 short stories In the intervening years between his early and late Hebrew works, Abramovitsh wrote his fĳive Yiddish novels.

he attempted to achieve ,ןושל עמ ַ אמ Having produced such compelling fĳiction in the same kind of success in Hebrew. That was impossible, however, because even Abramovitsh could not make nineteenth-century Hebrew sound like an everyday vernacular. Yiddish and Yiddish-inflected Hebrew played an indispensible role in what Haim Nahman Bialik dubbed “ Mendele ’ s nussaḥ. ” Only by emulating Yiddish could Abramovitsh create the illusion that Hebrew was a spoken language.

Bialik ’ s essays show his scorn for Yiddish, his mother tongue, while also acknowledging the importance of translations from Yiddish in theHebrew revival. The Brief Travels of ) ןימינב תועסמ רוציק ישילשה After translating his Yiddish novel לרעגנישטניוו ס ָ אדBenjamin the Third, 1878 ) in 1896, Abramovitsh began reworking In the Valley of Tears ) ; this ) אכבה קמעב The Wishing-Ring ) into the Hebrew version ) led Bialik to write sardonically, in a letter to Y. H. Ravnitzky dated 2 Elul 5659 ( 27 July 1899 ) :

was printed serially לרעגנישטניוו ס ָ אד Abramovitsh’s massive Hebrew rewriting of in Aḥad Ha ‘ am ’ s seminal Odessa journal of the so-called אכבה קמעב under the title revival, ’ ‘ rebirth, ’ ‘ renewal ’ ). In Bialik’s sarcastic formulation, this ‘ ) היחת Hebrew helped to atone for the guilt hehad incurred by writing his earlier Yiddish novels. At about this time, Bialik also began his own Hebrew translation of the fĳirst eight ,( Fishke the Lame, 1888 ) רעמורק רעד עקשי chapters of Abramovitsh’s expanded making effforts to diminish the traces of Yiddish in the Hebrew. While those opening The Book of Beggars ) in ) בקה רפס םינצ chapters were published under the title 1901, Bialik had originally preferred what became the subtitle of that fĳirst printing, Crooked [ letter ] Nun ). Abramovitsh was unenthusiastic about this ) הפופכ ןונ representation of the lame Fishke as a crooked Hebrew letter, and the subtitle was dropped in subsequent editions. In his translation, Bialik used exalted Hebrew – ןייש וצ זיא הלכּ which, according to Yosef Klauzner, led Abramovitsh to comment that ירבעה Bialik especially rejected hasidic influences on the new style. In his essay .יד The Hebrew Book, ” 1913 ), Bialik lists hasidic stories as item 11 b in his “ ) רפסה ambitious plan for a full library of the Hebrew literary tradition. But he suppresses the Yiddish connection and emphasizes the importance of Aramaic. Although he wrote his essays in the aftermath of Martin Buber ’ s popular retellings of hasidic tales, he was clearly not an admirer of their Hebrew and Yiddish sources. Bialik and Y. H. Ravnitzky both argued that Abramovitsh superseded the quasi-biblical Haskala style – b creating a new, synthetic style.According to their interpretation of Hebrew literary history, Abramovitsh ’ s nussaḥ brought together the many historical layers of biblical, mishnaic, and medieval Hebrew along with an Aramaic component. At the same time, they neglected to acknowledge that hasidic Hebrew had been doing this efffectively since the start of the nineteenth century. Past articles have brought to light some problems associated with Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew synthesis. The present analysis shows how Yiddish was essentially excluded from discussions of this synthetic style, and how it nevertheless played a major role in Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew nussaḥ. This is precisely what Haskala authors feared and tried to avoid : the scorned ‘ contamination ’ of their supposedly pure biblical Hebrew by post- biblical elements. Incidentally, linguists have demonstrated that maskilic Hebrew writing was never as ‘ pure ’ as the maskilim claimed. The most undesirable of the ‘ impure ’ elements was Yiddish, and calques from Yiddish reminded educated Hebrew readers of ‘ low ’ hasidic Hebrew and of Joseph Perl ’ s notorious parody Revealer of Secrets ). The most prominent hasidic exemplars are the ) ןירימט הלגמ In Praise of the Ba‘ al Shem Tov ) and Nahman ’ s )יח#שט$$ שעבהHebrew versions of Tales ), both of which incorporate many Yiddish words and ) תוישׂעמ ירופּיס expressions. Abramovitsh, tacitly at odds with Bialik, embraced the “ contamination ” of his nussaḥ by Yiddish – but without openly admitting it. Even Abramovitsh ’ s adoption of Aramaic phrases embodied a veiled Yiddish connection, since most of the Aramaic he used was present in erudite Yiddish speech, when ( the way of the Talmud ) was embodied in Yeshiva studies. In other instances, using Aramaic in his Hebrew fĳiction enabled Abramovitsh to create a higher register, sometimes paralleling the use of a higher-register Hebrew within Yiddish. As Menahem Perry has shown, Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew writings often include Hebrew words or phrases that had taken on new meanings in Yiddish. Abramovitsh wrote Hebrew for Yiddish speakers, and sometimes we can understand his Hebrew only if we think in Yiddish. For ideological reasons, literary historians have usually underestimated the role of Yiddish in Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew innovations.

The Brief Travels of Benjamin the ) ישילשה ןימינב תועסמ רוציק The opening chapters of Third ) are among Abramovitsh ’ s earliest selftranslations from Yiddish into Hebrew. After spending a decade writing new Hebrew stories, in 1896 he started transferring his Yiddish classics into Hebrew. While Benjamin the Third is a parody of Don Quixote, Abramovitsh ’ s 1878 Yiddish novel is also a parody of hasidic descrip tions of journeys to the Holy Land. Among other intertexts, the author was responding to The Life ) ן ” רהומ ייח : specifĳic, posthumously published works by Nathan Sternharz .( The Days of Rabbi Nathan, 1876 ) ת ” נרהומ ימי of Rabbi Nahman, 1874 ) and These two works, which include vivid travel narratives, made a serious – but seldom acknowledged – contribution to nineteenth-century Hebrew writing. In Warsaw, I. L. Peretz openly drew inspiration from hasidic narrative for his neo- hasidic stories, while Bialik and Dubnov were among the many Odessa authors who were skeptical of the Hebrew written by hasidim. Dubnov describes the Hebrew style of Nahman ’ s tales as “ vulgar and ugly, and the language – a bad translation from Dubnov later .( רעוכמו סג תרבודמה תידוהימ עורג ירבע םוגרת — ןושלהו, ) ” spoken Yiddish recalled thatin 1891 he and Sholem Aleichem had jokingly exchanged letters in the Megale tmirin idiom ), following Joseph Perl ’ s ) ןושל ןירימט הלגמ mock-hasidic example. That style came easily to them, since it was basically translated from Yiddish. Although Dubnov scorned hasidic Hebrew, he recognized – referring to the that Abramovitsh wrote Hebrew – קמעב אכבה to לרעגנישטניוו ס ָ אדtranslation from best when he was translating from a prior Yiddish original. When Abramovitsh frommame-loshn into modern Hebrew, he ישילשה ןימינב תועסמ רוציק transferred further developed his emerging Hebrew nussaḥ. The versions of Benjamin the Third , אכבה קמעב and its Hebrew counterpart לרעגנישטניוו ס ָ אד are easier to study than which Abramovitsh kept revising and expanding in successive editionsn( Yiddish, 1865 and 1888 – ; Hebrew, 1896 – ). Benjamin the Third is also a unique case because, as part of its fĳictional pretense, the 1878 Yiddish novel already purports to the המדקה to be a translation from another European language. Starting with his 1896 Hebrew version of Benjamin the Third, Mendele Moykher Sforim ( that is, the fĳictional persona who appears as editor and translator ) frequently uses the same Hebrew words and phrases that were present in the Yiddish original. Apart from the identical title, one minor initial observation is that the Hebrew rendering ינובלכה and ילעקייח approximates the Yiddish spelling of many names, such as h 3 / y 3 ). In the Hebrew version Abramovitsh also often ) קינוב לכּ לקיציא for ליקיציא , -על- / יל diminutive, or -ל preserves the Yiddish spellings of names that include the as in the name of his character and persona Mendele.

Words in the Hebrew version are often borrowed back from Hebrew loan words used in the Yiddish. In Benjamin the Third, Abramovitsh ’ s Yiddish is more Hebraized than in other novels he wrote, and Benjamin ’ s Hebrew, when quoted by the narrator, sounds pompous. The imbedded Hebrew dimension enables Abramovitsh to foster his pretense that the book has been translated from some other, unspecifĳied language. For example, the second chapter opens with what is supposed to be a direct quotation from Benjamin ’ s travel narrative. As Anita No ich and Dan Miron note in their essay on the Yiddish version of Benjamin the Third, it takes on ,ןר ָ אוועג לדגתנ ךיא ןיב is glossed by the Yiddish יתלדגתנ when the Hebrew a diffferent character ; they comment that “ bilingual discrepancies are made to turn Benjamin ’ s pomposity on itself. [ … ] The short paragraph is therefore full of contradictions which are accentuated through its bilingualism. ”

to the Hebrew edition, many Hebrew phrases are המדקה In Mendele ’ s opening taken from the Yiddish, some with slight grammatical variation. These interlinguistic borrowingsinclude :

הפ ,יתמאה עסונה ,ןושארה םדא ,םיכאלמ תותכ האמ תוחפל ,ןיז ילכ ,ןכש לכמ ילעדנעמ ןטקה ,םכילע אל ,דימת יתנוכ ,ילעדנעמ ינאו ,שדוק ןושל ,דחא. ( y 3 – 5 / h 3 – 4 )

In the subsequent chapter, other Hebrew phrases of this kind include : ברעמו חרזמ יכלמ לכ ,םימש םשל ,היחת הדלעז תרמ העונצה ,יתלדגתנ ימי לכ, תויממוק . . .ונכילות ,םיכלמ לכאמ ,םימחר ינב םימחר ,ךרבתי םשה ,ןוחטב לעב, דע ,המר דיה ,םיתיזה רה ,אירבט ימח ,יברעמ לתוכ ,לחר רבק ,הלפכמה תרעמ הזל ףרוצמ ,םירצמ ימוטרח ,םיטבשה תרשע לע ,טלוש לארשי לש רש ,יתמ, תואלפנו םישודח ,תומכחה עבש ,עסונ לש ץוצינ. ( y 6 – 11 / h 5 – 9 )

In just the opening two pages of Benjamin the Third, moreover, Abramovitsh transfers the following Hebrew words directly from the Yiddish version : לכש ,חכ ,תוצרא ,העיסנ ,תומוקמ ,יתובר ,םינצבק ,הרוחס ,םילגלגה ,ארובה.

And in the next chapter there are many more Hebrew words taken directly from the Yiddish, such as :

יש ,הכאלמ ,םינויבא ,רגות ,תומילש ,ריקפמ ,תורזג ,ןינע ,תורבס ,םינכש \ ונכש הנבלה ,קחוד ,ללכ ,החמומ ,הרובג ,האפ ,רמת ,תוריפ ,השבלה ,חבש ,ץוח ,ךוד, לעפתנ ,טושפ ,תופסוה ,לגוסמ ,דכלנ. ( y 6 – 11 / h 5 – 9 ) Then there are interesting cases of Hebrew verbal roots, already used in the Yiddish version, that shift from their Yiddish grammatical forms in returning to Hebrew :

גישהל becomes ן ַ ז גישׂמ גילפהל becomes ן ַ ז וצ גילמ םש ול הנק becomes ןעוועג םש הנוק [ . . . ] ט ָ אה המכחתנ becomes המכח ן ַ ז ןז ַ ווסיור ַ א סנרמ ךיז זיא רע יוז ַ א יוו ( h 5 – 6 ) הסנרפ . . .וזיא y 6 – 7 ) becomes )

As suggested earlier, however, some of the most interesting cases involve a shift in is a defĳinite shift away הר#ח עצנ ַ אג יד meaning. The Yiddish usage of khevre in from Hebrew usage, so Abramovitsh preserves the root noun and gives us a very diffferent phrase, “ the rest of ḥaveraw, ” which changes the meaning ( y 4 / h 4 ). One might argue that Abramovitsh ’ s embedding of Yiddish meanings in Hebrew phrases anticipates the ongoing developments over the subsequent century. Several authors have noted the implicit presence of Yiddish in modern Hebrew. An especially pertinent case is that of idiomatic Yiddish phrases that Abramovitsh chooses to transfer directly into Hebrew. For instance, in Benjamin the Third, the conversation about a certain matter

h 5 ). Snow ) גלש לש רודככ y 6 ) or ) יינש ןו ליוק ַ א יוו rolls from house to house ( ןינע ) may be found in the Hebrew Bible, but neither snowballs nor the derivative metaphor meaning “ to snowball ” were familiar in biblical or post-biblical Hebrew. Some other instances of idiomatic Yiddish similes transferred to Hebrew are : ( h 6 ) יתוא האור התאש ומכ y 7 ) becomes ) ן ָ א ךימ טקוק ריא יוו יוז ַ א ( h 7 ) הציב ךותב הז חורפאכ y 9 ) becomes ) ייא ןיא טגיל ס ָ אוו ,עלעדניה ַ א יוו התריד תעבוקש וז תעלותכ y 9 ) becomes ) ןיירכ ןיא טגיל ס ָ אוו םער ָ אוו ַ א יוו תרזחה ךותב ( h 7 – 8 )

These direct transfers show that Abramovitsh wanted to convey the Yiddish idioms rather than replace them with Hebrew idioms. Three remarkable examples of Yiddish-inflected modern Hebrew usages that were popularized by Abramovitsh are batlen, kabtsn, and nogid ( all used in relatively new senses ). The name of Benjamin ’ s fĳictional shtetl is Tuneyadevke, in the Yiddish, based on the Russian word for ‘ parasite ’, тунеядец. In the Hebrew text, Mendele quotes Benjamin writing While baṭlan is a word that .ןלטב linked to the word ,ןולטב about his town named derives from ancient Hebrew and Aramaic, under the influence of Yiddish it took on a new meaning in modern Hebrew. Hasidic writers and their parodists ( authors like Perl and Abramovitsh ) were conduits, transferring new meanings ( “ new wine in old was based on the ancient Hebrew verbal ןלטב .vessels ” ) from Yiddish to Hebrew as ( רפכ ) meaning ‘ to annul ’ ; hence the Talmud defĳines a village ,( ל.ט.ב ) root b-ṭ-l a place that has fewer than ten baṭlanin ( b. Megillah 3 b ), referring to unemployed men, or people of leisure. In the Middle Ages, the meaning of baṭlan extended to include the meaning ‘ idler ’ and could designate a person who sits all day in the in Benjamin the Third ( h 4 ), referring to an ןלטב synagogue. Abramovitsh ’ s use of impractical person or beggar, is sufffĳiciently original that it is cited as an early example in Even-Shoshan ’ s Hebrew dictionary as well as in the most complete dictionary of loshn-koydesh words in Yiddish.

Abramovitsh popularized a new Hebrew usage by borrowing it back from Yiddish. therefore illustrates the ןלטב The word .ןלטב So Yiddish gave Hebrew a new kind of general phenomenon analyzed here : a Hebrew root takes on new meaning in Yiddish, and then an innovator like Abramovitsh carries over this new meaning into Hebrew writing. This was not self-evident ; Peretz called one of his earliest Yiddish but when he translated it into Hebrew he dropped ,( ןלטב רענעגושמ רעד ( stories 1890 In what seems to have been an . יכנאימ ? that Yiddish-Hebrew usage and called it unauthorized partial translation that was published in 1896, Berdichevsky also .לואשל עדויש efffaced the word baṭlan and called it

is even more striking, because it may never have been used as a ןצבק The word ,ןתוא ץבקל noun in pre-modern Hebrew ; it appears only in the verbal sense meaning from the blessing for the ingathering of the exiles in ) דחי ונצבק following the phrase the Amidah prayer ). Again, this nominal usage originated in Yiddish before Abramovitsh and other writers exported it into Hebrew. In the 1878 Yiddish version occurs in a sentence that describes the men of ןצבק ,of Benjamin the Third y 7 ), where these beggars are ) םינצבק עקיטסול ,םינוי#א עכעלייר Tuneyadevke as characterized by their practice of gathering alms. The word occurs twice in the parallel passage in the 1896 Hebrew version :

םבור םמצעב םה בל יבוט םינצבק ,םיחמש םינויבא . . .םיארונ םינצבקו םילודג םינויבא םלככ. ( h 6 )

Hence a few years later, while working with Bialik on the Hebrew translation of when Abramovitsh did not like Bialik ’ s idea of calling the Hebrew ,רעמורק רעד עקשי .םינצבקה רפס he chose the title ,הפופכ ןונ version

The convention of using satiric place names ( like Bitalon or Kabtsansk ) was well- established in Russian literature and influenced Jewish writers, but modern Hebrew owe their existence to Yiddish. ( Another ‘ poor ’ example is the םינצבק and םינלטב based on a popular Midrash about the second son of Haman. Yiddish ,ןופלד word developed the meaning of dalfn as ‘ poor person ’ before it was exported into modern originally means ‘ leader ’ in דיגנ ,Hebrew. ) At the opposite end of the social hierarchy Hebrew, but it comes to mean ‘ rich man ’ in nineteenth-century Hebrew, under Yiddish influence. Abramovitsh uses the word in both his Yiddish and Hebrew ,םינצבקה רפס versions of Benjamin the Third ( see, for example, y 6 and h 5 ) ; and in he uses it in quotation marks ( chapter 14 ) ; characters jokingly refer to Fishke as a nogid ( chapter 15 ) ; and the fĳictional character Mendele also uses the word ironically in letters, as when he writes to his low-class relative, addressing her as דיגנ ch. 12 ). Even-Shoshan cites Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew usage of ) הדיגנ תמסרופמה in Benjamin the Third as an early example.

Some of the most interesting linguistic innovations from the teḥiyyah or “ revival ” of Hebrew are, then, neologisms in Hebrew that were inspired by Yiddish usage. For in Hebrew ( h 8 / 8 ) to denote the Yiddish dead ףסכ סדה instance, Abramovitsh uses y 9 / 3 ), referring to a spice holder. Moreover, Abramovitsh ) לסדה metaphor ל h 8 ), based on Yiddish usage ) תרובשת ,apparently introduced a word for fraction In addition, Abramovitsh uses some Yiddish-based words .לייטכ ָ ארב orָ אצכ ָ ארב as distinctfrom the ) ןסכומ that also appeared previously in hasidic texts, such as ,In the wake of Abramovitsh ’ s usage .( סכומ ,older Hebrew word for tax collector other authors followed suit, as we can easily confĳirm using the website of the Ben Yehuda Project and other databases. Taken together, the Bar Ilan Judaic Library data base, the Ben Yehuda Project, and other emerging databases make it possible to study the linguistic shift of key words in Hebrew writing, and to help determine the influence of Yiddish on the Hebrew revival. These resources show that many features of Yiddish gradually became absorbed into the bloodstream of modern Hebrew. The grammatical influences are just as important as the lexical examples. It is also worthwhile to reexamine Abramovitsh ’ s use of Aramaic in his Hebrew works. He resorted to Aramaic for several reasons :

1 ) to suggest a folksy tone ; 2 ) contrariwise, to suggest a higher linguistic register ; 3 ) to parallel the bilingual feel of the Yiddish version ; and 4 ) to mimic Aramaic phrases that were present in Yiddish. Possibly the most original and intriguing uses of Aramaic in Abramovitsh ’ s Hebrew are linked to his efffort to recreate the kind of bilingual play that characterizes his Yiddish version of Benjamin the Third. The opening pages of chapter2 show this, because there Abramovitsh adds several Aramaisms that are not present in the Yiddish :

רופ ,אליעלד אתורעתי ,אבטציא ,אתוחידבד ילימ ,אמגודל ,אמלעב ,אירקתמד איסומלורדנא ,אתרטוז אתלימ ,הנימ אקפנ יאמל ,אשיב אניע ,את. ( y 5 – 8 )

While some of these words were common in Yiddish, Abramovitsh did not carry them over from the Yiddish source. Where the Yiddish can suggest a high and pretentious register by incorporating Hebrew, in Hebrew Abramovitsh sometimes achieves a similar diffferentiation by incorporating Aramaic. This is particularly well- suited to a travelogue by Abramovitsh ’ s pretentious Benjamin, whose narrative is supposed to come across as a feeble imitation of distinguished European travelers and stylists. Much of the humor of the book derives from the clash between Benjamin ’ s pretentious rhetoric and his comic incompetence.The most important use and efffect of Aramaic lies, however, in its tacit link to Yiddish. Because hundreds of Aramaic words were commonly used in Yiddish, at least when it was used as the language of instruction in yeshivas, these lexical elements remained active in the Yiddish vernacular. Although the imbedded Aramaic in Benjamin the

Third reflects the narrator ’ s pomposity, in other works it signals a low register by suggesting the Yiddish source. Finally, we should note that when writing in Hebrew, Abramovitsh was comfortable incorporating actual Yiddish words such as

הטופקה ( h 6 / 4, ,( שייללס ָ אר ,h 7 / 3 ) סעט ַ איפּ ), שיילפליסור ,h 6 / 1 ) עט ָ אפּ ַ אק ), סעטאיפ

.( סעקלמר ַ אי ,h 7 / 12 ) תוקלומרי or ,( קיפּמעט ,h 8 / 7 ) קיבמעט

Like other writers in the nineteenth century, Abramovitsh followed an orthographic custom of marking the Yiddish word with a quotation mark before the fĳinal character – as if it were an abbreviation.

A new horizon is opening up for scholars of literature, as computer resources help to revolutionize our understanding of Hebrew and Yiddish literary and linguistic history. Obviously there is no substitute for being well-read, but the databases enable us to make discoveries and confĳirm theories in ways that were not feasible in the past. This methodology will clarify the linked histories of modern Yiddish and Hebrew writing, showing how these languages have undergone such remarkable transformations in relation to one another.

In twentieth-century Europe, in pre-state Palestine, and in postHolocaust Israel, as part of the efffort to recreate a viable Hebrew vernacular, Yiddish was openly suppressed by Zionist policies. Despite this anti-Yiddish bias, in the twentieth century Yiddish words became integral to Israeli speech and writing. As we have seen in the literary realm, early modern Hebrew prose was often translated, explicitly or implicitly, from Yiddish. One may say that at times Yiddish has been concealed – like a palimpsest beneath an old document, or like a dybbuk inside someone possessed – within modern Hebrew writing. Some authors have called themselves “ post-Zionist ” thinkers, but perhaps what is needed in the twenty-fĳirst century, in order to facilitate a reevaluation of the intertwined literary and linguistic history, is a pre-Zionist study of Hebrew and Yiddish.

Sholem-Yankev Abramovitsh Courtesy of University of Florida Digital CollectionsIsser and Rae Price Library of Judaica http://ufdc.ufl.edu/judai ca Specifications Living Language and Culture – Basic Principles ● Information Ethics ● Information Ecology ● Anthropology ● Sociology ● Law ● Pluralism Milestones

Social Media Advertisment Campaigne

( - tbd. - ) Werbung und Werbebotschaften – Werbung und Anti Werbung unterscheiden

Point of Information (POI)

● Companies and Networks ● Artists and Musicians ● Cities and City Communication (Youtube) ● Politicians and Partys ● Sports Campaigne Management

Aspects of Attention11

● Dynamics of Attention ● Focus and Attention ● Implications for Design ● Design Development ● Application of Concepts ● Final Thoughts

Design: Mediation - „United Israel and Palestine“ - a new Flag (Reunification)

Rechtssoziologische Betrachtungen: Entscheidungen außerhalb des Strafprozesses MediationsG

Die Verschwiegenheitspflicht des Mediators nach § 4 MediationsG – Es bleibt auch in Zukunft unter uns12.

11 KIRK ST.AMANT. Aspects of Attention, THE COGNITIVE COMMUNICATOR, July/August 2019 12 Die Verschwiegenheitspflicht des Mediators nach § 4 MediationsG – Es bleibt auch in Zukunft unter uns | Mediation-Saar-Blog In § 4 des kürzlich verabschiedeten Mediationsgesetzes ist die Verschwiegenheitspflicht des Mediators festgeschrieben. Nach dieser Vorschrift sind der Mediator selbst und die “in die Durchführung des Mediationsverfahrens eingebundenen Personen” zur Verschwiegenheit verpflichtet. Die Kreis der eingebundenen Personen soll nach der Begründung der Bundesregierung sehr eng zu verstehen sein. Demnach fallen nur die Bürokräfte des Mediators und sonstige Hilfskräfte unter die Verschwiegenheitsverpflichtung. Sie soll nicht die in das Mediationsverfahren einbezogenen Dritten wie etwa Sachverständige oder Familienangehörige betreffen. Mit dieser Verschwiegenheitspflicht einher geht nun auch das Recht dieses Personenkreises, gemäß § 383 Abs. 1 Nr. 6 ZPO die Aussage zu verweigern. Damit sind auch diejenigen Mediatoren zur Verweigerung der Aussage berechtigt, denen dieses Recht nicht schon aufgrund ihrer Herkunftsberufe Zustand, wie z.B. Rechtsanwälten. Dieses Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht gilt allerdings nicht im Strafprozess. Dort sind Mediatoren in § 53 StPO nicht erwähnt. Inhaltlich umfasst die Verschwiegenheitspflicht und damit auch das Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht auf alle Informationen, die dem Mediator bzw. den in das Mediationsverfahren eingebundenen Personen in Ausübung ihrer Tätigkeit bekannt geworden sind. Diese Verschwiegenheitspflicht gilt nicht, soweit die Offenlegung für die Umsetzung der Mediationsvereinbarung oder deren Vollstreckung erforderlich ist. Auch Gründe des “ordre public”, namentlich erwähnt die Kindeswohlgefährdung oder die Abwendung einer “schwerwiegende Beeinträchtigung der physischen oder psychischen Integrität einer Person” erlauben eine Ausnahme von der Verschwiegenheit. Gleiches gilt für offenkundige Tatsachen oder Tatsachen, die nach ihrer Bedeutung keiner Geheimhaltung bedürfen.

§ 4 normiert abschließend, dass der Mediator die Konfliktbeteiligten über den Umfang seiner Verschwiegenheitsverpflichtung zu informieren hat. Das ist eigentlich eine Selbstverständlichkeit, zumindest habe ich das bereits immer im Erstgespräch so gehandhabt, da die Vertraulichkeit ja ein existenzielles Prinzip der Mediation ist.

Selbstverständlich können die Betroffenen den Mediator und die anderen zur Verschwiegenheit verpflichteten Personen von dieser Pflicht entbinden. Dies muss natürlich im allseitigen Einverständnis geschehen, d.h. nicht nur eine Partei kann allein von der Schweigepflicht befreien.

Information Ethics

Introduction Information ethics

Information ethics has been defined as "the branch of ethics that focuses on the relationship between the creation, organization, dissemination, and use of information, and the ethical standards and moral codes governing human conduct in society".[1] It examines the morality that comes from information as a resource, a product, or as a target.[2] It provides a critical framework for considering moral issues concerning informational privacy, moral agency (e.g. whether artificial agents may be moral), new environmental issues (especially how agents should behave in the infosphere), problems arising from the life- cycle (creation, collection, recording, distribution, processing, etc.) of information (especially ownership and copyright, digital divide, and digital rights). It is very vital to understand that librarians, archivists, information professionals among others, really understand the importance of knowing how to disseminate proper information as well as being responsible with their actions when addressing information.[3] Information ethics has evolved to relate to a range of fields such as computer ethics,[4] medical ethics, journalism[5] and the philosophy of information.

● Censorship ● Ethics of downloading ● Security and privacy ● Medical records ● International security ● Journals ● Branches ● Notes

The term information ethics was first coined by Robert Hauptman and used in the book Ethical challenges in librarianship. The field of information ethics has a relatively short but progressive history having been recognized in the United States for nearly 20 years.[6] The origins of the field are in librarianship though it has now expanded to the consideration of ethical issues in other domains including computer science, the internet, media, journalism, management information systems, and business.[6] Evidence of scholarly work on this subject can be traced to the 1980s, when an article authored by Barbara J. Kostrewski and Charles Oppenheim and published in the Journal of Information Science, discussed issues relating to the field including confidentiality, information biases, and quality control. [6] Another scholar, Robert Hauptman, has also written extensively about information ethics in the library field and founded the Journal of Information Ethics in 1992.[7] One of the first schools to introduce an Information Ethics course was the University of Pittsburgh in 1990. The course was a master's level course on the concept of Information Ethics. Soon after, Kent state University also introduced a master's level course called "Ethical Concerns For Library and Information Professionals." Eventually, the term "Information Ethics" became more associated with the computer science and information technology disciplines in university. Still however, it is uncommon for universities to devote entire courses to the subject. Due to the nature of technology, the concept of information ethics has spread to other realms in the industry. Thus concepts such as "cyberethics," a concept which discusses topics such as the ethics of artificial intelligence and its ability to reason, and media ethics which applies to concepts such as lies, censorship, and violence in the press. Therefore, due to the advent of the internet, the concept of information ethics has been spread to other fields other than librarianship now that information has become so readily available. Information has become more relevant now than ever now that the credibility of information online is more blurry than print articles due to the ease of publishing online articles. All of these different concepts have been embraced by the International Center for Information Ethics (ICIE), established by Rafael Capurro in 1999.[8] Dilemmas regarding the life of information are becoming increasingly important in a society that is defined as "the information society". The explosion of so much technology has brought information ethics to a forefront in ethical considerations. Information transmission and literacy are essential concerns in establishing an ethical foundation that promotes fair, equitable, and responsible practices. Information ethics broadly examines issues related to ownership, access, privacy, security, and community. It is also concerned with relational issues such as "the relationship between information and the good of society, the relationship between information providers and the consumers of information". Information technology affects common issues such as copyright protection, intellectual freedom, accountability, privacy, and security. Many of these issues are difficult or impossible to resolve due to fundamental tensions between Western moral philosophies (based on rules, democracy, individual rights, and personal freedoms) and the traditional Eastern cultures (based on relationships, hierarchy, collective responsibilities, and social harmony). [10] The multi-faceted dispute between Google and the government of the People's Republic of China reflects some of these fundamental tensions. Professional codes offer a basis for making ethical decisions and applying ethical solutions to situations involving information provision and use which reflect an organization's commitment to responsible information service. Evolving information formats and needs require continual reconsideration of ethical principles and how these codes are applied. Considerations regarding information ethics influence "personal decisions, professional practice, and public policy". Therefore, ethical analysis must provide a framework to take into consideration "many, diverse domains" (ibid.) regarding how information is distributed.

Censorship

Censorships an issue commonly involved in the discussion of information ethics because it describes the inability to access or express opinions or information based on the belief it is bad for others to view this opinion or information.[12] Sources that are commonly censored include books, articles, speeches, art work, data, music and photos.[12] Censorship can be perceived both as ethical and non-ethical in the field of information ethics. Those who believe censorship is ethical say the practice prevents readers from being exposed to offensive and objectionable material.[12] Topics such as sexism, racism, homophobia, and anti-semitism are present in public works and are widely seen as unethical in the public eye.[13] There is concern regarding the exposure of these topics to the world, especially the young generation.[13] The Australian Library Journal states proponents for censorship in libraries, the practice of librarians deciphering which books/ resources to keep in their libraries, argue the act of censorship is an ethical way to provide information to the public that is considered morally sound, allowing positive ethics instead of negative ethics to be dispersed. [13] According to the same journal, librarians have an "ethical duty" to protect the minds, particularly young people, of those who read their books through the lens of censorship to prevent the readers from adopting the unethical ideas and behaviors portrayed in the books. However, others in the field of information ethics argue the practice of censorship is unethical because it fails to provide all available information to the community of readers. British philosopher John Stuart Mill argued censorship is unethical because it goes directly against the moral concept of utilitarianism.[14] Mill believes humans are unable to have true beliefs when information is withheld from the population via censorship and acquiring true beliefs without censorship leads to greater happiness.[14] According to this argument, true beliefs and happiness (of which both concepts are considered ethical) cannot be obtained through the practice of censorship. Librarians and others who disperse information to the public also face the dilemma of the ethics of censorship through the argument that censorship harms students and is morally wrong because they are unable to know the full extent of knowledge available to the world.[13] The debate of information ethics in censorship was highly contested when schools removed information about evolution from libraries and curriculums due to the topic conflicting with religious beliefs. [13] In this case, advocates against ethics in censorship argue it is more ethical to include multiple sources information on a subject, such as creation, to allow the reader to learn and decipher their beliefs.[13]

Ethics of downloading

Illegal downloadinghas also caused some ethical concerns[15] and raised the question whether digital piracy is equivalent to stealing or not. [16] [17 When asked the question "Is it ethical to download copyrighted music for free?" in a survey, 44 percent of a group of primarily college-aged students responded "Yes."[18] Christian Barry believes that understanding illegal downloading as equivalent to common theft is problematic, because clear and morally relevant differences can be shown "between stealing someone’s handbag and illegally downloading a television series". On the other hand, he thinks consumers should try to respectnintellectual property unless doing so imposes unreasonable cost on them. In an article titled "Download This Essay: A Defence of Stealing Ebooks", Andrew Forcehimes argues that the way we think about copyrights is inconsistent, because every argument for (physical) public libraries is also an argument for illegally downloading ebooks and every argument against downloading ebooks would also be an argument against libraries. In a reply, Sadulla Karjiker argues that "economically, there is a material difference between permitting public libraries making physical books available and allowing such online distribution of ebooks."[21] Ali Pirhayati has proposed a thought experiment to neutralize the magnitude problem (suggested by Karjiker), and justify Forcehimes’ main idea.[22]

Security and privacy

Ethical concerns regarding international security, surveillance, and the right to privacy are on the rise.[23] The issues of security and privacy commonly overlap in the field of information, due to the interconnectedness of online research and the development of Information Technology (IT).[24] Some of the areas surrounding security and privacy are identity theft, online economic transfers, medical records, and state security.[25] Companies, organizations, and institutions use databases to store, organize, and distribute user's information—with or without their knowledge.[25] Individuals are far more likely to part with personal information when it seems that they will have some sort of control over the use of the information or if the information is given to an entity that they already have an established relationship with. In these specific circumstances, subjects will be much inclined to believe that their information has been collected for pure collection's sake. An entity may also be offering goods or services in exchange for the client's personal information. This type of collection method may seem valuable to a user due to the fact that the transaction appears to be free in the monetary sense. This forms a type of social contract between the entity offering the goods or services and the client. The client may continue to uphold their side of the contract as long as the company continues to provide them with a good or service that they deem worthy.[26] The concept of procedural fairness indicates an individual's perception of fairness in a given scenario. Circumstances that contribute to procedural fairness are providing the customer with the ability to voice their concerns or input, and control over the outcome of the contract. Best practice for any company collecting information from customers is to consider procedural fairness.[27] This concept is a key proponent of ethical consumer marketing and is the basis of United States Privacy Laws, the European Union's privacy directive from 1995, and the Clinton Administration's June 1995 guidelines for personal information use by all National Information Infrastructure participants. An individual being allowed to remove their name from a mailing list is considered a best information collecting practice. In a 1990 Equifax survey, it was found that people deem it acceptable for companies to use names and addresses of its customers provided they have the option to remove themselves. Throughout the course of a customer-company relationship, the company can likely accumulate a plethora of information from its customer. With data processing technology flourishing, it allows for the company to make specific marketing campaigns for each of their individual customers.[26]

Medical records

The more recent trend of medical records is to digitize them. The sensitive information secured within medical records makes security measure vitally important.[28] The ethical concern of medical records is great within the context of emergency wards, where any patient records can be accessed at all times.[28] Within an emergency ward, patient medical records need to be available for quick access; however, this means that all medical records can be accessed at any moment within emergency wards with or without the patient present.

International security

Warfare has also changed the security of countries within the 21st Century. After the events of 9-11 and other terrorism attacks on civilians, surveillance by states raises ethical concerns of the individual privacy of citizens. The USA PATRIOT Act 2001 is a prime example of such concerns. Many other countries, especially European nations within the current climate of terrorism, is looking for a balancing between stricter security and surveillance, and not committing the same ethical concerns associated with the USA Patriot Act. [29] International security is moving to towards the trends of cybersecurity and unmanned systems, which involve the military application of IT.[23] Ethical concerns of political entities regarding information warfare include the unpredictability of response, difficulty differentiating civilian and military targets, and conflict between state and non-state actors.[23]

Journals

The main, peer-reviewed, academic journals reporting on information ethics are the Journal of the Association for Information Systems, the flagship publication of the Association for Information Systems, and Ethics and Information Technology, published by Springer.[30]

● Bioinformation ethics ● Business information ethics ● Computer ethics ● Cyberethics ● Information ecology ● Library ethics ● Media ethics

Bioinformation ethics

Business information ethics

Computer ethics

Computer ethics is a part of practical philosophy concerned with how computing professionals should make decisions regarding professional and social conduct.Margaret Anne Pierce, a professor in the Department of Mathematics and Computers at Georgia Southern University has categorized the ethical decisions related to computer technology and usage into three primary influences: ● The individual's own personal code. ● Any informal code of ethical conduct that exists in the work place. ● Exposure to formal codes of ethics.

The term computer ethics was first coined by Walter Maner,[1] a professor at Bowling Green State University. Maner noticed ethical concerns that were brought up during his Medical Ethics course at Old Dominion University became more complex and difficult when the use of technology and computers became involved[3]. The conceptual foundations of computer ethics are investigated by information ethics, a branch of philosophical ethics promoted, among others, by Luciano Floridi.[4]

The concept of computer ethics originated in the 1940s with MIT professor Norbert Wiener, the American mathematician and philosopher. While working on anti-aircraft artillery during World War II, Wiener and his fellow engineers developed a system of communication between the part of a cannon that tracked a warplane, the part that performed calculations to estimate a trajectory, and the part responsible for firing.[1] Wiener termed the science of such information feedback systems, "cybernetics," and he discussed this new field with its related ethical concerns in his 1948 book, Cybernetics. [1] [5] In 1950, Wiener's second book, The Human Use of Human Beings, delved deeper into the ethical issues surrounding information technology and laid out the basic foundations of computer ethics.[5] A bit later during the same year, the world's first computer crime was committed. A programmer was able to use a bit of computer code to stop his banking account from being flagged as overdrawn. However, there were no laws in place at that time to stop him, and as a result he was not charged.[6] [unreliable source?] To make sure another person did not follow suit, an ethics code for computers was needed. In 1973, the Association for Computing Machinery (ACM) adopted its first code of ethics.[1] SRI International's Donn Parker,[7] an author on computer crimes, led the committee that developed the code.[1] In 1976, medical teacher and researcher Walter Maner noticed that ethical decisions are much harder to make when computers are added. He noticed a need for a different branch of ethics for when it came to dealing with computers. The term "computer ethics" was thus invented. [1] [5] In 1976 Joseph Weizenbaum made his second significant addition to the field of computer ethics. He published a book titled Computer Power and Human Reason,[8] which talked about how artificial intelligence is good for the world; however it should never be allowed to make the most important decisions as it does not have human qualities such as wisdom. By far the most important point he makes in the book is the distinction between choosing and deciding. He argued that deciding is a computational activity while making choices is not and thus the ability to make choices is what makes us humans. At a later time during the same year Abbe Mowshowitz, a professor of Computer Science at the City College of New York, published an article titled "On approaches to the study of social issues in computing." This article identified and analyzed technical and non-technical biases in research on social issues present in computing. During 1978, the Right to Financial Privacy Act was adopted by the United States Congress, drastically limiting the government's ability to search bank records.[9] During the same year Terrell Ward Bynum, the professor of Philosophy at Southern Connecticut State University as well as Director of the Research Center on Computing and Society there, developed the first ever curriculum for a university course on computer ethics.[citation needed] Bynum was also editor of the journal Metaphilosophy.[1] In 1983 the journal held an essay contest on the topic of computer ethics and published the winning essays in its best-selling 1985 special issue, “Computers and Ethics.”[1] In 1984, the United States Congress passed the Small Business Computer Security and Education Act, which created a Small Business Administration advisory council to focus on computer security related to small businesses.[10] In 1985, James Moor, Professor of Philosophy at DartMouth College in New Hampshire, published an essay called "What is Computer Ethics?"[5] In this essay Moor states the computer ethics includes the following: "(1) identification of computer-generated policy vacuums, (2) clarification of conceptual muddles, (3) formulation of policies for the use of computer technology, and (4) ethical justification of such policies."[1] During the same year, Deborah Johnson, Professor of Applied Ethics and Chair of the Department of Science, Technology, and Society in the School of Engineering and Applied Sciences of the University of Virginia, got the first major computer ethics textbook published.[5] Johnson's textbook identified major issues for research in computer ethics for more than 10 years after publication of the first edition.[5] In 1988, Robert Hauptman, a librarian at St. Cloud University, came up with "information ethics", a term that was used to describe the storage, production, access and dissemination of information.[6][unreliable source?] Near the same time, the Computer Matching and Privacy Act was adopted and this act restricted United States government programs identifying debtors.[11] In the year 1992, ACM adopted a new set of ethical rules called "ACM code of Ethics and Professional Conduct"[12] which consisted of 24 statements of personal responsibility. Three years later, in 1995, Krystyna Górniak-Kocikowska, a Professor of Philosophy at Southern Connecticut State University, Coordinator of the Religious Studies Program, as well as a Senior Research Associate in the Research Center on Computing and Society, came up with the idea that computer ethics will eventually become a global ethical system and soon after, computer ethics would replace ethics altogether as it would become the standard ethics of the information age.[5] In 1999, Deborah Johnson revealed her view, which was quite contrary to Górniak-Kocikowska's belief, and stated that computer ethics will not evolve but rather be our old ethics with a slight twist.[6][unreliable source?] Post 20th century, as a result to much debate of ethical guidelines, many organizations such as ABET[13] offer ethical accreditation to University or College applications such as "Applied and Natural Science, Computing, Engineering and Engineering Technology at the associate, bachelor, and master levels" to try and promote quality works that follow sound ethical and moral guidelines. In 2018 The Guardian and The New York Times reported that Facebook took data from 87 million Facebook users to sell to Cambridge Analytica [14]. In 2019 Facebook started a fund to build an ethics center at the Technical University of Munich, located in Germany. This was the first time that Facebook funded an academic institute for matters regarding computer ethics[15].

Future Concerns

Computer crime, privacy, anonymity, freedom, and intellectual property fall under topics that will be present in the future of computer ethics[16]. Ethical considerations have been linked to the Internet of Things (IoT) with many physical devices being connected to the internet[16]. Virtual Crypto-currencies in regards to the balance of the current purchasing relationship between the buyer and seller[16]. Autonomous technology such as self-driving cars forced to make human decisions. There is also concern over how autonomous vehicles would behave in different countries with different culture values[17]. Security risks have been identified with cloud-based technology with every user interaction being sent and analyzed to central computing hubs[18]. Artificial intelligence devices like the Amazon Alexa and Google Home are collecting personal data from users while at home and uploading it to the cloud. Apple’s Sir and Microsoft’s Cortana smartphone assistants are collecting user information, analyzing the information, and then sending the information back to the user.

Internet privacy

Privac is one of the major issues that has emerged since the internet has become part of many aspects of daily life. Internet users hand over personal information in order to sign up or register for services without realizing that they are potentially setting themselves up for invasions of privacy.[19] [better source needed] Another example of privacy issues, with concern to Google, is tracking searches. There is a feature within searching that allows Google to keep track of searches so that advertisements will match your search criteria, which in turn means using people as products. Google was sued in 2018 due to tracking user location without permission.[20] There is an ongoing discussion about what privacy and privacy enforcement measures imply. With the increase in social networking sites, more and more people are allowing their private information to be shared publicly. On the surface, this may be seen as someone listing private information about them on a social networking site, but below the surface, it is the site that could be sharing the information (not the individual). This is the idea of an opt- in versus opt-out situation. There are many privacy statements that state whether there is an opt-in or an opt-out policy. Typically an opt-in privacy policy means that the individual has to tell the company issuing the privacy policy if they want their information shared or not. Opt-out means that their information will be shared unless the individual tells the company not to share it. A whole industry of privacy and ethical tools has grown over time, giving people the choice to not share their data online. These are often open source software, which allows the users to ensure that their data is not saved to be used without their consent.[21]

Identifying issues

Identifying ethical issues as they arise, as well as defining how to deal with them, has traditionally been problematic. In solving problems relating to ethical issues, Michael Davis proposed a unique problem-solving method. In Davis's model, the ethical problem is stated, facts are checked, and a list of options is generated by considering relevant factors relating to the problem. The actual action taken is influenced by specific ethical standards.[citation needed]

Ethical standards

Various national and international professional societies and organizations have produced code of ethics documents to give basic behavioral guidelines to computing professionals and users. They include:

● Association for Computing Machinery ● ACM Code of Ethics and Professional Conduct[12] ● Australian Computer Society ● ACS Code of Ethics[22] ● ACS Code of Professional Conduct[23] ● British Computer Society ● BCS Code of Conduct[24] ● Code of Good Practice (retired May 2011)[25] ● Computer Ethics Institute ● Ten Commandments of Computer Ethics ● IEEE ● IEEE Code of Ethics[26] ● IEEE Code of Conduct[27] ● League of Professional System Administrators ● The System Administrators' Code of Ethics[28] ● See also[edit] ● Activism in the tech industry ● Copyright infringement ● Cyberethics ● Ethics of artificial intelligence ● Donald Gotterbarn ● Morality ● Reliability (computer networking) ● Social informatics ● Spam (electronic) ● Simon Rogerson ● Ten Commandments of Computer Ethics ● Terrell Ward Bynum

Cyberethics

Cyberethics is the philosophic study of ethics pertaining to computers, encompassing user behavior and what computers are programmed to do, and how this affects individuals and society. For years, various governments have enacted regulations while organizations have defined policies about cyberethics.

● Intellectual property rights ● Digital rights management (DRM) ● Accessibility, censorship and filtering ● Freedom of information ● Digital divide ● Sexuality and pornography ● Gambling ● Related organizations ● Codes of ethics in computing ● RFC 1087 ● The Code of Fair Information Practices ● Ten Commandments of Computer Ethics ● (ISC)² Code of Ethics

In the late 19th century, the invention of cameras spurred similar ethical debates as the internet does today. During a seminar of Harvard Law Review in 1890, Warren and Brandeis defined privacy from an ethical and moral point of view to be: "central to dignity and individuality and personhood. Privacy is also indispensable to a sense of autonomy — to 'a feeling that there is an area of an individual's life that is totally under his or her control, an area that is free from outside intrusion.' The deprivation of privacy can even endanger a person's health."[1] Over 100 years later, the internet and proliferation of private data through governments[2] and ecommerce is an area which requires a new round of ethical debate involving a person's privacy. Privacy can be decomposed to the limitation of others' access to an individual with "three elements of secrecy, anonymity, and solitude."[3] Anonymity refers to the individual's right to protection from undesired attention. Solitude refers to the lack of physical proximity of an individual to others. Secrecy refers to the protection of personalized information from being freely distributed. Individuals surrender private information when conducting transactions and registering for services. Ethical business practice protects the privacy of their customers by securing information which may contribute to the loss of secrecy, anonymity, and solitude. Credit card information, social security numbers, phone numbers, mothers' maiden names, addresses and phone numbers freely collected and shared over the internet may lead to a loss of Privacy. Fraud and impersonation are some of the malicious activities that occur due to the direct or indirect abuse of private information. Identity theft is rising rapidly due to the availability of private information in the internet. For instance, seven million Americans fell victim to identity theft in 2002, and nearly 12 million Americans were victims of identity theft in 2011 making it the fastest growing crime in the United States.[4] Public records search engines and databases are the main culprits contributing to the rise of cybercrime. Listed below are a few recommendations to restrict online databases from proliferating sensitive personnel information. Exclude sensitive unique identifiers from database records such as social security numbers, birth dates, hometown and mothers' maiden names. Exclude phone numbers that are normally unlisted. Clear provision of a method which allows people to have their names removed from a database. Banning the reverse social security number lookup services.

Private collection

Data warehouses are used today to collect and store huge amounts of personal data and consumer transactions. These facilities can preserve large volumes of consumer information for an indefinite amount of time. Some of the key architectures contributing to the erosion of privacy include databases, cookies and spyware. Some may argue that data warehouses are supposed to stand alone and be protected. However, the fact is enough personal information can be gathered from corporate websites and social networking sites to initiate a reverse lookup. Therefore, is it not important to address some of the ethical issues regarding how protected data ends up in the public domain? As a result, identity theft protection businesses are on the rise. Companies such as LifeLock and JPMorgan Chase have begun to capitalize on selling identity theft protection insurance.

Property

Ethical debate has long included the concept of property. This concept has created many clashes in the world of cyberethics. One philosophy of the internet is centered around the freedom of information. The controversy over ownership occurs when the property of information is infringed upon or uncertain.

Intellectual property rights

The ever-increasing speed of the internet and the emergence of compression technology, such as mp3 opened the doors to Peer-to-peer file sharing, a technology that allowed users to anonymously transfer files to each other, previously seen on programs such as Napster or now seen through communications protocol such as BitTorrent. Much of this, however, was copyrighted music and illegal to transfer to other users. Whether it is ethical to transfer copyrighted media is another question.

Proponents of unrestricted file sharing point out how file sharing has given people broader and faster access to media, has increased exposure to new artists, and has reduced the costs of transferring media (including less environmental damage). Supporters of restrictions on file sharing argue that we must protect the income of our artists and other people who work to create our media. This argument is partially answered by pointing to the small proportion of money artists receive from the legitimate sale of media. We also see a similar debate over intellectual property rights in respect to software ownership. The two opposing views are for closed source software distributed under restrictive licenses or for free and open source software.[7] [page needed] The argument can be made that restrictions are required because companies would not invest weeks and months in development if there were no incentive for revenue generated from sales and licensing fees. A counter argument to this is that standing on shoulders of giants is far cheaper when the giants do not hold IP rights. Some proponents for open source believe that all programs should be available to anyone who wants to study them.

Digital rights management (DRM)

Main article: Digital rights management With the introduction of digital rights management software, new issues are raised over whether the subverting of DRM is ethical. Some champion the hackers of DRM as defenders of users' rights, allowing the blind to make audio books of PDFs they receive, allowing people to burn music they have legitimately bought to CD or to transfer it to a new computer. Others see this as nothing but simply a violation of the rights of the intellectual property holders, opening the door to uncompensated use of copyrighted media. Another ethical issue concerning DRMs involves the way these systems could undermine the fair use provisions of the copyright laws. The reason is that these allow content providers to choose who can view or listen to their materials making the discrimination against certain groups possible.[8] In addition, the level of control given to content providers could lead to the invasion of user privacy since the system is able to keep tabs on the personal information and activities of users who access their materials.[9] In the United States, the Digital Millenium Copyright Act (DMCA) reinforces this aspect to DRM technology, particularly in the way the flow of information is controlled by content providers. Programs or any technologies that attempt to circumvent DRM controls are in violation of one of its provisions (Section 1201).[10]

Accessibility, censorship and filtering

Accessibility, censorship and filtering bring up many ethical issues that have several branches in cyberethics. Many questions have arisen which continue to challenge our understanding of privacy, security and our participation in society. Throughout the centuries mechanisms have been constructed in the name of protection and security. Today the applications are in the form of software that filters domains and content so that they may not be easily accessed or obtained without elaborate circumvention or on a personal and business level through free or content-control software. Internet censorship and filtering are used to control or suppress the publishing or accessing of information. The legal issues are similar to offline censorship and filtering. The same arguments that apply to offline censorship and filtering apply to online censorship and filtering; whether people are better off with free access to information or should be protected from what is considered by a governing body as harmful, indecent or illicit. The fear of access by minors drives much of the concern and many online advocate groups have sprung up to raise awareness and of controlling the accessibility of minors to the internet. Censorship and filtering occurs on small to large scales, whether it be a company restricting their employees' access to cyberspace by blocking certain websites which are deemed as relevant only to personal usage and therefore damaging to productivity or on a larger scale where a government creates large firewalls which censor and filter access to certain information available online frequently from outside their country to their citizens and anyone within their borders. One of the most famous examples of a country controlling access is the Golden Shield Project, also referred to as the Great Firewall of China, a censorship and surveillance project set up and operated by the People's Republic of China. Another instance is the 2000 case of the League Against Racism and Antisemitism (LICRA), French Union of Jewish Students, vs. Yahoo! Inc (USA) and Yahoo! France, where the French Court declared that "access by French Internet users to the auction website containing Nazi objects constituted a contravention of French law and an offence to the 'collective memory' of the country and that the simple act of displaying such objects (e.g. exhibition of uniforms, insignia or emblems resembling those worn or displayed by the Nazis) in France constitutes a violation of the Article R645-1 of the Penal Code and is therefore considered as a threat to internal public order."[11] Since the French judicial ruling many websites must abide by the rules of the countries in which they are accessible.

Freedom of information

Freedom of information, that is the freedom of speech as well as the freedom to seek, obtain and impart information brings up the question of who or what, has the jurisdiction in cyberspace. The right of freedom of information is commonly subject to limitations dependent upon the country, society and culture concerned. Generally there are three standpoints on the issue as it relates to the internet. First is the argument that the internet is a form of media, put out and accessed by citizens of governments and therefore should be regulated by each individual government within the borders of their respective jurisdictions. Second, is that, "Governments of the Industrial World... have no sovereignty [over the Internet] ... We have no elected government, nor are we likely to have one,... You have no moral right to rule us nor do you possess any methods of enforcement we have true reason to fear."[12] A third party believes that the internet supersedes all tangible borders such as the borders of countries, authority should be given to an international body since what is legal in one country may be against the law in another.[13]

Digital divide

An issue specific to the ethical issues of the freedom of information is what is known as the digital divide. This refers to the unequal socio-economic divide between those who had access to digital and information technology, such as cyberspace, and those who have had limited or no access at all. This gap of access between countries or regions of the world is called the global digital divide.

Sexuality and pornography

Sexuality in terms of sexual orientation, infidelity, sex with or between minors, public display and pornography have always stirred ethical controversy. These issues are reflected online to varying degrees. In terms of its resonance, the historical development of the online pornography industry and user-generated content have been the studied by media academics.[14][page needed] One of the largest cyberethical debates is over the regulation, distribution and accessibility of pornography online. Hardcore pornographic material is generally controlled by governments with laws regarding how old one has to be to obtain it and what forms are acceptable or not. The availability of pornography online calls into question jurisdiction as well as brings up the problem of regulation[15] in particular over child pornography,[16] which is illegal in most countries, as well as pornography involving violence or animals, which is restricted within most countries.

Gambling

Gambling is often a topic in ethical debate as some view it as inherently wrong and support prohibition or controls while others advocate no legal . "Between these extremes lies a multitude of opinions on what types of gambling the government should permit and where it should be allowed to take place. Discussion of gambling forces public policy makers to deal with issues as diverse as addiction, tribal rights, taxation, senior living, professional and college sports, organized crime, neurobiology, suicide, divorce, and religion."[17] Due to its controversy, gambling is either banned or heavily controlled on local or national levels. The accessibility of the internet and its ability to cross geographic-borders have led to illegal online gambling, often offshore operations.[18] Over the years online gambling, both legal and illegal, has grown exponentially which has led to difficulties in regulation. This enormous growth has even called into question by some the ethical place of gambling online.

The following organizations are of notable interest in cyberethics debates: ● International Federation for Information Processing (IFIP) ● Association for Computing Machinery, Special Interest Group: Computers and Society (SIGCAS) ● Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) ● Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) ● International Center for Information Ethics (ICIE) ● Directions and Implications in Advanced Computing (DIAC) ● The Centre for Computing and Social Responsibility (CCSR) ● Cyber-Rights and Cyber-liberties ● International Journal of Cyber Ethics in Education (IJCEE)[19] ● Codes of ethics in computing[edit] ● Four notable examples of ethics codes for IT professionals are listed below: ● RFC 1087[edit] ● In January 1989, the Internet Architecture Board(IAB) in RFC 1087 defines an activity as unethical and unacceptable if it: ● Seeks to gain unauthorized access to the resources of the Internet. ● Wastes resources (people, capacity, computer) through such actions. ● Destroys the integrity of computer-based information, or ● Compromises the privacy of users.[20] ● The Code of Fair Information Practices[edit] ● The Code of Fair Information Practices[21] is based on five principles outlining the requirements for records keeping systems. This requirement was implemented in 1973 by the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. ● There must be no personal data record-keeping systems whose very existence is secret. ● There must be a way for a person to find out what information about the person is in a record and how it is used. ● There must be a way for a person to prevent information about the person that was obtained for one purpose from being used or made available for other purposes without the person's consent. ● There must be a way for a person to correct or amend a record of identifiable information about the person. ● Any organization creating, maintaining, using, or disseminating records of identifiable personal data must assure the reliability of the data for their intended use and must take precautions to prevent misuses of the data. [22][page needed] ● Ten Commandments of Computer Ethics[edit] ● Main article: Ten Commandments of Computer Ethics ● The ethical values as defined in 1992 by the Computer Ethics Institute; a nonprofit organization whose mission is to advance technology by ethical means, lists these rules as a guide to computer ethics: ● Thou shalt not use a computer to harm other people. ● Thou shalt not interfere with other people's computer work. ● Thou shalt not snoop around in other people's computer files. ● Thou shalt not use a computer to steal. ● Thou shalt not use a computer to bear false witness. ● Thou shalt not copy or use proprietary software for which you have not paid. ● Thou shalt not use other people's computer resources without authorization or proper compensation. ● Thou shalt not appropriate other people's intellectual output. ● Thou shalt think about the social consequences of the program you are writing or the system you are designing. ● Thou shalt always use a computer in ways that ensure consideration and respect for your fellow humans.[23] ● (ISC)² Code of Ethics[edit] ● (ISC)², a professional association which seeks to inspire a safe and secure cyber world[24], has further defined its own code of ethics. The code is based on four canons, under a general preamble. ● Code of Ethics Preamble: ● The safety and welfare of society and the common good, duty to our principles, and to each other, requires that we adhere, and be seen to adhere, to the highest ethical standards of behavior. Therefore, strict adherence to this Code is a condition of certification. ● Code of Ethics Canons: ● Canon One: Protect society, the common good, necessary public trust and confidence, and the infrastructure. ● Canon Two: Act honorably, honestly, justly, responsibly, and legally. ● Canon Three: Provide diligent and competent service to principles. ● Canon Four: Advance and protect the profession.[25] ● See also[edit] ● Computer crime ● Computer ethics ● Cyberpeace ● Digital rights ● E-democracy ● Ethics of technology ● Information privacy law ● International Freedom of Expression Exchange ● Internet bias ● Internet privacy ● Internet research ethics ● Legal aspects of computing ● Lethal autonomous weapon ● Network neutrality ● Open source ethics

Association for Computing Machinery, Special Interest Group: Computers and Society

● International Center for Information Ethics website ● The Centre for Computing and Social Responsibility website ● Safer Internet Center which includes Awareness Node, Helpline and Hotline ● Cyprus Safer Internet Helpline, Cyprus Safer Internet Hotline ● Cyber-Rights and Cyber-Liberties website ● IEEE Website ● ACM website ● ISC2 website ● Internet Architecture Board

Activities

Mediation

Introduction

Einsatz von Mediatoren ● Sozialwissenschaftler ● Sozialpädagogen ● Journalisten ● Fernsehen (Interaktive Medien) ● Zeitungen, Zeitschriften ● Poltiker ● Künstler ● [...]

Definition: § 1 Abs. I Mediationsgesetz (MediationsG) lateinisch für „Vermittlung“ ● • strukturiertes, ● • freiwilliges Verfahren, ● • zur konstruktiven Beilegung von Konflikten

mittels eines unabhängigen „allparteilichen“ Dritten. § 1 Abs. II MediationsG ● • allparteiisch ● • Neutralität gegenüber Personen, Problemen und Ideen ● • empathisch ● • flexibel

Zielsetzung: Erarbeitung einer von beiden Seiten akzeptablen und umsetzbaren Lösung, welche die jeweiligen Bedürfnisse und Interessen der Parteien wahrt. Fish Bowl

Die Fishbowl-Methode13, 14 ist eine Diskussionsform, die in einer bestimmten Sitzordnung durchgeführt wird. Diese ähnelt dem Goldschglas. Sie ist geeignet, wenn zahlreiche Gruppenmitglieder ein Thema gemeinsam ezient bearbeiten sollen. Bei der Fishbowl-Methode haben die Diskussionsteilnehmer eine bestimmte Sitzordnung einzunehmen. Generell gibt es dabei einen Außen- und einen Innenkreis. Im Inneren des „Goldschglases“ erörtern die Teilnehmer die Thematik. Der äußere Kreis besteht aus Teilnehmern, die diese Diskussion vorerst als Beobachter verfolgen. Ob ein Moderator der Diskussion beiwohnt und bei Bedarf eingreift, kann frei vereinbart werden.

Regelungen im kompakten Überblick

Natürlich kommt es häug vor, dass Mitglieder des Außenkreises den Anspruch haben, im Innenkreis mitdiskutieren. Dies kann in unterschiedlichen Möglichkeiten verwirklicht werden. Entweder räumt ein Mitglied des Innenkreises seinen Stuhl freiwillig.

Manchmal wird dies auch möglich, indem ein Außenkreismitglied „anklopft“. 13 Mandarina / Heidemarie Schuster: Was ist Fishbowl? Grundlagenwissen zum IT Business, 04.02.2019 https://www.it-business.de/was-ist-fishbowl-a-854797/ 14 Mattes, W. (2002). Methoden für den Unterricht. 75 kompakte Übersichten für Lehrende und Lernende. Paderborn, S. 54. Dann kann der Innenkreisteilnehmer seinen Beitrag noch leisten, ehe gewechselt wird. Manchmal wird auch ein Gaststuhl im Innenkreis angeboten, den ein Teilnehmer von außen nutzen kann, bis ein anderes Außenkreismitglied einen Redebeitrag anmeldet.

Die Vorteile der Fishbowl-Methode

Von der Fishbowl-Methode verspricht man sich ezientere Arbeitsergebnisse, da die Teilnehmerzahl der Diskussion reduziert sind. Im Gegensatz zur Plenumsdiskussion haben oft auch weniger durchsetzungsstarke Teilnehmer den Mut, die eigene Meinung zu artikulieren. Teilnehmer, die die Motivation zum Mitdiskutieren nicht haben, können einfach in den Außenkreis wechseln.

Allen Beteiligten kann die Übung als „Training eines angemessenen Diskussionsverhaltens“ (Mattes, S. 54) dienen. Der Diskussionsleiter/ Die Diskussionsleiterin hat die Chance, vor allem „elementare Formen der Gesprächsmoderation“ (Mattes, S. 54) auszuprobieren. Auch die Beobachtenden haben die Möglichkeit, Diskussionsstrategien (Fairness, Glaub würdigkeit, Überzeugungskraft) kennen zu lernen und zu bewerten15.

Auch Nachteile bei der Fishbowl-Methode

Die Fishbowl-Methode ist jedoch nicht immer nur mit Vorteilen verbunden. Nachteilig kann unter anderem sein: das Gefühl von Teilnehmern des Innenkreises, von außen beobachtet zu werden hohe Sozialkompetenz nötig, wenn von Außen eine Ablösung gefordert wird ohne Moderator gegenseitige Achtsamkeit und Disziplin wichtig, die in hitzigen Diskussionen oft schwierig zu verwirklichen ist Interesse des Außenkreises nicht immer aufrechtzuerhalten

Dennoch ist die Fishbowl-Methode eine lohnenswerte Variante, wenn die Plenumsdiskussion nicht zu verwertbaren Ergebnissen geführt haben sollte.

Die Regelungen für die Diskussion nach der Fishbowl-Methode beziehen sich nicht wie bei zahlreichen anderen Diskussionen auf die Redebeiträge an sich, sondern hängen ebenfalls eng mit der Sitzordnung zusammen. So ist es einem Teilnehmer im inneren Kreis jederzeit erlaubt, aufzustehen und in den äußeren Kreis umzuziehen. Ein Stuhl im Innenkreis darf von einem beliebigen Teilnehmer eingenommen werden – und zwar bis dieser seinen Redebeitrag absolviert hat oder ein anderer Teilnehmer Redebeitrag anmeldet. Es ist nicht erlaubt, dass Teilnehmer des inneren Kreises mit dem Nachbar 1:1 reden. Das Plenum hat das Recht, alle Gespräche zu hören.

15 https://methodenpool.uni-koeln.de/techniken/unterricht.html :

Anbieter

● https://bildungsagenten.org/shbowl/ ● https://www.fishbowl.com ● https.//www.illustratoren.de ● https://www.ines-stade.de/was-ist-fishbowl/ ● https://methodenpool.uni-koeln.de/techniken/unterricht.html ● https://www.train-the-trainer-seminar.de, Krawiec Consulting - Train the Trainer ● https://www.wissenschaftskommunikation.de/format/fishbowl-diskussion/

MeditionsG

§ 5 Aus- und Fortbildung des Mediators; zertifizierter Mediator

(1) Der Mediator stellt in eigener Verantwortung durch eine geeignete Ausbildung und eine regelmäßige Fortbildung sicher, dass er über theoretische Kenntnisse sowie praktische Erfahrungen verfügt, um die Parteien in sachkundiger Weise durch die Mediation führen zu können. Eine geeignete Ausbildung soll insbesondere vermitteln: 1. Kenntnisse über Grundlagen der Mediation sowie deren Ablauf und Rahmenbedingungen, 2. Verhandlungs- und Kommunikationstechniken, 3. Konfliktkompetenz, 4. Kenntnisse über das Recht der Mediation sowie über die Rolle des Rechts in der Mediation sowie 5. praktische Übungen, Rollenspiele und Supervision. (2) Als zertifizierter Mediator darf sich bezeichnen, wer eine Ausbildung zum Mediator abgeschlossen hat, die den Anforderungen der Rechtsverordnung nach § 6 entspricht. (3) Der zertifizierte Mediator hat sich entsprechend den Anforderungen der Rechtsverordnung nach § 6 fortzubilden.

§ 6 Verordnungsermächtigung

Das Bundesministerium der Justiz wird ermächtigt, durch Rechtsverordnung ohne Zustimmung des Bundesrates nähere Bestimmungen über die Ausbildung zum zertifizierten Mediator und über die Fortbildung des zertifizierten Mediators sowie Anforderungen an Aus- und Fortbildungseinrichtungen zu erlassen. In der Rechtsverordnung nach Satz 1 können insbesondere festgelegt werden: 1. nähere Bestimmungen über die Inhalte der Ausbildung, wobei eine Ausbildung zum zertifizierten Mediator die in § 5 Absatz 1 Satz 2 aufgeführten Ausbildungsinhalte zu vermitteln hat, und über die erforderliche Praxiserfahrung; 2. nähere Bestimmungen über die Inhalte der Fortbildung; 3.Mindeststundenzahlen für die Aus- und Fortbildung; 4. zeitliche Abstände, in denen eine Fortbildung zu erfolgen hat; 5. Anforderungen an die in den Aus- und Fortbildungseinrichtungen eingesetzten Lehrkräfte; 6. Bestimmungen darüber, dass und in welcher Weise eine Aus- und Fortbildungseinrichtung die Teilnahme an einer Aus- und Fortbildungsveranstaltung zu zertifizieren hat; 7. Regelungen über den Abschluss der Ausbildung; 8. Übergangsbestimmungen für Personen, die bereits vor Inkrafttreten dieses Gesetzes als Mediatoren tätig sind.

§ 7 Wissenschaftliche Forschungsvorhaben; finanzielle Förderung der Mediation

(1) Bund und Länder können wissenschaftliche Forschungsvorhaben vereinbaren, um die Folgen einer finanziellen Förderung der Mediation für die Länder zu ermitteln. (2) Die Förderung kann im Rahmen der Forschungsvorhaben auf Antrag einer rechtsuchenden Person bewilligt werden, wenn diese nach ihren persönlichen und wirtschaftlichen Verhältnissen die Kosten einer Mediation nicht, nur zum Teil oder nur in Raten aufbringen kann und die beabsichtigte Rechtsverfolgung oder Rechtsverteidigung nicht mutwillig erscheint. Über den Antrag entscheidet das für das Verfahren zuständige Gericht, sofern an diesem Gericht ein Forschungsvorhaben durchgeführt wird. Die Entscheidung ist unanfechtbar. Die Einzelheiten regeln die nach Absatz 1 zustande gekommenen Vereinbarungen zwischen Bund und Ländern. (3) Die Bundesregierung unterrichtet den Deutschen Bundestag nach Abschluss der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsvorhaben über die gesammelten Erfahrungen und die gewonnenen Erkenntnisse.

§ 8 Evaluierung

(1) Die Bundesregierung berichtet dem Deutschen Bundestag bis zum 26. Juli 2017, auch unter Berücksichtigung der kostenrechtlichen Länderöffnungsklauseln, über die Auswirkungen dieses Gesetzes auf die Entwicklung der Mediation in Deutschland und über die Situation der Aus- und Fortbildung der Mediatoren. In dem Bericht ist insbesondere zu untersuchen und zu bewerten, ob aus Gründen der Qualitätssicherung und des Verbraucherschutzes weitere gesetzgeberische Maßnahmen auf dem Gebiet der Aus- und Fortbildung von Mediatoren notwendig sind. (2) Sofern sich aus dem Bericht die Notwendigkeit gesetzgeberischer Maßnahmen ergibt, soll die Bundesregierung diese vorschlagen.

Intellectual Property Rights

Good Data Governance Information Ecology

Introduction

In the context of an evolving information society, the term information ecology marks a connection between ecologicalideas with the dynamics and properties of the increasingly dense, complex and important digital informational environment and has been gaining acceptance in a growing number of disciplines. "Information ecology" often is used as metaphor, viewing the informational space as an ecosystem. Information ecology is a science which studies the laws governing the influence of information summary on the formation and functioning of biosystems, including that of individuals, human communities and humanity in general and on the health and psychological, physical and social well-being of the human being; and which undertakes to develop methodologies to improve the information environment (Eryomin 1998). Information ecology also makes a connection to the concept of collective intelligence and knowledge ecology (Pór 2000). Eddy et. al. (2014) use information ecology for science-policy integration in ecosystems-based management (EBM).

● Language of ecology ● Networked information economy ● In different domains / disciplines ● Anthropology ● Knowledge management ● Law ● Library science ● Biology ● Human Ecology ● Science-Policy Integration (SPI) / Ecosystems-Based Management (EBM) Language of ecology

Information ecology draws on the language of ecology – habitat, species, evolution, ´ecosystem, niche, growth, equilibrium, etc. - to describe and analyze information systems from a perspective that considers the distribution and abundance of organisms, their relationships with each other, and how they influence and are influenced by their environment. The virtual lack of boundaries between information systems and the impact of information technology on economic, social and environmental activities frequently calls on an information ecologist to consider local information ecosystems in the context of larger systems, and of the evolution of global information ecosystems. See also list of ecology topics.

Networked information economy In The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom, a book published in 2006 and available under a Creative Commons license on its own wikispace,[1] Tochai Benkler provides an analytic framework for the emergence of the networked information economy that draws deeply on the language and perspectives of information ecology together with observations and analyses of high-visibility examples of successful peer production processes, citing Wikipedia as a prime example. Bonnie Nardi and Vicki O'Day in their book "Information Ecologies: Using Technology with Heart," (Nardi & O’Day 1999) apply the ecology metaphor to local environments, such as libraries and schools, in preference to the more common metaphors for technology as tool, text, or system. In different domains / disciplines

Anthropology

Nardi and O’Day’s book represents the first specific treatment of information ecology by anthropologists. H.E. Kuchka[2] situates information within socially- distributed cognition of cultural systems. Casagrande and Peters[3] use information ecology for an anthropological critique of Southwest US water policy. Stepp (1999)[4] published a prospectus for the anthropological study of information ecology.

Knowledge management

Information ecology was used as book title by Thomas H. Davenport and Laurence Prusak (Davenport & Prusak 1997), with a focus on the organization dimensions of information ecology. There was also an academic research project at DSTC called Information ecology, concerned with distributed information systems and online communities.

Law Law schools represent another area where the phrase is gaining increasing acceptance, e.g. NYU Law School Conference Towards a Free Information Ecology[5] and a lecture series on Information ecology at Duke University Law School's Center for the Study of the Public Domain.

Library science The field of library science has seen significant adoption of the term and librarians have been described by Nardi and O'Day as a "keystone species in information ecology", [6] [7] and references to information ecology range as far afield as the Collaborative Digital Reference Service of the Library of Congress,[8] to children's library database administrator in Russia.

Biology There has also been increasing use of "information ecology" as a concept among ecologists involved in digital mapping of botanical resources, including research by Zhang Xinshi at the Institute of Botany of the China Academy of Science; also see a presentation to the Information Ecology SIG at Yale University's Forestry School.[9]

Human Ecology

From the analysis of specific examples of the nature and physiology are determined 10 axioms and laws of information ecology, which serves as the basis for creating information strategies and tactics in social, economic, political and other spheres that affect human health and human communities.

Science-Policy Integration (SPI) / Ecosystems-Based Management (EBM)

Eddy et. al. (2014) use principles of information ecology to develop a framework for integrating scientific information in decision-making in ecosystem-based management (EBM). Using a metaphor of how a species adapts to environmental changes through information processing, they developed a 3-tiered model that differentiates primary, secondary and tertiary levels of information processing, within both the technical and human domains.

● Biosemiotics ● Collaborative filtering ● Collective intelligence ● Collective memory ● Complex adaptive system ● Crowd psychology ● Diffusion of innovations ● Digital ecosystem ● Digital detox ● Emergence ● Environmental health ● Information ethics ● Information science ● Information society ● Knowledge commons ● Knowledge ecosystem ● Knowledge management ● Knowledge organization ● Knowledge tagging ● Media ecology ● Noogenesis ● Noosphere ● Sociology of knowledge ● Territoriality (nonverbal communication) Media ethics

Media ethics is the subdivision of applied ethics dealing with the specific ethical principles and standards of media, including broadcast media, film, theatre, th arts, print media and the internet. The field covers many varied and highly controversial topics, ranging from war journalis to Benetton ad campaigns. Media ethics involves promoting and defending values such as a universal respect for life and the rule of law and legality.[1] Media Ethics defines and deals with ethical questions about how media should use texts and pictures provided by the citizens. Literature regarding the ways in which specifically the Internet impacts media ethics in journalism online is scarce, thereby complicating the idea for a universal code of media ethics.[2]

● History of media ethics ● Areas of media ethics ● Ethics of journalism ● Online journalism ● Ethics of entertainment media ● Media and democracy ● Media integrity ● Digital media ethics ● Ethics of images ● Attempts to develop a universal code of media ethics ● UNESCO INFOethics Congresses ● International Symposium on Information Ethics, Karlsuhe, 2004 ● Contexts of media ethics ● Media ethics and the laws ● Media ethics and media economics ● Media ethics and public officials ● Intercultural dimensions of media ethics

Meta-issues in media ethics

● Similarities between media ethics and other fields of applied ethics ● Differences between media ethics and other fields of applied ethics

History of media ethics

Research and publications in the field of information ethics has been produced since the 1980s.[3] Notable figures include and Robert Hauptman (who focused his work specifically on censorship, privacy, access to information, balance in collection development, copyright, fair use, and codes of ethics), Rafael Capurro, Barbara J. Kostrewski and Charles Oppenheim (who wrote the article "“Ethics in Information Science” , discussing issues as confidentiality of information, bias in information provided to clients or consumers, the quality of data supplied by online vendors, etc.).[3] In the 1990s, the term "information ethics" began to be explored by various Computer Science and Information departments in the United States.[3] In the late 1990s, textbooks such as Richard Severson's The Principles of Information Ethics and Marsha Cook Woodbury's Computer and Information Ethics, and Deborah G. Johnson's Computer Ethics were published.[3]

Areas of media ethics

Media ethics: Issues of moral principles and values as applied to the conduct, roles, and *content of the mass media, in particular journalism ethics and standards and marketing ethics; also the field of study concerned with this topic. In relation to news coverage it includes issues such as impartiality, objectivity, balance, bias, privacy, and the public interest. More generally, it also includes stereotyping, taste and decency, obscenity, freedom of speech, advertising practices such as product placement, and legal issues such as defamation. On an institutional level it includes debates over media ownership and control, commercialization, accountability, the relation of the media to the political system, issues arising from regulation (e.g. censorship) and deregulation.

Ethics of journalism

Main article: Journalism ethics and standards Photographers crowd around a starlet at the Cannes Film Festival. The ethics of journalism is one of the most well-defined branches of media ethics, primarily because it is frequently taught in schools of journalism. Journalistic ethics tend to dominate media ethics, sometimes almost to the exclusion of other areas.[4] Topics covered by journalism ethics include: News manipulation. News can manipulate and be manipulated. Governments and corporations may attempt to manipulate news media; governments, for example, by censorship, and corporations by share ownership. The methods of manipulation are subtle and many. Manipulation may be voluntary or involuntary. Those being manipulated may not be aware of this. See: news propaganda. Truth. Truth may conflict with many other values. Public interest. Revelation of military secrets and other sensitive government information may be contrary to the public interest, even if it is true. However, public interest is not a term which is easy to define. Privacy. Salacious details of the lives of public figures is a central content element in many media. Publication is not necessarily justified simply because the information is true. Privacy is also a right, and one which conflicts with free speech. See: paparazzi. Fantasy. Fantasy is an element of entertainment, which is a legitimate goal of media content. Journalism may mix fantasy and truth, with resulting ethical dilemmas. See: National Enquirer, Jayson Blair scandal, Adnan Hajj photographs controversy. Taste. Photo journalists who cover war and disasters confront situations which may shock the sensitivities of their audiences. For example, human remains are rarely screened. The ethical issue is how far should one risk shocking an audience's sensitivities in order to correctly and fully report the truth. See photojournalism. Conflict with the law. Journalistic ethics may conflict with the law over issues such as the protection of confidential news sources. There is also the question of the extent to which it is ethically acceptable to break the law in order to obtain news. For example, undercover reporters may be engaging in deception, trespass and similar torts and crimes. See undercover journalism, investigative journalism.

Online journalism

The Internet has shaped and redefined various ethical and moral issues for both online journalists and journalists utilizing online resources. While some journalists continue to adhere to ethical principles of traditional journalism, many journalists believe that with the absence of a mutually agreed upon code of ethics specifically pertaining to internet ethics, and lack of literature dealing specifically with the ways in which the Internet impacts media ethics in journalism online, the online environment poses new threats to the profession. Some of the core issues of media ethics in online journalism include commercial pressures, accuracy and credibility (which include the issues dealing with hyperlinks), verification of facts, regulation, privacy, and news- gathering methods.

Ethics of entertainment media

Issues in the ethics of entertainment media include: The depiction of violence and sex, and the presence of strong language. Ethical guidelines and legislation in this area are common and many media (e.g. film, computer games) are subject to ratings systems and supervision by agencies. An extensive guide to international systems of enforcement can be found under motion picture rating system. “Fluff or “Celebrity News”: Over the years, print media has been dying out so journalists began to report on what is referred to as “Celebrity News”, or “Fluff.” As more outlets adopt this topic to report on, people become dependent on them. According to Alden Weight, most people know not to completely trust these outlets due to ethical discrepancies, but the issue arises when people who are not as mature or educated find these reports to be completely true.[5] [POV? – discuss] Product placement. An increasingly common marketing tactic is the placement of products in entertainment media. The producers of such media may be paid high sums to display branded products. The practice is controversial and largely unregulated. Detailed article: product placement. Advertising: Attraction and persuasion are currently found in modern journalism. It is found that these methods of advertising may alter an audience's point of view of what is realistic and falsified information.[5] Stereotypes. Both advertising and entertainment media make heavy use of stereotypes. Stereotypes may negatively affect people's perceptions of themselves or promote socially undesirable behavior. The stereotypical portrayals of men, affluence and ethnic groups are examples of major areas of debate Women in Media: Entertainment media often exploits female bodies by objectifying and de-humanizing them. By doing so, the concept of female bodies being bought and sold becomes common. Media outlets usually use either images or imagery of female bodies to counter negative news that is provided throughout the day.[5] Taste and taboos. Entertainment media often questions of our values for artistic and entertainment purposes. Normative ethics is often about moral values, and what kinds should be enforced and protected. In media ethics, these two sides come into conflict. In the name of art, media may deliberately attempt to break with existing norms and shock the audience. That poses ethical problems when the norms abandoned are closely associated with certain relevant moral values or obligations. The extent to which this is acceptable is always a hotbed of ethical controversy. See: Turner Prize, obscenity, freedom of speech, aesthetics.

Media and democracy

In democratic countries, a special relationship exists between media and government. Although the freedom of the media may be constitutionally enshrined and have precise legal definition and enforcement, the exercise of that freedom by individual journalists is a matter of personal choice and ethics. Modern democratic government subsists in representation of millions by hundreds. For the representatives to be accountable, and for the process of government to be transparent, effective communication paths must exist to their constituents. Today these paths consist primarily of the mass media, to the extent that if press freedom disappeared, so would most political accountability. In this area, media ethics merges with issues of civil rights and politics. Issues include:

● Subversion of media independence by financial interests. ● Government monitoring of media for intelligence gathering against its own people. See, for example, NSA call database. ● See: freedom of information, media transparency Right to Information. L Mera ● Media integrity[edit] ● Media integrity refers to the ability of a media outlet to serve the public interest and democratic process, making it resilient to institutional corruption within the media system,[7] economy of influence, conflicting dependence and political clientelism. Media integrity encompasses following qualities of a media outlet: ➢ independence from private or political interests ➢ transparency about own financial interests ➢ commitment to journalism ethics and standards ➢ responsiveness to citizens

The concept was devised particularly for the media systems in the region of South East Europe,[8] within the project South East European Media Observatory, gathering organisations which are part of the South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM).

Digital media ethics Digital news media includes online journalism, blogging, digital photojournalism, citizen journalism and social media.[9] It talks about how journalism should interact and use the 'new media' to publish stories including how to use texts and images provided by other people.

Ethics of images

There are new ethical issues due to the new image technology. Citizens now have the availability to take pictures and videos from easier and faster ways like smartphones which allow them to not only collect information but also edit and manipulate it. This convergence of ease of capture, ease of transmission, and ease of manipulation questions the traditional principles of photojournalism which were developed for non-digital capture and transmission of pictures and video. The main issues regarding the new image technology is that the newsroom cannot trust the easily obtained images and also the limit of the image edit. It is vague and very difficult to decide the borderline of image manipulation. It is very complicated and still a dilemma to clarify the principles of responsible image making and ethics on it. Attempts to develop a universal code of media ethics[edit] Within the last two decades, numerous regional discussions have taken place in Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia in order to create a universal code of ethics for the information society.[11] One of the core issues in developing a universal code for media ethics is the difficulty of finding a common ground between ethical principles from one culture to another.[11] Also, such codes may be interpreted differently according to various moral and legal standards.[11]

UNESCO INFO Ethics Congresses

The ethical facet of the global information society has been on the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) agenda since 1997, when the organization initiated their first INFOethics Congress.[11] The objective of this summit was to spark debate on the ethical dimension of the global information society.[11] The UNESCO INFOethics Congresses then met in 1998 and 2000, where specialists coming from a wide range of educational, scientific, and cultural environments addressed the ethical dimensions of global media and information.[11]

International Symposium on Information Ethics, Karlsuhe, 2004

In 2004, the ICIE, or International Center for Information Ethics, organized the firs international symposium on information ethics in Karlsuhe, Germany.[11] Experts with varying scientific backgrounds such as computer science, information science, media studies, and economics, gathered from all over the world to discuss the internet from both an ethical and intercultural perspective. [11] ● Contexts of media ethics ● Media ethics and the laws ● Media ethics and media economics

Media economics where things such as – deregulationof media, concentration of media ownership, FCC regulations in the U.S, media trade unions and labor issues, and other such worldwide regulating bodies, citizen media (low power FM, community radio) -- have ethical implications:

Media ethics and public officials

The media has manipulated the way public officials conduct themselves through the advancement of technology. Constant television coverage displays the legislative proceedings; exposing faster than ever before, unjust rulings throughout the government process. Truth telling is crucial in media ethics as any opposition of truth telling is considered deception. Anything shown by the media whether print or video is considered to be original. When a statement is written in an article or a video is shown of a public official, it is the original “truthful” words of the individual official themselves.

Intercultural dimensions of media ethics

If values differ interculturally, the issue arises of the extent to which behaviour should be modified in the light of the values of specific cultures. Two examples of controversy from the field of media ethics: Google's self-censorship in China. The Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy in Denmark, and subsequently worldwide.

Meta-issues in media ethics

One theoretical question for media ethics is the extent to which media ethics is just another topical subdivision of applied ethics, differing only in terms of case applications and raising no theoretical issues peculiar to itself. The oldest subdivisions of applied ethics are medical ethics and business ethics. Does media ethics have anything new to add other than interesting cases? Similarities between media ethics and other fields of applied ethics[edit] Privacy and honesty are issues extensively covered in medical ethical literature, as is the principle of harm-avoidance. The trade-offs between economic goals and social values has been covered extensively in business ethics (as well as medical and environmental ethics). Differences between media ethics and other fields of applied ethics[edit] The issues o freedom of speech and aesthetic values (taste) are primarily at home in media ethics. However a number of further issues distinguish media ethics as a field in its own right. A theoretical issue peculiar to media ethics is the identity of observer and observed. The press is one of the primary guardians in a democratic society of many of the freedoms, rights and duties discussed by other fields of applied ethics. In media ethics the ethical obligations of the guardians themselves comes more strongly into the foreground. Who guards the guardians? This question also arises in the field of legal ethics. A further self-referentiality or circular characteristic in media ethics is the questioning of its own values. Meta-issues can become identical with the subject matter of media ethics. This is most strongly seen when artistic elements are considered. Benetton advertisements and Turner prize candidates are both examples of ethically questionable media uses which question their own questioner. Another characteristic of media ethics is the disparate nature of its goals. Ethical dilemmas emerge when goals conflict. The goals of media usage diverge sharply. Expressed in a consequentialist manner, media usage may be subject to pressures to maximize: economic profits, entertainment value, information provision, the upholding of democratic freedoms, the development of art and culture, fame and vanity.

● Center for International Media Ethics ● Ethics ● Information ethics ● Journalism ethics and standards ● Journalism scandals ● Marketing ethics ● Media Alliance

Journals

● The Journal of Mass Media Ethics ● Cases ● Louisiana State University, School of Mass Communication ● Indiana University, School of Journalism ● The Poynter Institute ● External links ● Poynter Institute bibliography of Media ethics ● U.S. Government reference "Global Issues, Media and Ethics" ● Media Ethics Resources on World Wide Web ● Silha Center for the Study of Media Ethics and Law ● A Yahoo Directory, Media Ethics and Accountability ● Ethics on the Web from the School of Communications at California State University, Fullerton ● Key quotes on media ethics & media reform Media impact on democracy ● Media Ethics: Some Specific Problems - from the Education Resources Information Center Clearinghouse on Reading and Communication Skills, Bloomington, Indiana. ● Minnesota News Council Web site -- promoting fair, vigorous and trusted journalism ● Center for International Media Ethics CIME ● Ethics forMedia - Education in Journalism Ethics

Information Ecology Design

Design Ecology Framework16

Bowls – Mindfulness

16 Jones, Derek and Dewberry, Emma (2012). Building Information Modelling design ecologies - a new model? In: First UK Academic conference on BIM: Conference Proceedings, 5-9 September 2012, Northumbria University

ICNIRP EMF Components Anthropology

Introduction

Im Internet wird vieles angeboten, das als Einstiegshilfe für die Integration jüdischer Mitbürger geeignet ist, in diesem Fall widme ich dieses Konzept dem Business Alignment und HR Fragestellungen.

Nach der Einführung möchte ich eine Bewertung der OpenSource Literatur leisten und Fragestellungen nachgehen, die einer seriösen Betrachtung standhalten.

Ich zitiere ein Beispiel:

● Professor Dr. Volkhard Krech, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Centrum für Religionswissenschaftliche Studien Bochum ● Professorin Dr. Hanna Liss, Hochschule für Jüdische Studien Heidelberg Lehrstuhl für Bibel und Jüdische Bibelauslegung Heidelberg 106-05 Religious Studies and Jewish Studies Hebrew is spoken by about 5 million people in Israel (Ethnologue (http://www.ethnologue.com/language/heb)). This gure includes those who speak it as a a native language and those for whom it is a second language learned to varying degrees of prociency. It became an ocial language of British Palestine in 1922. Today, it is the ocial language of the State of Israel. It is used for ocial, public and private purposes throughout Israel, wih the exception of the Arab sector, where Arabic is used. Government schools teach in either Hebrew or Arabic, however, Hebrew is a compulsory subject through the tenth grade in all schools, even the Arabic ones. Hebrew is the medium of instruction at the university level as well. It is the language of most newspapers, books, magazines, radio, and television. In addition,Hebrew remains the liturgical language of Jews worldwide. There are other surveys that place the number of Hebrew speakers worldwide at 9 million, but this gure does not indicate what is meant by “speakers”.

Jewish Virtual Gallery

A title uniting topics and fields that are often dealt with separately may seem paradoxical. When associated, these topics are generally treated as legitimate but distinct chapters in a history of Judaism or a presentation of communities. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of twenty years of research, which drawing on recognized scholarly traditions, has enhanced our knowledge of Judaism by bridging the gaps between fairly autonomous areas of research. 2These last twenty years have witnessed intense scientific collaboration between French and Israeli researchers1. They have been the stage for radical methodological changes as regards the various fields of Jewish music, a strengthening of a new perspective on Jewish languages, and reassessments, which as regards the ethnology of Judaism, have conferred upon this domain a long-deserved legitimacy. 3Framed in this way, can the years between 1980 to the start of the 21st century be viewed as merely another mix of disparate ingredients? It is true that the fields mentioned above all experienced their own renewals, which will be described in detail below. But there is more. First of all, research on Jewish languages and Jewish music has led to substantial advances, which are clearly anthropological in nature. As shown below, these developments are likely to interest fields other than those involved systematically during these twenty years. Beyond this, I will analyze and illustrate the ways in which renewed understandings gradually took shape as soon as a deliberately interdisciplinary approach was applied to the subject matter. 4Since the 19th century, generations of researchers have dealt with Jewish music, Jewish languages or Judaism from an ethnological standpoint. A retrospective overview reveals movements of major importance. These guided specialists above and beyond the specifics of the subject matter. Historical concerns and methods of a philological kind characterize the first scientific era in terms of music or Jewish languages up to the 1940s. Jewish communities and culture were also surveyed and collected according to the spirit of the Volkskunde, in the perspective of the ethnography of European peasant cultures. 5Nevertheless, the trends that characterized science in general in the nineteenth century and at the turn of the twentieth did not prevent models applied to the study of the Jewish world from diversifying. Indeed, the field of Jewish Studies emerged at this time. Known as the scientific study of Judaism, it was linked originally to the political status of Jews at the time in Europe. It clearly testifies to the way in which part of Jewish culture itself dealt with this issue as regards its varying geographical settings. The most fascinating point, as regards the subject of this article, is the impact of existing models of scientific thought, attitudes in the academic world towards Judaism as a subject of inquiry, models generated by the science of Judaism and finally by Jewish Studies, viewed as the intellectual and institutional distillation of issues in the socio-political sphere. 6These features can be found up to the present day, although the high proportion of philological and historical models declined after World War II. The scientific study of Judaism has continued to operate at the dual pace of the scientific models and events that shaped Jewish cultures after 1945. Clearly, modern trends in history and linguistics, sociology and anthropology have found their own directions in the vast field of Jewish studies. The development of the latter has also been marked for instance by the emergence – dated geographically and sociologically – of minority studies, ethnic studies or gender studies. The creation of Israeli academic institutions after 1948 constituted a major turning point, which thereafter had its own repercussions on research devoted to the Jewish world. 7Given this general picture, we can now examine the twenty years of musicological, linguistic and ethnological research which, carried out by French and Israeli associates, extended from 1980 to the year 2000 onwards. Three areas will be differentiated so as to better highlight their respective contributions. For each area, I will describe recent work as they integrate into the continuity of successive generations of researchers, before concentrating on the current day.

Jewish Music

8Researchers who took an interest in Jewish music as of the 19th century acted for many years as historians. They retraced the appearance and the evolution of frameworks and forms of liturgy, and para-liturgical repertoires. They established the four main periods which prompted changes in Jewish music: the era in which the religious service was not based on rigorously defined texts and music; the era ranging from the beginning of the common era to the end of the first millennium, which on the contrary was witness to a formalization of texts and music as well as a high degree of articulation between them; the era in which regional styles began to develop; and finally the era starting in the 18th century where learned religious music flourished and saw the harmonization of religious tunes, to a greater extent in some areas of Europe than in others. 9Still very rare in the 17th century, musical scores were soon to flourish in the Jewish communities of Europe. In most cases these were written by cantors or rabbis, who both produced compositions and testified to their centuries-old roots. For many years, knowledge of Jewish music relied upon documentation which, although vast, was not literally speaking musical. It included the Biblical text, the Talmud and rabbinical literature, prayer books, the ordinances of various communities as regards liturgy or city or community records concerning wandering Jewish musicians. A major turning point took place in the early decades of the 20th century with the use of written material dating in most cases from the 19th century and then the advent of sound recordings. The former primarily record liturgical and para-liturgical traditions from the Ashkenazi world. Starting in the early 20th century, field surveys and recordings shed a great deal of light for a whole period, on the Jewish musical traditions of the Near East, North Africa and the Ottoman Empire. 10The proportion of true musical documentation would inevitably lead to another form of musicology, and then to an ethnomusicology of Jewish music. Sound became an actual component and took on its real role as of the 1920- 30s. Old questions found new answers and new questions were raised. The issue of repertories, their forms, specificity, their age and their evolution were re-examined. Musicology applied to Jewish music drew for many years on history, but changed in profile when sound could be placed behind the words. At that point, what could not be taken into consideration became feasible since living repertories paved the way to a direct study of regional styles followed by a typology which, covering the entire Jewish world, accounted for variations and intersections between communities, their purpose and their spread. Supported by research on the initial musical motifs and an analysis of their resulting forms in liturgical repertories, the first typologies were produced by A.Z. Idelsohn, who was both a historian and a musicologist, a field scholar and a theoretician of Jewish music. 11The radical changes in the basic data were accompanied by a series of developments as concerns analysis and scientific tools. Now reconstituted in its component parts, the intrinsic complexity of Jewish music gradually emerged. It was clear that musical forms were in most cases tightly linked to texts. They had their own “raison d’être”, their own structure, and the sound recordings or scores provided much more than prayer books could hint at. In addition, direct access to living traditions enabled research to deal with circumstances, customs and functions of music, the social actors, rituals, social and cultural dynamics. 12Aside from field surveys, which grew rapidly as of the 1950s in Israel, and with the founding of specific institutions, research on Jewish music became clearly more ethnographic, in the sense that it was careful not to leave by the wayside the different elements entering into the cultural complexities subsumed by the notion of Jewish music. The number of monographs rose. Typologies of repertories and styles evolved not only because the purely musical material was not the only factor taken into account, but also because researchers became aware that as a function of period and place, the dynamics linking music, text, language and ritual frameworks was not identical. Although the history of music remained as legitimate as before, it gradually drew on all of these developments. The work of ethnomusicologists shed light, over about fifty years, on the continuity in, and loyalty to a given tradition. Historians of music, analyzing the available notations concerning diacritical marks for the reading of the Bible, noted the impressive continuity of traditions over several centuries. Similarly, ethnomusicologists gradually revealed the common foundations of Jewish music across time and space, in addition to a concomitant variety between communities. Based on the relative autonomy of each of the textual, linguistic, musical and ethnographic facets, this variety nevertheless still shows the strong and necessary intertwining of these four pillars of Jewish music, supporting its continuity. 13 Extreme paradoxes characterize the beginnings of work conducted jointly by French researchers and their Israeli colleagues in the field starting in 1980. Jewish music is a discipline that is firmly established in Israeli university and research institutions. The study of Jewish music in France is virtually non- existent. Those who, on the French side, decided to take the leap were experts in the ethnomusicology of exotic orally transmitted music or dealt with ethnolinguistic research in Europe. This is the context in which two changes in perspective took place as regards data – both musical and textual. 14On the one hand, the oral side of traditions was granted full legitimacy. It was presumed to have mechanisms and functions that needed to be discovered in their own right. The oral facet has its own logic, while entering into highly sophisticated relationships with the written facet. The liturgy and para-liturgical repertoires draw on the relative autonomy of the written and oral modes, since they suggest complex ties between them. Understanding the articulation between the oral facet and any other constituent of Jewish music can only gain from a clear-cut identification of the oral material. 15 On the other hand, the analytical approach to the oral tradition was deeply probed. The analysis of recordings should not depend on the various possible manifestations of the written features of the repertoires – selection of passages, changes in the text, written indications concerning the Biblical text, for example. The oral, musical and linguistic systems are presumed to comply with strong principles of economy. This would explain how whole corpora of texts and melodies have been preserved for centuries and millennia, guaranteeing, beyond community variations, the cohesion of the liturgy and para-liturgical music in time and space. Once identified, the principles of economy would testify to the type of over-arching musical and linguistic framework on which the repertoires are based. 16The way these principles operated also needed to be specified; the ways in which they were actually used and developed to respond to needs, respectively the differentiation of sets of prayers or works and the active codification of this differentiation itself bound by constraints of memorization and transmission. 17Case studies were carried out which validated the original hypotheses.2 One dealt with polyphonic devices in the liturgical repertoires of Yemenite Jews, and the other with the reading of the Mishna in the Aleppo tradition. These studies reached conclusions that were designed to be didactic. There was a need to make available to students and researchers not only the finished product but also the components of a method that had been taught for several years in two separate research seminars, held at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This method serves to transcend the variety of repertoires, while still enabling a fine-grained transcription of them. This is true for the repertoires and their differentiation, and for the variants, whether between or within communities. The full recognition now granted to the oral facet of the liturgy forced a reassessment of long- held beliefs concerning the written facet. Once and for all, there was a need to focus on the constitutive interweaving of the oral and written traditions, their modalities, and their “raison d’être”. The analytic status of the accentuation systems of Biblical and prophetic texts in descriptions of Biblical cantilation traditions needed to be re- evaluated when implicit accentuations rules were discovered, in particular for the cantilation of the Mishna. 18 These studies were prolonged in a variety of ways. The first step was to go beyond a strict differentiation between liturgical and para-liturgical repertoires, and a purely semiological description of text cantilation. The ethnography of repertoires clearly calls for differentiating texts that did not share the same fate because of their functions or uses. The semiology of different repertoires, i.e. the study of purely oral transmission resources, tends by contrast to imply a certain degree of similarity. This contradiction becomes superficial as soon as the question of the motivation behind each feature is raised. The second step was to broaden the angle of investigation to view the issues from a more anthropological perspective. Two textual ensembles operate: the written law and the oral law, according to the internal terminology of the Jewish culture. Their reading clearly makes use of identical oral parameters. However these parameters do not apply to written texts that appear to be similar. Historically, a distinction has always been maintained – technically and graphically – between the written mission of the former and the oral mission of the latter. This distinction overlaps the one existing between a set of texts destined to be transmitted as such – the Biblical text – and another set – the Talmud – which must be studied. The latter is designed to be a commentary of the former, both for legislative and educational purposes. In addition, although the parameters of the oral tradition for the cantilation of the Bible and the Talmud are by nature identical, their systemic organization varies as regards the oral presentation of each of these two textual collections. More recent research has focused on uniting the components mentioned above in a series of studies devoted to perspectives on reading and interpretative traditions. Jewish Languages

Spoken and written for centuries in the Jewish communities of the Diaspora, Yiddish, Judeo-Spanish, and Judeo-Arabic have been the subject of scientific investigation since approximately the middle of the 19th century. For many years, researchers primarily viewed these languages as conservatories of non-Jewish languages upon which Jewish languages were partially based. Specialists in German, Spanish and Arabic realized that the Jewish languages attested directly to historical strata of the languages they were interested in, since the gradual standardization of these languages had almost always eliminated even recollections of written or spoken dialectal variants, or the variety and development of their literary registers. Jewish languages were thus first and foremost studied because they constitute precious documentary evidence for other languages. 20Aside from the uses it made of German, Spanish and Arabic in its relationships with non-Jews, Jewish culture created, in its different geographical locations, languages specific to it, for its own needs. All are written with the Hebrew alphabet. These languages were built up and expanded by amalgamating a Hebrew –Aramaic component found in all of them with features from the non-Jewish languages in their surroundings, which differed as a function of the region where the communities settled. For instance, eastern Judeo-Spanish added Turkish to Spanish and Hebrew – Aramaic, but it also contains some French, Italian and Greek. The variants of Judeo-Spanish used in North Africa contain Arabic features. Yiddish, in its Western, Central or Eastern dialects, added various proportions and forms of Slavic languages in addition to German and Hebrew-Aramaic. 21 The term “Jewish language” did not appear until the mid 20th century. As of the end of the 19th century and until the 1940s, when they were studied in their own right, the languages of the Jewish communities were not dealt with as a cohesive whole. A vast number of in-depth studies were devoted to specific languages. 22 As of 1870, eastern Judeo-Spanish was the focus of monographs or smaller-scale studies that did not necessarily dissociate literary or historical features from linguistic data or folklore. Starting in 1945 North-African Judeo- Spanish was given its rightful place in research. From a linguistic point of view, specialists in Judeo-Spanish dealt with the history and philology of the language, its ties with Old Spanish, pronunciation, particularities of morphology and syntax, loan-words from Turkish or French, and the role of Hebrew. 23 Traditionally, research on Judeo-Arabic has focused on attested medieval linguistic and literary varieties over a vast geo-cultural area, but has also dealt with modern dialects and literatures. The specialists draw a fairly clear-cut line between linguistic studies and those dealing with history or sociology. For the most part of the 20th century, the majority of studies concentrated on phonology and the lexicon, the use of Arabic by Jews in North Africa and the history of the Arabic language and its dialects as perceptible through the prism of Judeo-Arabic. 24 Quantitatively, Yiddish constitutes the major part of research on the languages of the Jewish communities. This is the outcome of the convergence of several factors. In addition to scientific interest in this language, Yiddish was a strong vector of modernity within the world of European Jewry, which led to a direct clash with Hebrew. Yiddish is doubly the focus of linguistic inquiry. Academic interest in Yiddish has prompted monographs and glossaries. Secondly, the standardization of Yiddish motivated by linguistic ideology and the socio-linguistic conditions of Yiddish in Central and Eastern Europe during the first half of the 20th century stimulated applied linguistics in the areas of spelling, grammar and the lexicon. In addition, the flourishing literary creativity in Yiddish, in a Jewish culture doubtless split between modernists and traditionalists but where culture is perceived as a continuum, tended to favor a highly interdisciplinary approach to language, history and culture. Studies in dialectology provide a stunning illustration of this situation. They are very systematic in terms of the linguistic description of varieties, both in synchrony and in diachrony. They are very culturally-oriented as well, carefully restoring cultural density to linguistic data. 25 In 1940, the concept of Jewish language first emerged, although its usage remained restricted for a certain amount of time. Two crucial features prompted the languages of the Jewish communities to become, in the 1970s, Jewish languages. One feature resides in the academic realm; namely, the works of Max Weinreich, culminating in his History of the Yiddish Language published in 1973 in Yiddish and then in English in 1980. The second feature was the creation of Israeli academic institutions after the founding of the State in 1948, and the massive arrival of immigrants from the four corners of the world with what seemed to be their own languages. 26 Max Weinreich viewed Jewish languages as a homogeneous unit in terms of their beginnings and their organizational principles - identified as fusion and convergence. Language components drawn from the non-Jewish languages with which Jews communicated with their non-Jewish neighbors were associated with a Hebrew-Aramaic component to yield the languages of the Jewish communities. Beyond variations due to geography, beyond the varieties of non-Jewish languages encountered, beyond the structural differences that differentiate these languages, the shaping of each Jewish language followed implicit shared and convergent references. These references were themselves tightly connected to the cultural references common to all the communities despite the Diaspora. 27 The rise and the continuous gathering of speakers of Judeo-Spanish, Yiddish, and Judeo-Arabic as well as Judeo-Italian, Judeo-Persian or Neo- Aramaic in Israel as of 1948 radically changed the nature of Israeli scientific research, which at the same time was being equipped with universities and research centers. Jewish languages became a massive socio-linguistic reality even though their use tended to be restricted to the family in a country where integration takes place through Hebrew. Max Weinreich’s works slowly made inroads among researchers, and by the end of the 1970s they deliberately turned to deal with the concept of Jewish language. At the same time many monographs or more restricted studies were published on individual languages. One common concern, motivating most researchers stood out in particular: the Hebrew-Aramaic component of Jewish languages, the sole one they have in common. This interest was paralleled by efforts to collect and analyze the linguistic traditions of Jewish communities as regards the reading of Biblical and Talmudic texts. Secondarily, the translation of the Bible or prophetic texts also prompted studies. Institutionally, this resulted in the creation of long-term projects – such as the Program on Oral Linguistic Traditions of the Jewish Communities, and research centers – such as the Center for Research on Jewish languages and their literatures. 28 In the early1980s, two Israeli academics brought winds of change to the study of Jewish languages by introducing the concepts of Jewish inter and intra-linguistics. This clearly marked the end of an era where different researchers had taken a restricted, autonomous interest in a given language in the name of specific concerns. This context paved the way for a bilateral collaboration between Israeli specialists and French researchers in addition to collaboration in music. 29 In its initial phases, this collaboration did not purely target linguistics. The Jewish Interlinguistics Program was created in 1982, before P. Wexler’s reflections on the topic were available in book form. That same year he published a prolegomenon of the same name on Jewish languages. For several years, the French-Israeli program focused on an interdisciplinary study of representative corpora of the Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish cultures. The immediate goal was to bring together the efforts of specialists in literature, linguistics, music and folklore to shed light, in one case, on a central feature of Hassidic marriage rites, and in the other, on several well known pieces from the repertoire of popular Judeo-Spanish songs.3 30 Purely linguistic exchanges began at the start of the 1990s, and have continued until this day. The first step was to bring together French experts on Jewish languages. Encouraged by some of the most influential members of Israeli research in this field, this association was facilitated by the completion of a number of studies conducted in France on Yiddish, Judeo-Arabic and Judeo-Spanish, by the beginnings of an overall re-examination of Jewish languages in French research institutions, and more generally by efforts at the CNRS to streamline the French milieu of Jewish Studies while making it less isolated. In less than ten years, studies and approaches developed in three directions: (a) the concept of Jewish Language, (b) collection and analysis of living linguistic and literary corpora; (c) interdisciplinary issues which characterize Jewish languages and the articulation between the linguistics of Jewish languages and general linguistics.4 31 The concept of Jewish language was the subject of a dual examination. The goal was to enrich its internal definition while at the same time assessing it in the light of models of linguistic structure in languages other than Jewish ones. What emerged is that the traditional multilingualism of the Jewish communities is not only a socio-linguistic reality, in which the use of several languages within communities can be explained by successive or concomitant contacts with non-Jewish speakers speaking a variety of tongues. Rather multilingualism appears to play a role in the formation of Jewish languages itself. Speakers of Jewish languages draw on the resources of non-Jewish languages to elaborate a palette of complementary linguistic tools which themselves form a dual dynamic: a) they enable an ongoing categorization and expressive development of the language by members of the Jewish community, promoting the life of this community; b) they enable Jewish speakers and communities to position themselves with respect to the non- Jewish world. 32 In addition to the role played by multilingualism on both the linguistic and socio-linguistic levels, Hebrew and Aramaic, shared by all Jewish languages apparently mark this convergence described by Max Weinreich in a decisive way. This convergence is clearly qualitative. It goes beyond the direct and already fundamental impact of the Hebrew-Aramaic component as compared to other constituent parts of Jewish languages. In fact, the cultural referents shared by all the Jewish communities are transmitted through Hebrew and Aramaic. These referents, that affect all the components of the language, also induce the linguistic structuring which gives Jewish languages its appearance as a homogeneous linguistic group, beyond the obvious structural differences which differentiate Spanish, Arabic or German, or a given Slavic language, Turkish, or Greek. 33 Multilingualism and the unifying path of cultural molds: these are the arguments that support the hypothesis of the specificity of Jewish languages in comparison to other groups of languages - including, or primarily, Creoles – with which Jewish languages were at times compared. In fact, the multilingualism existing along initial forms of Creoles gradually disappears from use and gives way to the Creole alone. Speakers of Creoles turn these into languages where identities are blended, whereas Jewish languages are the guarantors of socio-cultural separation. Finally, Jewish languages are not 'genetically' related, but Hebrew and Aramaic are proof of a continuity and cultural community beyond all the differences between source languages. 34 Data collection was carried out for several years in Israel, North Africa, France, Turkey and in Greece. It focused on Judeo-Arabic, Yiddish, Judeo- Spanish, and Judeo-Greek. The prime goal of these studies was to enrich the available oral database. The linguistic, socio-linguistic and ethno-linguistic goals were no less ambitious because of the constant shift of group identities. Surveys of Judeo-Arabic and Judeo-Spanish provide particularly vivid illustrations of the paths taken by the Hebrew and Jewish referents in shaping the structure and uses of Jewish languages. More than the written data or other forms, the oral data recorded in situ provide an unprecedented in-depth view. This was also true for an understanding of the impact of the Diaspora situation in the definition of Jewish languages and for their use. 35 The data collected for Yiddish and Judeo-Greek led to several novel findings. An analysis was conducted first to form an idea of the situation of Yiddish in Israel, in order to carry out systematic surveys. This decision represented in itself a kind of a revolution in the sense that in general, the non- Ashkenazi communities had attracted more attention from researchers in the preceding decades. The field studies conducted in Yiddish- speaking environments for linguistic and literary purposes could nevertheless base themselves on data gleaned from studies of the Hassidic communities in ethnomusicology. 36 Beyond the data collection what emerged was a living oral culture. The analysis of this culture demanded the convergence of linguistic, literary, ethnological and musicological resources. This led to a detailed examination of the continuity over time of the bases of European Yiddish culture, and its modes of manifestation. It formed a new foundation for the historical and cultural cartography of Hassidic communities, for past eras but also for what these communities became before and after 1948, in Palestine and then in Israel. All this nourished in its own way a renewed approach to studies of the Yiddish world, both epistemologically and methodologically. 37 Within the framework of a historical study of the Greek language, studies concerning the Romaniot Jewish communities were launched. The representative of ancient Jewish settlements in the Ottoman Empire, Greek- speaking and observing fairly specific rituals, these communities differed both from the Ashkenazis and the Sephardis. Studies of this group, which are being actively pursued, provide prime data in two areas. As is the case for German, Spanish or Arabic with Yiddish, Judeo-Spanish and Judeo-Arabic, Judeo- Greek provides invaluable information for historians of the Greek language, its dialects and its registers. What had already been identified through recourse to written linguistic information – which went back several centuries – could be buttressed by oral sources, in an even broader historical continuity. The study of the oral reading of the Bible in the Romaniot communities was to have a dual impact. A tradition of Hebrew reading, presumed to exist but yet undocumented, was shown to exist, enriching field data collected since the early 1950s. Furthermore, the Romaniot liturgy could be studied directly via surveys that are ongoing in Israel and in Greece. An overall perspective on this linguistic material helped identify the paths hewed by memory in these communities, loyal as much to the Jewish culture and its foundations as to the Diaspora experience in Greek- speaking lands. 38 Bilateral interest in Jewish languages in general has recently taken a new tack. Shared interest in the Hebrew-Aramaic component and translations of the Bible into various Jewish languages has vastly assisted the emergence of a more systematic examination of the interdisciplinary issues characterizing the target linguistic group. This development could not have taken place without closer ties between general linguistics and the linguistics of Jewish languages. Indeed, approaching the Jewish languages from the perspective of common linguistic issues introduced a genuine typological approach. This was initially prompted by the seminal contribution of the work of Max Weinreich and quietly applied in discussions on the concept of the Jewish language. The introduction of typological concerns is a change that can eliminate several paradoxes. Jewish languages as such have been virtually ignored in general linguistics whereas progress in the conceptual tools of sociolinguistics and in theories of linguistic description have benefited directly from studies of Jewish languages, with all of this taking place in a certain epistemological silence. At the same time, researchers on Jewish languages hesitate to tackle the central issues in general linguistics. This distance appears to negatively affect both the linguistics of Jewish languages and general linguistics. Efforts are being made to bridge this gap.

Anthropology of Judaism

39 No bilateral programs have been instigated in this field. Nevertheless, frequent exchanges have at times brought together Israeli and French colleagues working on epistemological issues, as though, beyond individual efforts conducted by one individual or another, a need was felt to work together to overcome obstacles and pitfalls, which, although not necessarily specific to anthropology alone as applied to Judaism, were clearly problematic, more immediate, and more urgent. 40 These difficulties are indeed present as regards Jewish music and Jewish languages. This is the case, as mentioned above, for the traditional avoidance of general linguistics and the linguistics of Jewish languages. This avoidance has never been dealt with head on. By contrast, recent developments in the linguistics of Jewish languages have brought certain central issues to a state of maturation, such that the relationship between the linguistics of Jewish languages and general linguistics has been viewed in a different light. Similarly in the area of Jewish music, no striking epistemological developments have emerged, even though recent works have led researchers to take a fresh look at their subject and their field. If one needed reasons or pretexts for discussions of an epistemological nature, Jewish music and its investigation would clearly provide several prime topics. Earlier a case was made for instance, for the fact that oral traditions tend to be primarily or exclusively analyzed in terms of the written facet of these same traditions. 41 In general, epistemological preoccupations prompt efforts to trace evolutions in a field, its models, its tools and concerns. More specifically, an epistemological view helps account for the way in which scientific objects are constructed. 42 To understand why epistemological questions have not taken on such importance in the case of Jewish music or Jewish languages, an addition feature must be taken into consideration. In both fields, there is a general consensus that the historical continuity of cultural phenomena, the geographical dispersion of the communities, their Diaspora experience and their bond to a common set of texts and rituals constitute dimensions without which it would be difficult to deal correctly with specific cases. By contrast, two series of phenomena have led to a much more complex situation for anthropology. The first has to do with the weight of criteria affecting definitions of what constitutes a genuine topic in anthropology, regardless of specialization. The other is connected to the impact of questions as to the possibility of even envisaging an anthropology of Judaism. 43 Very often, anthropologists study exotic groups of people living in well- circumscribed areas, and possessing an oral culture. Or, on the other hand, they deal with peasant societies that are also localized in space. These groups are viewed as repositories of folk inheritances and rarely studied in terms of their relationships with the non-peasant sectors of the areas in which they live, and are approached with the classic methods of ethnography. Recently, urban anthropology has made a place for itself, as has the anthropology of migratory phenomena. In these frameworks, Jewish culture is difficult to analyze. In addition, although ethnology has assigned a place to ancient civilizations, Judaism cannot be reduced to ancient Judaism, regardless of the value of work devoted to the latter. If a sequel must be envisaged to ancient Judaism, anthropology finds itself facing several obstacles. 44 Can it be argued that historical continuity and the massive presence of written material make Judaism the subject for the historian rather than for the anthropologist? Historians have developed techniques to study groups whose basic characteristics do not really correspond to the canonical ones which characterize the typical anthropological topic. How, in addition, should the anthropologist position him or her self as regards religious belief? Is Judaism a primitive religion? A system of more or less seamless beliefs? Although the data give a negative response to these questions, how can religious continuity be dealt with in anthropology, and how can we avoid setting this feature apart from the rest of the culture? A dual stricture appears to have also impeded the emergence of a true anthropology of Judaism. The first is an apologetic coloration – the pretext that since most of the specialists of Judaism are themselves Jews, it seems doubtful that they can impose the distance required for their subject. The second is concerned with the fact that the foundations of science - namely understanding of facts – is inapplicable to Judaism as to all the monotheistic religions because these religions define the individual in terms of his/her genuine commitment to the constitutive relationship between transcendence and immanence; making scientific knowledge of Judaism a failed endeavor from the outset. 45 These points have been the topic of increasingly productive debate, in the context of symposia on Jewish Studies in general, or during seminars that brought together Jewish anthropologists among themselves.5 The most explicit formulation of the difficulties encountered is found in a volume including all the major figures in the controversy over an anthropology of Judaism within the bilateral framework.6 The book does not stop at an enumeration of the difficulties. It attempts, on the contrary, to deal with them directly and without skirting the issues. The relationships between Judaism and anthropology are presented, in terms of work in Jewish Studies as well as outside of this field. The issue of the feasibility of an anthropology of Judaism is tackled, as is the key issue of distance as regards the subject. Case studies bring the more general debates to life and test the innovative hypotheses put forward. The overall approach of the volume is designed to redefine the Jewish world in a general anthropological perspective, exploring its intellectual, institutional, and ideological dimensions.

Multidisciplinarity

46 As mentioned at the outset of this article, French-Israeli studies conducted since 1980 have resulted in a series of publications in the field of Jewish languages, Jewish music and the anthropology of Judaism. It would be accurate to say that challenges specific to each of these fields were the targets. The anthropology of Judaism was riddled with a series of unresolved debates. Rarely confronted directly, these debates were also unrelated to each other. This situation, taking precedence over topics in anthropology, did not prevent them being analyzed. It did however make the value of the results less substantial. Flourishing and productive, the linguistics of Jewish languages turned towards cross-field perspectives. This enabled it to gradually enter into a stronger interaction with general linguistics, whereas the latter remained fairly unresponsive as regards the issues generated by Jewish languages. In the field of Jewish music, the processing of the abundant oral material led to changes in theoretical perspective. Once accepted, these changes reoriented the overall vision of the structural phenomena at hand. 47A closer look shows that these three types of innovations had one thing in common. They all emerged from an evaluation aimed at identifying the conditions in which the given fields developed, and the features of their formative issues. This assessment took into account intellectual and institutional factors, modes of existence of the field over time and in space, research models and methods, past and ongoing work. This type of approach is by nature epistemological but its end goal is practical. This is because the studies themselves became the locus of innovations, as the need became apparent. These innovations only take on full meaning if they are accompanied by an ability to situate them accurately in a retrospective understanding of the fields involved. Finally, it is undeniable that progress in one field contributed to the comprehension of others. There was an effort to overcome the typical barriers which, mainly caused by academic frameworks, led too often to forget that cultural data are inscribed in a continuum. Reconstructing this dimension as regards musical, linguistic or ethnological data, ultimately came down to creating a dual perspective – interdisciplinary, and concerned with discovering the internal logic of the culture. This is the context for future developments, and teaching which, extending certain existing findings, will give them unexpected impact. 48 In Max Weinreich’s words, Jewish interlinguistics should tightly link a rigorous study of linguistic mechanisms and an account of the most salient features of Jewish culture in action. This double requirement should not be viewed as two facets that research can separate for greater facility. On the contrary, the goal is to perceive to what extent rituals, reference to legislative principles and observance, study as an obligation, and the way in which it has deeply forged a collective attitude towards the world, in an explicit manifestation of the respective role of Jews and non-Jews, have primarily built and revitalized the basic pillars of the dispersed communities, overtime. 49Whereas the synagogue and the family have traditionally been identified as the building blocks of a culture without a homeland, now we can add Jewish languages. This shared foundation concretizes the fundamental points of reference that led to transcending the objective differences between features of non-Jewish languages that became active parts of Jewish languages. On a deeper level, Jewish languages can be seen as a critical locus where the social and cultural features of endogamy and exogamy in Jewish communities are built up: alongside the synagogue and its rituals, texts that are transmitted and studied, as well as alongside the family, laws of purity, marriage and the attitudinal system. 50 This anthropological finding clearly emerges from studies carried out within the bilateral framework over the last 20 years. What was termed the ‘naturalization’ of non-Jewish linguistic features via Hebrew and Aramaic, the growing recognition of Jewish languages to transmit sacred texts and their commentaries, but also to play an integral role in the process of interpretation, the way in which, systematically, Jewish languages formed a prime filter and a sounding board for the assessment and shaping of the Diaspora, all this gives them a decisive role. This role cannot be detected until a thorough linguistic analysis has been conducted of the linguistic data. This role cannot be assessed if the language data are not viewed with the eye of the sociolinguist or the ethnolinguist. Here, the convergence of work conducted on Yiddish, Judeo-Arabic, Judeo-Spanish and Judeo-Greek is astounding, since in most cases different sociolinguistic levels have been analyzed in each language, for communities which, in time and space were in contact with specific societies and cultures. 51 In the early1980s, researchers from a range of fields working on a Judeo- Spanish folk song or on Hassidic marriage, bet that interdisciplinary approach would pay off. The guiding principle behind these works was the conviction that although the tools of each field are irreplaceable for the respective analysis of musical, literary, linguistic and ethnographic data, in depth comprehension of repertoires or rituals requires an overall perspective on these same features. This overall view is not immediately apparent. It emerges sketchily and becomes sharper as each specialist integrates into his or her own work what other specialists have discovered about the same subject. The overall view hence does not arise from simply combining work conducted separately. It stems from a gradual maturation of results acquired and challenged at each stage of inquiry. In this type of dynamic the researcher is no longer alone in dealing with a subject of the caliber defined traditionally by one field. He finds himself dealing with a subject whose internal logic is likely to emerge more clearly because of the multidisciplinary, careful efforts of several specialists. In the 1990s, these principles remain fully relevant and productive. 52 Dealt with originally as a ritual dance that forms one of its high points, the Hassidic marriage was described on the basis of ethno-musical and linguistic data. The marriage was seen as a crossroads, an intersection of the most characteristic features of this community, and the broader spiritual dimensions of which the union of the couple is a part. At a later stage of joint research, the ritual was reexamined in a 4-way literary, ethnographic, linguistic and musicological perspective that expanded upon the original findings. In addition, this work, like others on the Yiddish language and literature conducted at the same time, made unprecedented use of the rich oral documentation. This material had been collected in part for many years. These data collections were reexamined and systematically analyzed in a multidisciplinary perspective. They immediately impacted on knowledge of the Hassidic communities in time and in space as much as they sharpened perspectives on the day-to-day ethnology in which Jewish culture develops in different places. The more long-term effect was on another level, and was equally decisive.7 It provided a new angle on the continuity over time of Yiddish culture. This was difficult to achieve as long as the oral data were not analyzed directly, or while these same data were not set within a conceptual continuity with written material. Specialists up to then had focused primarily on written material. 53 The multidisciplinary perspective and research into the internal logic of the culture were also applied to the liturgy of Jews from Ethiopia. Work began in 1986, and led to an Anthology of Beta Israel liturgy, in 3 CDs, a volume of musical and textual sources, and a volume of scientific analysis (a series of chapters devoted to its literary, linguistic, ethnological and musicological features). 54 After years of clandestine immigration to Israel of a small number of individuals, the Ethiopian Jewish community was brought from one day to the next to Israel in the well-known Operation Moses and Operation Solomon, at the end of 1984 and in the Spring of 1991. In 1986, taking advantage of the fact that the religious leaders of this community who arrived in late 1984 were together for two or three years in a rabbinical seminary, a representative sample of Ethiopian Jewish liturgy was collected from them. The purpose of this collection was, at this stage, to preserve a fast-disappearing heritage. For years, the Ethiopian Jews had no synagogue in Israel where they could pray according to their rituals. The gathering of religious leaders was temporary. Their later dispersal would make recordings much more difficult to carry out. The new generation of Ethiopian Jews was not raised in the traditions of its forefathers and its integration into Israeli society motivated it in other directions. 55 Later on the plan to extend the collections by a data analysis slowly gathered momentum. Several factors intervened more or less directly. Israeli society had been required to come to terms with immigrants who fit more difficultly into the social mold, since their Jewish identity remained problematic in the eyes of the religious authorities in Israel. Some Israeli research institutions had shown an interest in a historical study of Ethiopian Judaism or a socio-anthropology of this new immigration. France, which had a long tradition of Ethiopian studies, did not neglect the opportunity to enter into a bilateral framework, supporting demands for greater Franco-Israeli cooperation. 56 When Ethiopian Jewish liturgy became a genuine research topic, other factors needed to be taken into account to define a promising but complex field. Ethiopian society includes Christian, Moslem, Jewish and animist8 groups. The religious culture of Ethiopia is highly inflected by a type of Christianity whose Jewish sources and references have long been clearly quantitatively and qualitatively perceptible. The history of the Jews of Ethiopia remains a scientific enigma. The history of Ethiopian Christianity has undergone major changes in recent times. The hypothesis of a strong articulation between Jewish and Christian liturgies has been formulated on the basis of works in ethnomusicology, without however the truly musical features or the liturgical texts having really been defined or studied. Although Christian liturgy has been the topic of systematic publications that define most of the corpora, the equivalent does not really exist for Jewish liturgy. Several comparative surveys, dealing with music in the two liturgical traditions, suggest that beyond certain similarities, as regards peripheral features of the musical system, basic structural traits differentiate the two liturgies on this level. However, the same corpus of biblical texts serve as the basis and cardinal reference for these two liturgies, in the same liturgical language – the ge’ez. In both cases it is a translation into this language of the Greek text of the Bible, known as the Septuagint. 57 Four types of studies have been conducted successively or jointly. One was a study of the ethnography of the liturgy, the second a musicological and ethno-musicological analysis of musical corpora, a third an analysis of the liturgical texts from the standpoint of their literary structure and the fourth, a study of the sources and content of these same liturgical texts. 58Highly African in its essence, the liturgical music of the Ethiopian Jews is based on the implementation of the principle of 'centonization' well known to specialists of Medieval Music, and prototypical musical cells. Highly economical from a structural point of view, these resources allow for an impressive variety of forms which initially defied all attempts at elucidation. 59The ethnography of liturgy highlights the crucial role of religious leaders, their knowledge and skills, and their ability to memorize the entire liturgical repertory. The form of Ethiopian Jewish liturgy was not unknown, but sound recordings carried out in 1986 and completed in 1989 restored prodigious amounts of sources to an emasculated liturgy. Prayer books for the annual cycle and for the life cycle were then drawn up as regards their structure and part of their content. 60 The literary structure of the prayers adheres to a few basic features, which shape the relationship between soloists and the choir during the performance of the liturgy. The principle of repetition, alternation and a close tie between repetition and alternation form the architecture of each prayer, while at the same time categorizing these prayers textually. These same principles are found in the musical features of the liturgy, and in the sophisticated interweaving of these same literary and musical resources. 61 Whereas the Christian and Jewish liturgical sources are quite identical, these groups use them very differently. This is true from several points of view. The choice differs on several points, both as regards content and form. The text structure of the sources also differs, and the finished product, the prayers, does not present the same general format, the same types of expansions, or the same purposes. Whereas Ethiopian Judaism is based on striking and highly codified ritual sets without the theories having been made explicit or written down, and does not have an Oral Law as defined by historical Judaism, close examination of the prayer texts reveal two key features, absent from the Christian liturgy. One feature is legalistic formulations that draw highly on the authoritative discursive processes found frequently in the five books of Moses. The second is interpretative processes, supporting content that differentiates the Christian and Jewish spiritual worlds. 62 Careful day to day work, the gradual integration of data and partial results have highlighted systematic processes of differentiation between Christian and Jewish liturgy, beyond a historical proximity which specialists, for their part, have learned to better assess during the process of writing the Anthology. It is worth stressing here that the hypothesis of such a differentiation is corroborated by the awareness of it on the part of the clergy of both religions. 63 This overview ends with a description of current perspectives, which should form the guidelines for future bilateral research, and an integral part of their fields of reference. 64 In addition to studies that researchers from both countries have devoted to musical heritage, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and its Center for the Study of Jewish Music have encouraged a policy of collection of Jewish musical traditions in France. Extending beyond the French framework to other countries in Europe, this initiative has led to a considerable increase in available documentation, but also to the publication of several monographs. I have already mentioned progress in studies dealing with the cantilation of biblical and post-biblical texts, aimed at examining traditions of reading and studying the basic texts of Judaism. Current research is oriented in the long term to forming a topography of these traditions in an anthropological perspective. Several liturgical and para-liturgical repertories are also being studied, with growing multidisciplinary contributions – in particular a study dealing with psalmody, which goes beyond the sole framework of Judaism. 65 In the field of anthropology, the overall structure and pace of studies remains affected by the lack of a bilateral program. This has not prevented, in addition to epistemological concerns, studies to be carried out with high heuristic value. One particular study was devoted to the immigration of Ethiopian Jews to Israel and another dealt with the Jews of Bukovina.9 Neither deal with the field the ethnologist classically encounters: a remote spot often viewed as a locus of epistemological inquiry. On the contrary, multiple dialogues must be established. These substitute for the physical referents, and symbolic pillars of identity need to be detected. Revealing these pillars is in turn constructed through the writing process, which, for the two studies mentioned here, has made a considerable contribution to furthering anthropological discourse. 66 As regards Jewish languages, the French-Israeli collaboration has seen its field of reference expand somewhat. Its future missions will doubtless remain focused on data collection and the publication of monographs. Without these, the transversal issues will lose their substance. The timeliness of these issues remains total, whether it involves the Hebrew-Aramaic component of Jewish languages or the use of Jewish languages as translation languages. Nevertheless, the interest for these issues must become sharper and more defined. In turn, the impact in the long term is predictable, if we consider what has been given such little consideration up to now; i.e. a more generous vision of the relationships between general linguistics and the linguistics of Jewish languages. These relationships may indeed be seen from now on as the broader perspectives for specialists in the field, who must deal more explicitly now than in the past with typological and comparative issues in linguistics.

Research Designs

1 The first bilateral program began in 1980 and dealt with polyphony in Yemenite liturgy. In 1982, two other bilateral programs were created. One dealt with cantilation of biblical and post-biblical texts and the other with Jewish inter-linguistics. Each of these programs gave rise to a research seminar held at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem that lasted for several years. In 1986 a fourth bilateral program was started dealing with Ethiopian Jews. The French researchers involved in these programs were members of the Laboratoire de langues et civilisations à tradition orale, of the CNRS. The Laboratoire d’anthropologie sociale also made an important contribution to the creation of the program on Ethiopian Jews. On the Israeli side, the participants in the various programs came primarily from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Jewish Music Research Center; Program on the linguistic oral traditions of the Jewish communities, Linguistics Department, Department of Romance Languages, Department of Folklore) and also from the National and University Library, Ben Zvi Institute, Bar Ilan University). Within the framework of the program on Jewish inter-linguistics, an international scientific cooperation program brought together from 1993-95 French specialists from the CRFJ in Jerusalem, the LACITO in Paris, the National Institute of Oriental Languages and Civilizations, Nancy II University, UMR 7597 – History of Linguistic Theories (CNRS and University of Paris VII). The Israeli participants in this program were from the Hebrew University (Department of Hebrew, Department of Romance Languages, Linguistics Department, Center for the Study of Jewish languages and their Literatures) and from Bar Ilan University and the University of Haifa. 2 For the first, see the article published by S. Arom and U. Sharvit in volume 6 of Yuval, published in Jerusalem in 1994 as “Jewish Oral Traditions, An Interdisciplinary Approach.” For the second see the work by F. Alvarez- Pereyre, La transmission orale de la Mishna, Editions Peeters, 1990. 3 The results of these works can be found in two separate articles both published in volume 6 of the journal Yuval mentioned in note 2. 4 After the creation of the PICS Jewish Languages and Orality, in 1993 for a two year period, a one-day workshop was held at INALCO in 1994, devoted to the integration of Hebrew in Jewish Languages. The second international symposium dealing with the Hebraic component of Jewish languages was held at the University of Milan in 1995. Most of the Israeli and French researchers involved in the Jewish Interlinguistics Program took an active part. Within the framework of this latter program, two international colloquia took place successively in Jerusalem and in Paris, in late 1995 and early 1996 on the theme of Jewish Languages. They were followed on the same topic by the publication of volume XVIII (part 1) of the journal Histoire, Epistémologie, Langage. 5 See in particular the book published in 1990 by the Editions du CNRS, Les Études Juives en France. Situations et perspectives (edited by F. Alvarez- Pereyre and J. Baumgarten). In 1992 and in 1993, an Israel-Canada conference in anthropology was held at Bar Ilan University, and then a French- Israeli workshop held at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, which provided the opportunity for thematic discussions in the field of anthropology. 6 See Le corps du texte, pour une anthropologie des textes de la tradition juive. This volume was published in 1997 by the Editions du CNRS; editors: F. Heymann and D. Storper-Perez. 7. See Le Yiddish, Langue, culture, société. This work was published by the Éditions du CNRS in 1999; editors: J.Baumgarten and D.Bunis. 8 A bilateral French-Ethiopian program has just been launched by UMR 8099 Langues-Musiques-Sociétés of the CNRS and University of Paris V, for a systematic collection of Ethiopian musical traditions. 9 See L. Anteby, Ph.D. awarded in 1996 by University of Paris V, and F. Heymann, Ph.D. awarded in Autumn 2001 by the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. 10 This is the context for the preparation of a large volume of articles, entitled Linguistic des langues juives et linguistique générale, forthcoming, Éditions du CNRS.

Overview Research Designs

Introduction

This study examines “Jewish textuality17” – the reference to text and the symbolic meanings attributed to religious text – in five different arenas of contemporary Jewish culture. Fieldwork was carried out in communities and in social encounters involving sessions of study, prayer, healing, communal performance and bonding – which involved the use of written religious text. The study describes how the encounter with the text creates Jewish cultures on the one hand; and on the other hand, how Jewish culture is renewed and maintained during encounters with the texts, sometimes while debating or arguing with them. The fieldwork conducted in dissimilar arenas led to the formulation of concrete questions that complement and supplement the broad research question. These questions examine the role of the individual in the encounter with the text and the contexts in which the different religious texts are used in the various arenas. The five study arenas are: a kollel operating in an ultra-Orthodox yeshiva of the Lithuanian sector; a secular yeshiva; a Sephardic kabbalistic yeshiva; a Beit Midrash for Storytellers, operating as part of a pluralistic beit midrash ; and the Toldos Aharon chassidus. These arenas are planted in diverse cultural, social and political contexts that vary greatly, thus exemplifying the multicultural Jewish reality in Israel.

The theoretical approaches used to analyze Jewish textuality, including:

17 Shlomo Guzmen Carmeli: Encounters around the Text An Ethnographic Study of Jewish Textuality Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Bar-Ilan University ● key theories in symbolic anthropology; ● theoretical aspects of text-community relationships; ● theories dealing with the molding of the ● self and of the text in the transitions between tradition, modernity and post- modernity.

I will introduce my own phenomenological and hermeneutic approaches. In addition, the chapter discusses ethical challenges that stemmed from the participatory-observation nature of the study as well as issues of limitations, validity, and reliability of the ethnographic research.

Basic Scenario Samples

● a kollel operating in an ultra-Orthodox yeshiva of the Lithuanian sector; ● a secular yeshiva; ● a Sephardic kabbalistic yeshiva; ● a Beit Midrash for Storytellers, operating as part of a pluralistic beit midrash ; and the Toldos Aharon chassidus.

exemplifying the multicultural Jewish reality in Israel

Migration Studies

Physical Anthropology of the Jews18

The color of the skin, hair, and eyes is a very important racial trait. Whether pigmentation is a fixed trait-that is, a racial characteristic transmitted by heredity - or is influenced to any extent by climate, altitude, nutrition, and social condition, is a question on which anthropologists are not agreed. The modern school of sociologists have collected considerable evidence tending to show that the phenomena of pigmentation are greatly influenced by climate, etc., while many others adduce strong evidence to the contrary.’ In our study of the anthropology of the Jews this is of great importance. If it can be shown that the color of hair and eyes is altered under varying external conditions, irrespective of heredity, we may have a ready explanation of the high percentage of blond hair and blue eyes among the Jews. On the other hand, if pigmentation is an hereditary racial trait, the 12 percent of less pigmented Jews must have had their origin in an infusion of non- Semitic, probably Aryan, blood.

The type of the Jew is dark. The ancient Hebrews were characterized as having dark hair. The ideal beauty of Semites has been “raven black” hair. Jacobs quotes a Mishnic Rabbi, R. Ishmael, who says: “The sons of Israel are like boxwood, neither

18 MAURICE FISHBERG: PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY OF THE JEWS 11.-PIGMENTATION AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST ”, N. S., 5, 1903 black nor white but between the two” --i. e., of olive color. The Talmud appears to use the term black (shachar) as synonymous with both hair and youth. There is no mention in the Bible nor in the Talmud of the color of the eyes of the ancient Hebrews ; but it must be mentioned that, according to some authorities on the Hebrew language, there is no equivalent of ‘‘ blue ” in the Bible or the Talmud. We have made notes on the color of the skin, hair, and eyes of 2272 Jews, of twenty years or older, in New York City. Of these I 188 were men and 1084 women. By far the larger portion of these people are of foreign birth -immigrants from nearly every European country and some from various parts of Asia and Africa. Following the plan adopted in treating of the cephalic index,’ we will here report our results for all the Jews, leaving the consideration of the differences between the Jews in various countries to a future special article on the subject. Besides the color of hair and eyes, we have made observations on grayness, baldness, and freckles, and also on the variety of the hair. As will readily be observed by one who attempts to distinguish the degrees of pigmentation of skin, hair and eyes, there is often considerable difficulty in deciding which color to assign a given individual. It is quite easy to distinguish golden-blond from black or dark-brown hair; but between these two extremes there are found minor gradations which are not easily separated, and one often remains in doubt as to the class with which he is dealing. There also arises a problem concerning the number of colors into which it is advisable to divide the material, Some anthropologists distinguish as many as fifteen colors of skin, hair, or eyes ; while the late Dr R. Virchow, in his classical elaboration of the material on the color of skin, hair, and eyes of German school children, collected by the German Anthropological Society a distinguishes only two colors for the skin (fair and dark), four for the hair (blond, brown, black, and red), and three for the eyes (blue, gray, and brown). This classification we have adopted with only slight modifications; we distinguish six classes of hair coloration – black, brown, chestnut, light chestnut, blond, and red. The distinction between fair and dark skin is not always readily apparent, and in doubtful cases we have been guided by the general impression gained by a careful inspection at a distance of from one to two meters from the individual. Only those whose skin appeared brownish or swarthy were taken as dark, and those having a yellowish or somewhat muddy tint were regarded as fair.

The hair was considered black when the darkness was very deep, without a brownish tinge. Such hair usually has a luster, which by reflected light gives ita bluish appearance, but this luster is not observable in black hair which is not kept scrupulously clean by frequent brushing. Brown hair was considered to be that which, although fairly dark, did not show a luster or, in a reflected light, presented a brownish tinge. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish this color from black, particularly in hair the care of which has been neglected. Quite often" brown )) hair will appear decidedly black when thoroughly cleaned and brushed. As chestnut we counted hair which by its coloration did not appear positively brown but which was not fair enough to be termed blond. As this class includes many gradations of color, we have found it necessary to divide it into dark and light chestnut. Most hair here considered to be light chestnut may sometimes be taken for blond, especially when seen by direct sunlight, but close observation discloses a dark tinge. Much of the hair included in this class shows a somewhat rufous appearance, without being decidedly red; in other instances it is almost flaxen, but with a dark tinge. Under blond we have classed hair which is almost white, as well as the flaxen, ashen, yellowish, and golden blond hair. Some of these have a more or less grayish tinge, others are even slightly rufous, while still others have no decided color at all. There are many shades of red hair, ranging from fire-red through brownish red to that which is almost blond but which has a decidedly rufous appearance, In doubtful cases we have been guided by other signs of erythrism, such as an abundance of freckles, and, where possible, by noting the color of the pubic hair, which is orange yellow in most cases of erythrism. The color of the iris was observed at a distance of about one meter. Eyes showing the least degree of pigmentation were recorded as blue, but deeply pigmented eyes, with a dark bluish appearance on close observation, were not included in this class. Only eyes having no color at all or a mixture of light blue and gray were counted as blue. All dark eyes which were not decidedly black were recorded as brown. In this class are included the '' beer-colored 'I eyes (very frequent among the eastern European Jews) and those having a deep dark tint which appears dark blue on close inspection. As gray were considered all eyes which could not be included in the above two classes ; it consequently includes most of those which some ob- servers have described as green, although many of these are essentially brown. Such cases as the latter we have classed among the brown eyes. Black eyes are usually brown on close inspection, but at a distance of about a meter the iris appears deep black and shows no difference in the color of the pupil.

Migration vom Russia to Israel

After the 1917 Russian Revolution, the Jews, who until then had resided in shtetls in the Pale of Settlement in the Western part of the Russian Empire, were permitted to move to the metropolises (see note 2). The following decades saw the urban migration of hundreds of thousands of Jewish families. The new city-dwellers soon found work largely within the fields of administration, education and the liberal professions. Hence, the Jews were rapidly brought into the modern lives of Soviet citizens. Simultaneously, the Jews lost contact with the traditional Jewish communities in the Pale of Settlement. Specific Jewish cultural features such as Yiddish language, religious practices and Jewish household gradually vanished due to lack of convergence with modern Soviet lifestyle or simple secularization (Levin 1988). It is this group of metropolitan, secular Jews that has become known as Heartland Jews. By the end of the 1970s, the Heartland Jews made up more than half of the total Jewish population of the Soviet Union.

For Soviet Jews, secularization was not simply a mechanical process. Traditional Jewish life was severely suppressed by the Soviet authorities. Jews were deprived of their cultural institutions and synagogues, their schoolwere closed, and Jewish cultural organizations prohibitedduring the 1920s and 1930s. The creation of the State of Israel in 1948 was soon followed by a major anti-Jewish purge in the Soviet Union. After the death of Joseph Stalin, in 1953, the repression receded, yet in most respects the official policy towards the Jews remained unchanged until the era of Gorbachev.

In this general climate of assimilation, the Soviet internal passport system played a major role in the maintenance odistinct Jewish identities. From the age of 16, all urban dwellers had to declare their nationality in an affidavit. Children of mixed marriages were allowed to choose between the nationalities of their parents. In any contact with the authorities, Jews could not escape their nationality (Korey 1973:49-63) and in this way they were excluded from a number of "sensitive" fields: diplomacy,the security apparatus, higher levels of the party, etc. Moreover, Jews were discriminated against in spheres ofeducation and work due to the Soviet quota system, that was supposed to secure national groups equal access to education and qualified work. In reality, the system of ethnic quotas limited the possibilities of particular national groups, especially the Jews, as their national quota allotments rapidly filled up (Korey 1973, Levin 1988). Nevertheless, in 1989, the Jews constituted the Soviet Union's best educated nationality group.

Soviet nationality policy and the "national order of things", to borrow a label from Malkki (1992:36), ascribed the Jews as "rootless cosmopolitans" or potential"Zionist agents". In the narrative of Soviet power, the presumed rootlessness of the Jews comprised a direct threat to the social order. The Jews' loyalty to the Sovietstate, especially after the creation of the State of Israel, was regarded as ambiguous. Jews were excluded from serving in the Soviet diplomatic corps and in leading political positions. Soviet Jews were consequently involved in a process of mutually contradictory forces: onthe one hand attempts were made to assimilate them. On the other, they were stigmatized through discriminatory efforts. Soviet Jews became "culturally Russians, but legally and socially Jews" (Gitelman 1972). Today, most of the Heartland Jews speak Russian as their native language and identify themselves with "Russian culture" (Gorlizki 1990:343).

Israel's victory in the June 1967 Six-Day War triggered a series of new repressions against the Soviet Jews. This repression laid the foundation for the emergence of the "refuseniks", Jews who overtly demanded the freedom to in their new countries of destination. Confronted with entirely new realities, they search for new identities. Herthe cultural experiences from life in Russia play an essential role. New identities are constructed in which thimagination of life in Russia/FSU is of crucial significance. In the case of Russian Jewish emigration toIsrael, we might speak not simply of a diaspora "cominghome", but of the creation of a new diaspora in the mythical homeland. Russian Jews, I will argue, do not simply come home; rather, they become diasporic in relation to their erstwhile homeland, Russia. Diaspora does not cease to exist when Russian Jews come home to Israel. On the contrary, a new Russian- Jewish diaspora emerges.

I would like to elaborate further on this point by providing a more detailed analysis of identity and emigration based on 8 months of fieldwork in Moscow in 1993/1994 and a shorter supplementary stay in Tel Aviv in May/June 1995. Jews in the FSU are usually divided into three main ethno-geographical groups: the Western Jews (Zapadniki), living in the Westernmost part of the former Soviet Union (Lvite Jews, most of them highly educated members of the intelligentsia.

The founding of political entities reflects a host of immigrants' frustrations: lack of jobs commensurate with their qualifications is one. The average new RussianJewish immigrant is more educated than the average Israeli. Moreover, considerable numbers of immigrants are still living in mobile barracks, constructed to cope with the explosive influx of immigrants in 1990 and 1991.

Moreover, the immigrants are annoyed at their negative image among the population and in the Israeli mass media. Statements such as "all immigrants are prostitutes, pensioners and up to no good" as it was verbalized by a member of the Knesset, can commonly be read in Israeli newspapers.

Alienation From Israeli Society: Most Russian Jewish informants in Israel are conscious of the acute loss of the contextual frames that endow meaning to their personal identities. Due to the amount of immigrants - more than 12% of the population in Israel is now made up of fourth wave émigrés from the FSU - it is extremely difficult for the immigrants to find a job in harmony with their educational background. Many intellectuals have had to take manual labor to earn for their living, something they experience as humiliating.

Most immigrants see themselves as having severe difficulties in coping with the new realities in Israel and the losses of familiar surroundings, though the majority of my informants are grateful to the Israeli government and society for their willingness to receive them along with hundreds and thousands of other Jews from the FSU, and for the financial aid in the first, difficult period. Next to living conditions in Israel, a common theme of conversion among immigrants from the FSU is the political and economic developments in Russia. Despite great variations in points of view, there is a strong tendency to look upon the future development of Russia with a large portion of pessimism. Many Russian Jews express their conviction that the future would reveal a reinforcement of anti-Semitism, and even pogroms.

Usually the situation in Russia is compared with the climate in Germany in the beginning of the 1930s. Hence,the often tragic feelings of being displaced are to some extent compensated by rationally argued, mutual assurance among the émigrés, that they after all have taken the right decision when they decided to emigrate. Inconformity with their fellow intellectuals back in Moscow, the émigrés express feelings of being deeply "rooted" in Russian culture. Russian literature is enthusiastically discussed, the nature, and shared memories of the expressions of life in Russia. In such discussions, Russia is generally referred to as "home". Their knowledge of current political and cultural developments in Russia is usually significant, thanks to the variety of Russian-language newspapers and radioprograms in Israel (see Hefetz 1993:32-36). Indisputably, personal links to Russia begin to ebb away not long after their arrival in Israel, except in relations between parents in Russia and their emigrant children.

Among the intellectual immigrants, there is a tendency to overtly oppose "absorption" to Israeli society. Many women have chosen to stay at home instead of having a job. The kindergartens are so expensive and wages so low that the lack of a second income in a family is compensated by the saved costs for children-care. Young families find additional advantage in controlling their children's upbringing during the first years: this enables them to teach the children proper Russian and take care of their socialization into "Russian culture". A mother of two girls stated that she would use any means to avoid her children becoming "strangers" in the family.

Certainly, fourth wave Russians Jews regard themselves as culturally distinct from other Jews in Israel. Commonly expressed characteristics of the Israeli population are: "Oriental", "rude", "uncultivated", "provincial" along with more admirable "morally healthy", "idealistic", "hardworking", and "nature bound". Relations to RussianJewish immigrants who arrived in the 1970s and early 1980s are also complicated by feelings of otherness and lack of common points of reference.

A 40-year old female musician, now employed at a mental hospital, explained how "old" immigrants from Russia avoided her by answering her in Hebrew whenever she addressed them in Russian. She recognized that these early immigrants were afraid of being identified with her cohort of immigrants. Virtually none of my informants had friends or acquaintances among third wave immigrants, apart from members of their families or people they knew back iRussia. Even in relations with old friends from the Russian past, most new immigrants expressed their surprise in finding how far from each other they had grown (see also Markowitz 1995:207).

Third Wave Versus Fourth Wave: Fourth wave immigrants from the FSU contrast sharply with the 220,000 Soviet-Jewish immigrants who arrived in Israel during the 1970s and the early 1980s (see Farago 1978, 1979; Markowitz 1993). As already indicated, emigration from the Soviet Union in the 1970s and 1980s was far more difficult (and even dangerous) than it is today, and the reasons to leave usually motivated by religion or Zionism. In her study of this group of immigrants conducted the late 1980s, Fran Markowitz traces a strong sense of identification with Israeli society - a powerful feeling of finally being "at home." Markowitz concludes: "While most migrants, forced or voluntary, start off as rooted in an identity an d a place which they call home and then end up as strangers upon arrival at a new destination, Jewish aliyah [immigration] to Israel changes the stranger into a rightful citizen, a member of the majority group in his or her historic homeland" (Markowitz 1993:99).

According to the majority of Markowitz' informants, Russia was not considered a "home", and longing for the past in Russia was not expressed (ibid.:101- 103). In a survey based on 105 immigrants conducted in 1988, Markowitz observed that 87% of her respondents felt "completely or to a great extent at home". Though the immigrants conducted their lives nearly exclusively in Russian within their migration cohort, they tended to "embrace Israel assimilationism by refusing to support an infrastructure of organizations and Russian-speaking leaders which would make them a political force to contend with in a multi-ethnic Israel" (ibid.:97).

Markowitz concludes that Russian immigrants in Israel found not only a new culture, climate, and political system, but also a new meaning for their Jewish identities. (...) In the course of time most of them have internalized and put into practice an identity that places them alongside natives of the country they chose to be their home. (Ibid.:108).

It would be misleading to assume that third wave and fourth wave immigrants are going through different stages of basically the same process of integration, and that the new immigrants will eventually identify with mainstream Israeli society in a way similar to third wave immigrants.

The experiences of these two waves of immigrants from their arrival to Israel are totally different, and the waves arrive with dissimilar experiences from Russia/the SovieUnion. It is therefore reasonable not only to distinguish between various groups of Soviet/Russian Jews accordinto space (ethno- geographic diasporic "origin"), but also trefer to Russian Jews in Israel with regard to time (perioof immigration), even though the borders between these ew groups obviously are blurred. The immigration cohort with which the individual came has become a marker of identity as well. Nationbuilding Israel19

Earely Israeli Anthropology

Most depictions of “peripheral,” nation-states’ anthropologies assume that the anthropology’s Other is a given, pre-defined subordinated group. Using the beginnings of Israeli anthropology (1960s–1970s) as our case study, we explore instead how while appropriating academic dominant paradigms of the time and aspiring to national unity, Israeli anthropologists were articulating through their choices of research subjects and research topics, and through their interpretations of the field an ethnic difference between themselves, European Jews and their “brothers,” Oriental Jews. We follow the ambivalent discursive strategies through which this research project was created, and explore its implications for understanding other nation-building anthropologies.

Sociology of knowledge:

● nation-building anthropologies, ● ethnicity, ● ambivalence, ● Orientalism, ● Jews, ● Israel

Some of the members sometimes tried to calm down the enthusiasts by opening their arguments with the mention of God: “May the Lord’s name be blessed” (yehee sheim ha’Sheim mevorakh). Though they gained some moments of quiet discussion, the atmosphere soon returned to its previous excitement. Somewhere in the middle of all the shouting, a few members, including those who had screamed earlier, would show their disgust at the way in which the discussion was held by going home.

The assembly gradually disintegrated, usually without any decision having been taken on any of the issues that had been under discussion. This vivid ethnography of a bewildering and not too efficient assembly of Oriental Jews (Mizrahim or Spharadim), all new immigrants from Morocco, refers to a meeting that took place in a peripheral cooperative agricultural village (Moshav) in southern Israel in the mid-1960s. As apparent in other parts of the ethnography, from the ethnographer point of view the broader significance of this social gathering lay not so much in the topics and decisions to be taken.

Instead, it was the deeper structure of the talking event through which the new citizens—who recently emigrated from “traditional” countries—were expected by state’s authorities to learn the modern way of democratic politics. It was precisely this type of site that attracted Jewish-Israeli anthropologists of European descent (Ashkenazim, like the founding fathers and mothers of the Zionist movement and the state of Israel)to their Jewish “brothers,” 19 Yehuda Goodman, Joseph Loss: The Other as Brother: NationBuilding and Ethnic Ambivalence in Early Jewish-Israeli Anthropology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Oriental (Mizrahi) Jews who were perceived as posing a deep challenge to the nation-building project of the young state (established 1948). Conceived as a fascinating sociological laboratory for understanding the transition from “tradition” to “modernity,” these immigrants’ experiences allowed the curious anthropologists to explore the new everyday life and the dramatic confusions created by the move from Morocco to Israel.

The anthropologists were trying of course to locally appropriate the dominant paradigms of the time. However, as we demonstrate below, these paradigms did not determine in themselves the construction of the anthropological project. Rather, taking into account the Jewish state’s national missions and the very choice of a social group for study, the formulation of common research questions, and the interpretations given to the findings were crucial for establishing the peculiar relations between the anthropologists and their subjects, and for the specific anthropological knowledge offered. In this article we examine the practices used by these early JewishIsraeli anthropologists in constituting their. Other. In particular, how and why had these new Jewish immigrants from Muslim lands come to occupy the attention of local Jewish- Israeli anthropology in its early stages?

What were the characteristics of the newly constructed Mizrahi subject? What were the topics of study and what is their significance? On another level, what can we learn from this Israeli case study about the general pattern of self– Other relations in so called “peripheral anthropologies“?

Exploring the underlying assumptions of an academic field is a chapter in the sociology of knowledge, which thus depends on the specific issues scholars should attend to. The representations of social realities in academic research have been analyzed, for example, in relation to the researchers’ institutional affiliations, to their academic biographies, and to the dominant paradigms and theories of their time. While outlining the social and historical context within which early Jewish-Israeli anthropologists were operating, our main focus in this article is on identity politics (cf. Calhoun 1994), that is, on the ways an academic field expresses and further constitutes social difference and power relations between groups (cf. Rosenau 1992, Swidler and Arditi 1994). Like other social sciences, anthropology has been analyzed since the early 1970s as yet another form of social knowledge, especially in relation to its colonial heritage (Asad 1973, Hymes 1972). More generally, the issue of radical alterity and the formation of a self–Other complex were underscored as inherent to anthropology’s classic legacy (Kuper 1988), including at the discipline’s margins, that is in “other people’s anthropologies” in which local anthropologists usually explored their “others at home” (Boškovi and Eriksen 2008:2-8). Indeed, given the intimate relations between researchers and subjects within nation-states—where anthropologists, at least implicitly and indirectly, are part of the nation-building project—this complex is especially intriguing for so called “peripheral” or “national anthropologies” (Gerholm and Hannerz 1982). Drawing on Jewish-Israeli anthropology in its early years (1960s–1970s) we aim at further problematizing common depictions of anthropologies constituted in “peripheral” nation-states (e.g., Guber 2002, Lomnitz-Adler 2001, Peirano 1998, Saberwal 1983, Srivinas 1997, Stocking 1982). In most of these anthropologies of anthropologies (cf. Scholte 1980) the underlying assumption is that the self-Other dynamics are based upon pre- defined relations between dominant and subordinated groups.

A salient example is the typology offered by the leading historian of anthropology, George Stocking. Stocking argues (1982:179-185) that in peripheral anthropologies, defined as “nation-building” anthropologies (in contrast to “empire-building” anthropologies established in Europe, especially England, and in the USA), one can discern three types of relations between anthropologists and their Other: “Secondary metropolitan” (Sweden and Poland), “white settler” (Anglophone Canada, Quebec and Brazil), and “ex- colonial” (India and Sudan). The last two categories are most relevant when trying to figure out the nature of early Jewish-Israeli anthropology. In white settler anthropology, Stocking relates the colonization politics to the fact that the subjects of study were formerly conceived by European settlers as “culturally alien others,” later to become part of the emerging national body, composed of European settlers and indigenous people (cf. Peirano 1998 for Brazil, Lomnitz-Adler 2001 for Mexico, Guber 2002 for Argentina). The tension between the anthropologists as representatives of the former colonizers and their research subjects, the former colonized communities, is thus an ongoing political issue. In ex-colonial anthropology, by contrast, the political contestations are reconstructed within a shared nationality, for both the anthropologists and their Other are post-colonized indigenous subjects. In these countries, India for example (Saberwal 1983, Srivinas 1997), the anthropologists and their subjects were all formerly colonized by the empire; the distinction and its entailed social hierarchy between the anthropologists and their subjects of study is related still to a pre-defined social difference, worked out along social class, caste, or ethnic lines.

Although Stocking’s typology is illuminating and analytically useful, it seems to rest upon a particular perspective about the way a local anthropological project is part of modern nation-building processes. The underlying assumption is that whereasthe anthropologists belong to a dominant (national or other) group, their subjects belong to a subordinated group.

Further, resonating Rogers Brubaker’s argument (1996:5) about modern nationalism, the assumption is that in modern states—lacking an overlap between territory and a political community with a shared cultural heritage— the dominant national group uses the state to defend its superiority over minority groups using various means (including coercing upon marginalized groups its own cultural identity, a seemingly shared national core). However, citizenship politics in modern nation-states are crafted not only across the lines between predefined national majority and minority groups, but through contestations within the national majority group itself (cf. Yonah 2004). The anthropological project may thus play out differences within the majority group, with its own identity politics and, in particular, its own ambivalences. Early Jewish-Israeli anthropology may disrupt Stocking’s categorization because the structure of self-Other relations in this case includes characteristics of both white settler and ex-colonial anthropologies. Further, these very categories do not seem to capture well the ethnic complexity worked out in the Israeli case since the relations between the anthropologists and their research subjects were worked out within the national majority group itself. We suggest then to use the Israeli case to rethink common assumptions in the study of so called peripheral anthropologies, and especially refining Stocking’s typology.

The Jewish-Israeli national group, forming the majority of the state‘s population, may be considered as settlers or colonizers in respect to the indigenous Palestinians residing in the 1967 occupied territories and ArabIsraelis (also called 1948 Arabs or Israeli Palestinians). Still, a white settler typology does not fit too nicely this local anthropology for two reasons. First, the Jewish settlers were not “ white” Europeans since they included a growing number of non-white Middle Eastern and North African Jews. Second, in accordance with Zionism (the national liberation movement of the Jewish people), from these settlers’ point of view, they were neither “new settlers” nor “ immigrants,” but “ ascendants” (olim) returning to their biblically promised holy-land.

Further, Israeli Jews were ex-colonized in respect to the former British rule (the Mandate) over Palestine (1917–1947). Though most arrived in Israel after the Mandate was over, the British regime shaped many of the institutions of the newly established state. Still, once again, an ex-colonial typology does not fit easily enough Jewish-Israeli anthropology because the anthropologists were primarily interested in studying not the pre-defined national Other, the Palestinians and Arab-Israelis, but their “brothers,” fellow Jews who emigrated from various former European colonies like Morocco or Tunisia (Shokeid 1971a:1, 1971b; Weingrod 2004:414). The anthropologists focused thus on members of their own national group, who now belonged to an evolving, and not-too-clearly-defined, ethnic group (edah).

Identity politics was more subtle then, worked out between Ashkenazi immigrants who represented the national modern project and Mizrahi immigrants who served as objects of the national assimilation, democratization, and modernization efforts (cf. Shohat 1988). Accordingly, the self–Other complex was articulated through an emerging ethnic difference and hierarchy that werebased (or constructed) on structural, cultural, political, historical, and geographical concerns within the Jewish national group. Within this group of settlers—colonials (or returnees) and ex-colonized—the distinctions between European and non-Europeans, and between so called moderns and so called traditionalists were not pre-given, but to be constructed and further worked out by various social and political means and by the very ethnographic practices of the anthropologists themselves. As we demonstrate below, the anthropological project formed a local version of Orientalism (Said 1978) that was entangled in a nation-building project aimed at transforming the Mizrahim in the image of the Ashkenazim through cultural work, physical labor, re-education and political re-socialization (cf. Shohat 1988).

Like in other modern nation-building projects that entail both membership and exclusion (cf. Kahn 2001), the Mizrahi subject was ambivalently positioned as both “a brother,” a target of assimilation into the modernized national (Jewish) body and a radical Other. Paradoxically, this local anthropology was torn between two conflicting inclinations. On the one hand, it encouraged a unified national identity. Given an emphasis on statism (mamlakhtiyut), a “melting pot” ideology (kur ha’hitukh), and a nation-building project of efficiently absorbing into the collective all Jews from their various exiles (kibbutz galuyot), Israeli anthropology was a research project that aspired, in ways, to make itself obsolete. On the other hand, it constructed a self–Other (Ashkenazi–Mizrahi) difference, to be further explored and explicated in future research projects.

In this article we follow then the inner Jewish self–Other complex as formed in the early chapters of Israeli anthropology along a local West–East line of difference. We examine the work of early Israeli anthropologists as both representatives of modern social-science and as mediators or cultural brokers between the state’s nation-building project and its supposedly over-traditional new citizens. In analyzing the interviews with them and the ethnographies they wrote we concentrate on the discursive practices they used. We explore how in practice the anthropologists constructed their Other, Oriental Jews who arrived in Israel after the state’s establishment from Muslim lands and served as a chief target of the state’s modernization project.

Before Israel’s War of Independence (1948), the local population within the borders of the coming-to-be state of Israel summed up to 630 thousand Jews and 740 thousand Arabs of various faiths. Among Jewish immigrants to Palestine during the years 1919–1948, almost eighty-eight percent were Ashkenazim, and merely twelve percent were Jews from Muslim countries (Swirski 1984:79). After 1948 only 160 thousand Arabs remained within the borders of the newly established Israeli state (the Green Line). Within ten years the Jewish population more than doubled due to mass immigration: about forty-four percent from Europe and about fifty-five percent from the Middle East, Asia, and North Africa (Weingrod 1971:268).

During the 1950s and 1960s an ethnic social stratification was emerging: Whereas Mizrahim served in blue-collar and low rank white-collar jobs, Ashkenazim served in the managerial and high rank jobs in the government, the industry, the army, and the education system. Further, contrary to prevailing assumptions of the time according to which Mizrahim had come from backward cultures and were in need for modernization, some scholars argue that they were the very agents of the rapid development, industrialization and modernization of the state (Swirski 1984:80-83, Shohat 1988).

Whereas modernity has often involved transfer from rural areas to the city, Israel moved also in the opposite direction. The young Jewish state underscored the development of agricultural settlements and food production industries in the periphery in order to create local sources of necessary supplies, to materialize the territorial achievements of the war, and for security reasons (settling at the borders of the state surrounded by its Arab enemies). Further, Israeli modernity was entangled with the construction of “authenticity.” Since agricultural vocations were often considered as marks of indigenous authentic origin (Ferguson 1992), settling in the periphery meant a renewal of the ancient acclaimed bond between the land of Israel and the people of Israel. Settling the periphery was achieved to a large extent by forcing Mizrahi immigrants into agricultural cooperative villages (Moshavim) and so called “development towns” (Kemp 2000). During the years 1948–1959, 274 new Moshavim were established; 159 by Mizrahi immigrants, sixty-seven by Ashkenazi immigrants, twelve by Israeli-born, and thirty-six non-specified (Weingrod 1962a:73). In the introduction to his ethnography Reluctant Pioneers, Weingrod (1966:viii) articulated the social conundrum entailed in this massive settlement project: “Paradoxically, they [Mizrahim] fulfilled an ideal they did not create and precisely at a time when those who first conceived the ideal [Ashkenazi founders] were responding less actively to its demands.“

In the years following the establishment of the state of Israel, the sole department in Israeli academy that included some anthropology teachings in its curricula was the sociology department at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. However, Shmuel Eisenstadt who controlled the department during this period had not allowed for a tenure track position for anthropologists. It was only in 1963, when Tel Aviv University established a second sociology department in Israel (under the leadership of Yonathan Shapiro), that a tenured position was offered to an anthropologist, Emanuel Marx, who had just completed his Ph.D. at Manchester University. That year was a watershed for Israeli anthropology, as it saw yet another seminal event in which Marx was also involved. A large-scale anthropological research endeavor was launched with the financial support of the Zionist British Bernstein family and under the direction of Max Gluckman, the famous social anthropologist from Manchester University (Marx 1980). The Israeli researchers in this project, including Marx who was appointed its local manager, made a lasting contribution to Israeli anthropology, and in fact served as its founders (Cohen 1977:317).

The scholars participating in this project were given freedom to choose their community of research and their research questions. Whereas the majority of the non-Israelis found Ashkenazi Israelis to be sufficiently Others, three of the four Israelis —Emanuel Marx, Shlomo Deshen, and Moshe Shokeid —chose to study remote communities of Mizrahim in Moshavim and development towns (Shokeid 2004:392, Goldberg 1976:120).

We focus on these anthropologists because they were dominant figures in Israeli anthropology of the time and for years to come. Marx held a leading position both at the first Israeli department with an anthropology track in Tel Aviv University and in the Bernstein project. Deshen and Shokeid were prominent in the anthropological study of Mizrahim in Israel for about thirty-five years. In addition, they were the other Israeli participants in the Bernstein project who have developed a career in anthropology. We consider the work of yet another Jewish-Israeli anthropologist, Alex Weingrod, because he also studied mainly Mizrahim, and at the beginning of the 1960s served as Shokeid’s and Deshen’s supervisor in the Social Research branch of the Land Settlement Department at the Jewish Agency, in which they received their early experience in field work. Interestingly enough, Weingrod was absent from Israel during the local anthropology’s institutionalization period (end of the 1960s, beginning of the 1970s) and thus he serves as an illuminating point of reference.

The pioneer Jewish anthropologists in Israel during these founding moments were ambivalently positioned at the intersection of two major concerns. Academically, they were committed to the anthropological and socialscientific paradigms of the time; in particular, British structural functionalism in its Manchester school version, American symbolic-interpretivism, and the sociological modernization-secularization theory. This intellectual world set the ground for their shared ready-made research methods and topics, like kinship, politics, ritual and myth, tradition and modernization—to be explored through intensive fieldwork in a remote-enough small group.

Institutionally, they were committed to the Jewish state’s modernization project and nation-building. A major concern for the state was how to incorporate into the national body the mass waves of Jewish immigrants coming to Israel during the 1950s and 1960s from a variety of cultural, linguistic and political settings. Immigrants from Muslim countries were marked as particularly “problematic,” and in need of correcting measures to allow for the transformation from “traditional” ways into modernity. Within the boundaries of the nation-building project the anthropologists criticized state’s policies, and occasionally offered their expert’s advice, at times as part of official services they provided to the state. This anthropology was thus close in ways to so called “rural sociology,” (for Turkey see Tando an 2008:98), and can be also regarded as applied anthropology.

Before delving into specific ethnographic practices used by these founding figures of Israeli anthropology, let us outline the broader framework they established. While the Bernstein family provided the funding, and while Max Gluckman provided the professional direction and research paradigm, including the extended-case method and situational analysis (cf. Evens and Handelman 2006), the research topics and their specific appropriations were suggested by the local anthropologists. As detailed below, the latter were following the social conundrums they perceived as occurring given the national project of massive Jewish immigration and settlement. Further, the Jewish nation-building project combined at this historical moment with an emerging ethnic difference between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim. When access of Western anthropologists to their classical fields was becoming restricted and a critical reflection on the role of colonialism in anthropology began to emerge (Asad 1973, Hymes 1972), hundreds of thousands of people from the traditional anthropological fields immigrated to Israel within a short period of time. Jewish-Israeli anthropologists conceived the situation as having classical anthropological objects of study in their backyard, living in a new, radically different, modern setting, and free for investigation with the best of the state’s legitimacy.

How then was the “social” framed in this research project? Like thManchester school under the leadership of Max Gluckman, the dominanparadigm of the time in Israeli social sciences was structural functionalism (Ram 1995). It assumed universal structures (political, economical, social and cultural) in every society, and invited the exploration of how social events preserve equilibrium. Like Gluckman’s interest in some measure of neo-Marxism and inequality, Israeli anthropologists did not ignore conflicts (including those evolving between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim) but tended to incorporate them within a larger stable political system (Deshen 1966). Issues of power, social interaction, and domination were in view and at the basis of critical remarks toward state’s representatives. Discriminatory practices were noted (Weingrod 1962b, 1966:44,54), as well as prejudiced views against Mizrahim (Weingrod 1966:39-40,133-134), and administrators were portrayed as conservative and patronizing (Weingrod 1962a:82-83). Still, the emphasis was (especially for Deshen, Marx, and Shokeid) not so much on the state and its administration, but mainly on the Mizrahim and their coping strategies. Mizrahim’s protests were attributed to their lack of knowledge of modern, civil and democratic institutions (Marx 1976:38), or to their misunderstanding of the objective conditions (Deshen 1970a:218, 1976a:8687,95,98) due to their so called “traditional” origin. Social life in a Moroccan Moshav was described, for example, as saturated with internal conflicts but these were not connected to broader ethnic relations or to the state (Shokeid 1968, 1971a:99-162). The emphasis on national unity overshadowed local conflicts (Deshen 1970a:218- 219, Marx 1976:39,42). Rarely, the structural weakness of Mizrahi immigrants was considered as an explanatory factor for conflicts with the (Ashkenazi) officials (Marx 1976:2429). Even then it was mainly attributed to their so called “backward culture” (Marx 1976:28,38) or to specific local erroneous policy (Marx 1976:49) rather than to broad discriminatory practices.

The functionalist paradigm coincided with the Jewish-Israeli anthropologists’ inclination to look into problematic issues from the state-authorities’ point of view. When anthropology came into the Israeli academic scene, the first stages of immigrants’ absorption were assumed to have been accomplished and Israel “enjoyed one of the world’s highest rates of economic growth” (Ram 1995:11). Though the anthropologists offered some criticaassessments of specific decisions, they usually told the successful absorption narrative (Deshen and Shokeid 1974:122; Shokeid 1967b:11, 1968), and downplayed failures (Marx 1976:20,52,56,58).

The static morphology of structural functionalism was balanced by an interest in a symbolic interpretive perspective, and even more so in a dynamic secularization and modernization theory that assumed thatthe most important historical change is the linear transformation from tradition to modernity. The neglected issue of acculturation in anthropology (cf. Gupta and Ferguson 1997:21-22) and the traditional–modernity complex runs through all of these ethnographies. The anthropologists aligned their ethnographies, usually not explicitly so, with the local Israeli tradition–modern dichotomy, which was also part of the colonial legacy of the discipline (Hymes 1972:29). Mizrahim’s immigration to Israel was thus conceived as a rare opportunity to explore the social drama of a traditional community transfer into a modern environment.

A central question—which coincided with the nation-building concerns of the state—was how traditional communities were undergoing changes; in particular, slowly learning the modern way. As the example that opens this article demonstrates, this very move and its possible ramifications set the background against which the problematics in the social field were understood to emerge, and which the anthropologists were trying to unravel. Mizrahim were expected to undergo a social change from traditional to modern subjects. Hindrances and delays were commonly identified and interpreted as temporal or partial—relative to the larger modernizing process.

The anthropological project was assumed to fit the national project. Thus, since these anthropologists described their work as studying their “ own society” (Shokeid 1971a:1-2) rather than the natives’ world as such, they celebrated the revival of the Hebrew language in Israel, and never studied their informants’ mother tongue—Jewish- Moroccan or Tunisian Arabic. Also, the Mizrahi women’s scarce knowledge of Hebrew (Weingrod 1966:152) was probably yet another reason why the anthropologists tended to focus on the men. While Marx (1976:38) and Weingrod (1966:60,148,152) mentioned the immigrants’ poor Hebrew, Shokeid pointed to his own mastery of Hebrew as an advantage (1971b:119).

Our initial observations outline then the general paradigmatic assumptions the Jewish-Israeli anthropologists were working with. In what follows we demonstrate some specific practices through which the Mizrahi subject as an object of inquiry was formed in the anthropologists’ research projects and interpretational moves. Although we mainly highlight the work of one anthropologist for each dimension, there was some overlapping in these anthropologists’ research projects, and all of their works, taken together, contributed to the construction of the Mizrahi subject. We point to four major discursive practices used: the remote and marginalized population as a preferred field of study; its construction as (supposedly temporal) politically ignorant; its portrayal as violent, yet somewhat rational; and its constitution as (still) struggling with problematic traditional family relations that get in the way of its economic activity. These practices portrayed a local Orientalized subject that was caught up within the contradictory demands of modern Israel.

The Jews studied by early Israeli anthropologists were described as deeply non-European: “people who originated from the more remote, traditional, southern provinces; French culture was generally beyond their horizon” (Deshen and Shokeid 1974:34). In retrospect Deshen noted (1979:80) that these research choices meant that “ descendents of urban communities that make up a large part, and maybe even the majority of the Oriental Jews in Israel, had not been studied thoroughly, and we don’t have a real anthropological understanding of their nature.”Deshen studied mainly Jews who emigrated from Southern Tunisia but also from Northern Tunisia and from Morocco. Marx investigated Moroccans of several localities, and Shokeid published primarily ethnographies of one community that emigrated from the Atlas Mountains, although he studied also urban Moroccans and Kurds. Weingrod, on the other hand, focused on Moroccans who originated from both urban and village localities.

Important choices were made also in regard to the local community to be studied, once in Israel. Although upon immigration Mizrahim settled in various places, the anthropologists tended to study those who lived in peripheral places. Marx studied a peripheral town, Shokeid and Weingrod studied peripheral Moshavim, and Deshen studied both. The human subject of early Israeli anthropology was thus mainly a peripheral Mizrahi (often, in his home- country as well). The anthropologists looked for clashes and confusions created between the traditional immigrants and the customs, demands and values of the modern state. These sites allowed witnessing how differences between Mizrahim and anthropologists (and other Israeli Ashkenazim) appear in the strongest tones possible. Some changes that seemed to indicate the Mizrahim’s slow acculturation into the modern-Ashkenazi model were observed, and Mizrahim were portrayed as struggling to make the expected changes. These orientations produced a constant oscillation between recording ethnic differences and spotting positive changes for thbenefit of social and national solidarity.

The choices made were articulated through these and other, more specific, scientific considerations. For example, Shokeid submitted several motives for his choice to study a Moshav populated by a community that emigrated as a whole from one village in the Atlas Mountains:

The first [motive] was a deep curiosity about a group of people to whom I am apparently related by ancient history and by recent citizenship… My other motive for this research was the wish to preserve records of cultures and social systems which are doomed to disappear…These motives as well as a scientific interest in the subject, were crystallized during my studies of sociology at the Hebrew University…I chose Romema because I thought it offered some especially interesting circumstances for study. It appeared to be a laboratory situation, since the new settlement comprised a group of people who had lived together before they immigrated to Israel and had shared the events, conditions and process of immigration and absorption in Israel.mThis situation, I thought, neutralized a wide field of unknown and different variables of social background which one must consider in the study of a heterogeneous community of immigrants. [Shokeid 1971a:1-3] Thus, besides wishing to probe into the dramatic transformations from tradition to modernity, Shokeid expressed interest in so called “salvage ethnography,” studying quickly enough disappearing traditional subjects and ways of life (cf. Clifford 1986:112-113). Later Shokeid even expressed (1988:37) his unfulfilled desire to concentrate more closely on the portrait of a specific Moroccan immigrant whom he conceived as an embodiment of a “traditional person.”

Once these choices were made, the ethnographies were used to generalize about Moroccan Jewry, Tunisian Jewry and North African Jewry at large (e.g., Shokeid and Deshen 1977:62-64). Deshen and Shokeid wrote (1974:34), “For all practical purposes of the present study, we feel that one does not distort the picture by referring to the North African Jewish background in terms of a traditional society.” One should note, however, that numerical figures from several ethnographies show that the Atlas

Mountains Jewish immigrants were a minority among the Moroccan community in Israel and therefore could hardly represent the common situation. Whereas the number of Atlas Mountains’ Jews reached twenty thousand right before they immigrated to Israel (Shokeid and Deshen 1977:15), the total number of Moroccan Jews at the same historical moment summed up to 286 thousand (Deshen and Shokeid 1974:34). As well, the number of Moroccans that arrived in Israel were estimated by 250 thousand (Weingrod and Levy 2006:695). Namely, the percentage of Atlas Mountains’ Jews—serving as the central object of inquiry for early Jewish-Israeli anthropology—reached at the most about eight percent of the total number of Moroccan immigrants to Israel.

The anthropologists’ choices can be attributed to a variety of reasons: The discipline’s legacy to study non-Europeans; its commitment to intensive fieldwork in a small and remote community; Israeli national concern about modernizing the “traditional” immigrants, settling the “frontier,” and creating what was conceived as a viable agricultural production; and the geopolitical peripheral position allocated for Mizrahim by the state and Israeli society during those years. In any case, the anthropologists tended to use their findings and conclusions to generalize on all North African immigrants, or even to the entire Mizrahi population in Israel. Thus, they (re)constituted the Mizrahi subject as rural, traditional, and marginal.

[…]

In these ethnographies violence was attributed to Mizrahi immigrants alone. The proletarization and marginalization of Mizrahi immigrants on a national level were hardly discussed. The conditions of living were rarely portrayed as “government-violence,” or as part of structural inequalities in Israeli society, but rather as somehow unavoidable objective conditions; as stemming from flawed administration decisions; or, to some extent, as a product of the immigrants’“traditional” origin. Thus, the topic chosen—Moroccan violence— and the interpretations provided determined the nature of the anthropological Other as quite dependent, poor, unexpected and violent, yet rational within his own limits.

[..]

Conflicts and their relation to family structures stood thus at center tage in these ethnographies of the Moroccan subject. Whereas Shokeid related them to traditional, irrational and aggressive tendencies, Weingrod associated them with the state‘s policies. Still, both anthropologists combined in their writing some critical remarks toward the authorities’ views and actions, while simultaneously dovetailing with the same national concern and its agenda.

Ethiopean Jews

Jewish Ethiopian Israelis20

Ethiopian Jews are a religious and ethnic group originating mostly in northern Ethiopia (especially Gondar and Tigre provinces) who were formerly known primarily as either Beta Israel (House of Israel) or Falasha, though many people today consider the latter term derogatory. During the past half-century the vast majority of Ethiopian Jews have migrated to the state of Israel, where they may also be known as Ethiopian Israelis. At the time of their immigration their languages were either Amharic or Tigrean but they historically spoke an Agau dialect and frequently resisted incorporation by the Amhara Christian 20 Don Seemann: Jewish Ethiopian Israelis, Emory University, USA state that preceded modern Ethiopia (Kaplan 1995; Quirin 1992). The ancestors of today’s Ethiopian Jews tended to live in scattered villages across rural northern Ethiopia, where they worked as share croppers or smallscale farmers as well as weavers and metal workers. Historically they were banned in some regions from owning land unless they converted to Christianity, which made them so heavily dependent on metal working that Quirin (1992) describes them during the nineteenth century as an “occupational caste,” frequently suffering suspicion and discrimination as a result of engagingina despised profession. One of the lasting ironies of Ethiopian Jewish history is that profound attention by western missionaries who specifically sought to convert Levantine Jews during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries also led to increasingly frequent and significant contact between Beta Israel and Jews outside Ethiopia (Kaplan 1995; Seeman 2000). Over time,these contacts led to growing, though not uncontested, feelings of identification between Ethiopian Jews and parts of the global Jewish diaspora with which they had not previously had much contact. While some Ethiopian Jews did adopt Christianity (either Protestant or Orthodox) during this period,those who resisted came increasingly to rely on material and cultural support from western Jews. With the founding of the Jewish state in 1948 conversations intensified about prospects for emigration, but Israel did not recognize the Ethiopians as Jews eligible for automatic citizenship until a landmark ruling by Israel’s Sephardic Chief Rabbi Ovadiah Yosef in 1973 (Corinaldi 1998). Even then, doubts about the origins of the Jewish community in Ethiopia led some religious authorities to dispute that they should be accorded the status of Jews according to Jewish law, leading to a number of important political confrontations. One of the most significant was the 1985 protest by Ethiopian immigrants against the rabbinate’s ruling that they should undergo a form of expedited conversion so as to re move all doubts about their lineage. The immigrants won a partial victory but the stage was also set for many future controversies. Ethiopian immigration to Israel has come in three primary waves. A period of clandestine immigration during the 1980s when Israel had no diplomatic relations with Ethiopia was characterized by truly heroic efforts on the part of many Ethiopian Jews to simply walk across the border under very difficult conditions to a variety of refugee camps where they would be met by Israeli operatives. Then in 1991, just before the fall of the Dergue regime in Addis Ababa, Israel arranged with American assistance for the emergency airlift of some fourteen thousand people who had gathered there, waiting for permission to emigrate. Between 1991 and 2013 immigration has continued in fits and starts from transit camps established in Addis Ababa and later Gondar to process visa requests. Some smaller operations have also broughtJewsfromoutlyingcommunities that were not easily accessible in previous decades. Many of the immigrants in this last phase of immigration were designated by the state as “Feres Mura” — namely, Ethiopians whose recent ancestors had converted to Christianity but who were seeking a way to “return to Judaism” (Seeman 2009) and join their extended families in Israel. This latter immigration led to considerable controversy both inside and outside the community of Ethiopians already in Israel, since it raised thorny questions about religious authenticity and the relationship between religion, national identity, and immigration policy. Continued intensive missionary efforts by various Christian groups in both Ethiopia and Israel have further complicated this dynamic (Seeman 2013). Today’s Ethiopian Israelis (numbering around 130,000) are in a dynamic state of growth and change. Though difficult problems of integration and economic mobility continue to cause issues, there are also an increasing number of Ethiopian Israeli attorneys, actors, models, health-care professionals, small business owners, military officers, blue-collar workers, and members of parliament. The youngest generation speaks Hebrew fluently but has also claimed its place in a global Ethiopian diaspora through travel (including heritage tourism in Ethiopia), music, and other important cultural markers. Perhaps most surprisingly, a new generation of traditional Beta Israel religious leadership (mostly priests or kessotch butal so at least one monk) has been ordained by their elders in Israel to serve the community alongside a small but growing cadre of Ethiopian rabbis trained in Israeli rabbinical seminaries. These are extraordinary challenges and opportunities for a community that a few decades ago included many subsistence farmers and refugees.

Coffee and Posession

Coffee Talk

● Avol (the ﬁrst cup): Coffee talk21 ● Toneh (the second cup): Loosening the ties that bind ● Baraka (the third cup): Culture and moral freedom

For Ethiopian Jews and (formerly Jewish) Pentecostals in Israel, coffee (buna) is more than just a stimulant, a cultural symbol, or even a social lubricant. It is a material medium for disputes about the limitations of moral agency, the experience of kin relations that have been broken or restructured, and the eruption of dangerous—but also healing—potencies in the social world. Buna consumption has become a focal point for at least three different forms of moral compulsion (physical addiction; zar, or spirit, afﬂiction; and kinship obligations) that are experienced as isomorphic with “culture” and from which freedom is sought. The decision to drink or to refrain from drinking buna has therefore emerged as a fulcrum of moral experience around which different Ethiopian groups in Israel negotiate the limits of “culture” and the quest for an elusive moral freedom. [African Pentecostalism, Ethiopian Jews, existential anthropology, moral experience, religious conversion, culture theory, freedom.

21 DON SEEMAN Emory University: Coffee and the moral order: Ethiopian Jews and Pentecostals against culture, america ethnologist, Journal of the American Ethnoogical Society AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 42, No. 4, pp. 734–748, ISSN 0094-0496, online ISSN 1548-1425. 2015 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/amet.12167 Sociology

Introduction

Focus – Problem of Embeddedness22 ● networks „social structural absolutism“ ● cultural sociology ● organization theory

implications of a new socio – economic resarch phanomena, the authors were asking for a criticial evaluation – in other countries – e.g. Germany

22 Richard Swedberg: New Economic Sociology: What has Been Accomplished, What is Ahead? - Stockholm University, Acta Sociologica, Stockholm, Sweden, Scandinavian Sociological Association 1997 Philanthropy

The Transition of Communal Values and Behavior

It is not uncommon for scholars and practitioners alike to discuss the ways that values, history and community structures shape philanthropy in any particular community. Philanthropy reflects community values and norms; what communities as a whole and the subgroups within them think and feel are often revealed through their patterns of giving. It is clear that different groups of Americans weave their own ethnic and cultural norms into the fabric of their philanthropy. Racial, ethnic, and religious groups find philanthropy at the intersection of communal social systems and relationships to the larger society. Jewish philanthropy represents a complex set of interactions within an intricate set of community structures. Not only do community values, norms, and behaviors shape philanthropy within the Jewish community, but the opposite is true as well: philanthropy within the Jewish community is itself a set of systems, ideologies and behaviors that shape the character of the Jewish community. Philanthropy is not only a reflector, but a determinate and molder of values and norms as well. The philanthropic structure itself is an engine that drives much of the Jewish communal agenda.

How Jews give away money tells a great deal about the evolving character of Jewish life in America. Philanthropy reflects an ethnic/religious group defining its place in American society, while at the same time shaping its own internal direction and self-definition.

Philanthropy is the means by which much of the communal agenda is debated and decided. Jewish philanthropy shapes values and norms as well as responds to them. Most Jewish fundraising organizations are not only institutions that raise money, they are also institutions that educate, lead, and define the values of American Jewish society. The purposes for which money is raised define the character of the Jewish community. Contributors and non- contributors alike are profoundly influenced by the programs and institutions funded through the Jewish philanthropic structure. The social science literature discussing patterns of Jewish philanthropy is somewhat limited. Quantitative data on donor attitudes and behavior are still scarce in the Jewish community. Given some of the conventional wisdom about the success of Jewish philanthropy in the United States, one might have anticipated a greater analytical framework. Yet we have little empirical analysis on why Jews give, to which philanthropies, and the relationship of religious identity to philanthropic behavior. Some studies look specifically at women’s roles in Jewish philanthropy.

No comprehensive study of Jewish philanthropy is available to compare to general American society as reported by the Independent Sector.

We also know that Jews are slightly more likely to make some contribution to a nonJewish than Jewish philanthropy and that the number of donors to umbrella giving through federations’ annual campaigns has been declining. A number of studies corroborate that there is a growing propensity for Jews to give to secular rather than Jewish causes, especially for younger Jews. Yet, Jewish philanthropy is thriving, both in the central system of the federation, and outside it, in terms of actual dollars raised or managed. The federation as an institution is thriving as never before, even while the annual campaign is flat. In spite of the great success of federations in overall financial resource development, the diminishing role of federations has been speculated about for some time, at least since the beginning of the 1990s. One prominent Jewish journalist queried in a 1992 editorial about whether federations would continue to function at all. Articles in both the Forward and the Wall Street Journal in 1998 documented the central funding systems losing ground to more targeted philanthropies in Jewish life. But all revenue streams to federations have been increasing dramatically over the past decade. The concern about the overall health of federations is misplaced and antiquated emphasis on the annual campaign as the primary measure of success. Unrestricted endowments, restricted endowments, philanthropic funds, special campaigns, and capital campaigns have all grown at a rapid pace. While the percentage of the total revenue stream represented by the annual campaign has been declining, the overall base has been growing. Federations have increased their annual allocations through grant- making far beyond the funds distributed from annual campaigns. The growth of this aspect of the federation system is likely to increase at an even greater pace, given the revised estimates of the amount of wealth to be transferred in the near future.

The total dollars raised outside the federation system have also been growing. Organizations such as the New Israel Fund, Jewish National Fund and other organizations have shown major increases in the past ten years. The number of organizations raising money has also burgeoned; therefore, more dollars are being raised through a broader network. The competitive nature of the fundraising system has resulted in more organizations producing more dollars by addressing specific needs and interests, and tapping into targeted subgroups of Jews. Jews are giving more dollars than ever before to Jewish causes, as well as more dollars to secular causes.

The context in which Jewish philanthropy takes place has changed radically in the last few years. The purposes for which funds are raised, the processes of collection and distribution, and the institutional landscape in the Jewish fundraising world are all beingaltered.

Some of the underpinnings — philosophical, ideological and religious — in the Jewish fundraising system remain essentially unaltered, but the nuances of the purposes for which monies are raised have expanded and become more differentiated. This monograph looks at Jewish communal values and structures as they shape philanthropy. It is not an analysis of religious ideology, Torah text, or an in-depth look at the relationship of Jewish theology and philanthropy. A rich literature exists on tzedakah and performing acts of loving-kindness, and the meaning of Jewish laws regarding giving and communal support. But that is not the purpose of this discussion.

The focus is on the current Jewish philanthropic system, which can be viewed through a number of lenses. The first is ideological. Ideology represents the guiding principles, beliefs and myths that define the philanthropic system. The second lens is structural. This is an institutional and organizational network, the mechanisms through which ideologies are expressed. Over the years American Jewry, as well as other Diaspora communities, have created elaborate and intricate systems to help raise money to build the State of Israel. The third lens is programmatic. These are the specific activities within the system that are supported through monies raised or the activities that help raise the money. Sometimes they are the same, with fundraising organizations having adopted programs that both raise money and build the system itself. The fourth lens is technical, the set of tools that are used to help raise funds. These tools may include marketing techniques, the use of media, and so on. The level of sophistication of these tools variesm tremendously depending on the fundraising organization. The fifth lens to examine the fundraising system is procedural, the processes in decision-making, resource distribution, and so on that connect ideologies, structure and programs into a system. The focus of this paper is on the ideological, with some discussion of the structural. The Americanization of Jewish philanthropy has taken place. Jews are now so integrated into the American mainstream, that tzedakah has taken on more of the character of American philanthropy, and will continue to do so, representing less the religious tradition of Jews and more the civil tradition of philanthropy in the United States. Philanthropy among Jews mirrors certain aspects of the American system, especially among the very wealthy. Issues of power, gender, generation, and the roles of professionals all come into play. More Jews will make contributions based in American values of giving; voluntary associations, giving through personal choice, and supporting a wide variety of causes. They, like other Americans, will pick and choose that which they want to support, most often philanthropies for which they have some affinity or connection. One model of giving looks at variables of involvement, appeal of large projects, and other factors. These, among other models, explore why particular individuals give and others do not, within any construct, Jewish, American, ethnic, or otherwise. Over time, it will become even more difficult to discern what is different or distinctive about Jewish philanthropy from American philanthropy. Non-sectarian institutions will continue to garner time, attention, and philanthropic dollars. Jews may now have a natural affinity and loyalty to a whole new set of institutions and organizations — the ones that affect their lives, their children’s lives, their parent’s lives. Three trends in American philanthropy are paralleled within Jewish philanthropy. First, umbrella giving is diminishing. Just as United Way represents a decreasing presence, so do federations’ annual campaigns play a decreasing role in overall Jewish philanthropy. The annual campaign of federations is still a major engine in Jewish philanthropybut probably accounts for no more than 10% – 15% of all funds raised by Jews for Jewish causes (including synagogue dues and contributions). The annual campaign is likely to continue its decline as the central force in American Jewish philanthropy.

Parallel Tin American & Jewish Philanthropy 1. Decline of umbrela campaigns 2. Rapid growth of foundations 3. Accumulation of wealth Second, the rapid growth of private foundations, both in terms of numbers and assets, continues unabated. More dollars are being deposited, but the pace of the distribution is slow. Most Jewish foundations, like the foundation world as a whole, see the 5% distribution requirement as a ceiling not a floor. Therefore, more and more money is accumu- lating, but not necessarily utilized in the preThird, there is an enormous accumulation of wealth, both from a healthy economy, and the stock market boom of the 1990s, even with the subsequent decline. Donors and foundations have more money to give away. Like the Jewish community, other ethnic and religious groups also are suddenly seeing increased contributions to their philanthropic structures. With wealth comes more involvement in philanthropy. As one study in 1997 demonstrated, those who accumulated wealth were very likely to begin serious involvement in philanthropy, with the highest percentage choosing at least some kind of contribution to their religious community

The Americanization of Jewish giving has also included a growing propensity to give to philanthropies outside of the Jewish community. American Jews have become an integral part of the philanthropic mainstream, donating large sums to a variety of institutions and organizations in the realms of education, health, human services, culture, politics, and others. Donors have become involved more deeply in non-Jewish philanthropy for five reasons.

The first is acceptance and integration into American society, the removal of antisemitic barriers. Jews play prominent roles in institutions from which they were once prohibited from taking leadership roles due to antisemitic restrictions. Involvement in the general society’s philanthropy signals both group and individual triumph to blend into the American mainstream.

Second, serving the non-Jewish community is seen by many as a mission of their Jewishness. The possibilities for giving as an expression of Jewish life are extended even further by broadening the definition of what is Jewish. Some individuals believe that they are performing an explicitly Jewish act by contributing to a secular shelter for the homeless or even an emergency food program for the hungry under Christian auspices. Even though the recipients are nonJewish, both institution and clients, the act of performing mitzvot with Jewish sensibilities can make practically any giving opportunity a Jewish one to some donors. This philosophy extends the opportunities for giving from the myriad of Jewish institutions and causes to a decision-making matrix which, for all practical purposes, is infinite. Philanthropy is also a means to reduce the conflict between being Jewish and being a “middle-class,” that is, ordinary American.

Third, many donors believe that they must contribute to societal institutions outside the Jewish community because the donor desires to “put something back into the community.” Many feel that America generally, or their local community specifically, have been very good to them. Many Jews feel that they have been given incredible opportunities to be full-functioning and accepted members in an open society. They believe that since the country has been so good to them, and the society so open, that there is a quid pro quo for Jews to support general institutions as well as Jewish institutions. Therefore, they express their gratitude to the nation and to the community through philanthropy. Philanthropy becomes a “thank you” to America, a statement of personal gratitude in addition to a religious act or ideology.

Reasons for Americanization of Jewish Philanthropy 1. Acceptance and integration into American society 2. Fulfilling Jewish mission of serving larger society 3. Giving something back as Americans 4. Being ambassadors of the Jewish community 5. Secular concerns are more compelling

A fourth factor is the desire to represent the Jewish community, to be ambassadors of the Jewish people, and to secure good will for Jewish causes. Some donors do not want non-Jews to assume that Jews support only Jewish causes, that Jews are too insulated or self-concerned. Some feel that if Jews are too isolated and provincial, the hospitable atmosphere of the general society will not respond to Jewish needs. By giving to a wide variety of general causes, some donors feel that they will ensure general community support for Jewish concerns. Indeed, there is evidence that Jewish philanthropists are more likely to make their largest gifts to non-Jewish philanthropies. $40 million, $50 million, $100 million, or even more from Jews are not uncommon to non- Gifts of Jewish philanthropies. These gifts are not necessarily paid out in a one-year period, but may be paid over a five or ten year period or longer. Nevertheless, non- Jewish causes are attracting the largest Jewish donor gifts. Individual Jewish philanthropists make annual gifts of substantial amounts to Jewish philanthropies, but it is less common to see mega-gifts given to the Jewish community. Universities, symphonies, hospitals, and museums are capturing the largest gifts from Jewish donors.

Fifth, non-Jewish causes seem more compelling. Most individuals interviewed in a variety of studies indicated that they could give two or three times more to Jewish philanthropies if they felt the need. Most of them do not feel the need. As a result, a high proportion of their giving now goes to nonJewish philanthropies. The proportion of giving to Jewish philanthropies has declined precipitously for many major donors, down from 70% for many to 30% or less. Many also feel that there is no Jewish institution or organization that they know of that could efficiently or appropriately utilize a gift of $80 or $100 million. Familiarity breeds some contempt on the one hand, and disengagement breeds suspicion on the other hand. Some would argue that among wealthy Americans, the level of giving in general is not what it ought to be.

One could hypothesize that in a fixed pool of philanthropic dollars, Jewish philanthropies are competing for contributions with non-Jewish philanthropies. Or one could argue that the pool of philanthropic dollars expands depending on both motivating factors and agencies involved. The latter illustrates that philanthropists give to a wide variety of causes, both Jewish and nonJewish, and the amount given is not necessarily dependent on the decision to give to a Jewish versus non-Jewish cause. If the donation pool, that is, the amount given, is somewhat fixed, then Jewish philanthropies have serious competition from non-Jewish philanthropies. If the pool expands, depending on the case made and the motivation that is provided, the amounts given tend to reinforce one another rather than be competitive.

Basic Values in Jewish Phianthropy and Community

Jewish philanthropy is anchored in three pervasive values. The first is tzedakah — the ancient religious imperative to provide for those in need. Tzedakah — literally righteousness — is a deeply embedded set of religious obligations that Jews have for one another and all human beings. A variety of scholarly and popular works attest to this relationship of tzedakah and social justice in the contemporary American Jewish community. The set of ideologies and behaviors that constitute tzedakah resembles other faith traditions of charity; concepts of sharing both energy and material goods with those who are less fortunate. Also like other Americans, the impulse for philanthropy is deeply ingrained as an emotional and psychological desire to help others. What distinguishes tzedakah is the absolute sense of obligation, its matter-offactness. It is a must, not a should. It is a command, not a consideration. It is not a matter of choice. An individual is not considered generous because one shares that which they have, because one is supposed to do so. Tzedakah is deeply embedded in Jewish thought and feeling, especially the imperative to provide for basic human needs, such as food, shelter, and children in need. These concerns are the foundation for the intricateset of social and human services Jews build for their communities.

Tzedakah is also dedicated to serving the world-at-large, non Jews as well as Jews. The need to “repair a broken world” (Tikun Olam), is deeply embedded in community values and norms. A strong universalistic component characterizes Jewish philanthropy. The interest in social justice and volunteering evolves constantly. It continues to take new forms, such as the Jewish Service Corps, which is designed to serve the secular rather than the Jewish world.

Basic Values in Jewish Philanthropy 1. Tzedakah (Righteousness) 2. Reinforcement of ethnic, cultural and religious identity 3. Self protection from external threats

As the religious/social societies of Judaism were transplanted and maintained in a multitude of Diaspora communities, Jews brought their philanthropic systems wherever they went. Thus the systems of philanthropy became more and more institutionalized over time. In place after place, century after century, this religious/ social structure was replicated. Jews maintained separate or quasi-separate societies, with human and social service systems. Long before the “public sector” took responsibility, Jews took care of other Jews. They became proficient in designing, building, and maintaining service systems. They would bring this accumulated knowledge and practice to America. The synergy between Jewish philanthropy and the American system would make both systems flourish even more. Tzedakah and the philanthropic systems that derive from the religious values of providing for basic human and social needs have been part of the construct of Jewish life for so long that the vast majority of Jews that participate have little knowledge or understanding of the religious origins of their actions. Over time, these religious values have been translated into communal norms, even in the absence of individual institutional knowledge or recognition of the religious origins of the beliefs and behaviors. These feelings and actions are now “hard-wired” into the Jewish subconscious and communal psyche, guiding and directing Jewish behavior.

Second, Jewish philanthropy is used to reinforce ethnic, cultural and religious identity. Philanthropy expresses and reinforces the desire to maintain separate identity and community. Elaborate systems are developed to support Jewish education and for perpetuating religious life. Not only is it a righteous act to feed a hungry person, it is also a righteous act to educate a poor Jew or logically extended, to help subsidizethe religious participation of any Jew who can not afford it. The philanthropic system has a large component dedicated to creating successive generations who identify and act as Jews. Like other religious groups in America, where the church is the primary recipient of much philanthropic activity, Jews make hundreds of thousands of small gifts to synagogues. However, baby boomers and younger are less likely to give to a church. The day-to-day support of synagogues through membership dues and other contributions is so ordinary, regular, and uneventful that it is usually not considered much in discussions of American Jewish philanthropy.

The community-building agenda includes advocacy for Jewish education and supporting synagogues as primary focal points. These areas of philanthropic investment are receiving more attention. It is not clear what the outcomes will be. The issue of building Jewish identity may arouse intense emotions, but does not necessarily offer a clear rallying point, ideology or programmatic agenda for fundraising or institution-building. Some philanthropists may pick specific programmatic agendas such as sending students to Israel or expanding summer camps to build Jewish community. But for the most part, the community-building agenda does not lend itself easily to quick fixes. This fact can lead to frustration or cynicism, because problems that do not have quick fixes seem to have no fixes at all. If clear-cut and easy to implement remedies are not available, then some believe that there is no remedy to be had.

Third, philanthropy is used for self-protection from external threats. The persistence of antisemitism throughout Jewish history required funds for defense systems and rescue efforts. Defense has evolved into political lobbying, legislative campaigns, and developing political coalitions with other interest groups. A number of organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League, American Jewish Committee, and the American Jewish Congress were created to fight antisemitism. There is little question that Jews will rally to give more money to fight antisemitism when they feel the need. Rescue includes efforts to raise money to help bring Jews out of the former Soviet Union where they are threatened by antisemitic violence, or from Ethiopia where they are subject to both discrimination and extreme poverty. Jews in America also developed an elaborate system of rescue organizations, community relations organizations, lobbying organizations, and institutions to support Israel. Support for Israel is linked to the need for self-protection. Israel is seen by world Jews as the ultimate expression of religious destiny,n pride, and self-protection for Jews. It is considered a safe haven from discrimination and violence in a hostile world.

Jewish society was constructed to carry out the religious imperatives. These patterns were reinforced by Jews living in isolated subcultures; more often than not, persecuted and denied most basic economic, social and individual rights. Expressions of righteousness also became defense mechanisms; Jews taking care of their own as a necessity in the face of external hostility. Therefore, philanthropy and the social and institutional structures created by it were a communal expression of survival. If Jews did not care of their own, they would perish in a hostile world. The very fabric of Jewish society linked giving and survival in Jewish consciousness and behavior. Raising money has never been about raising money alone. It has always included serving God, helping fellow Jews, and fending off aggression and discrimination.

Because Jews have been forced to be reactive to hostile external forces, a crisis mentality almost always pervaded Jewish philanthropy. The crises can be characterized in the following ways. If Jews did not feed one another, they would starve. If Jews did not help build Israel, then all Jews, everywhere, all the time, would be at risk in potentially hostile countries throughout the world. If Jews did not help support Israel financially, Arab armies would have crushed the young state. If Jews did not help subsidize Jews to leave the former Soviet Union, they could be subject to violent antisemitism. The Jews of Ethiopia would starve. If Jews do not support their synagogues and education programs for Jewish youth, the Jewish community would eventually disintegrate. Conditioned by external and internal threats, Jewish philanthropy has intertwined danger, fear and despair as an underlying emotional basis.

The dominant themes in philanthropy in the last two generations have been linked to peril and destruction from external forces. The United Jewish Appeal’s Operation Exodus in the late 1980s and early 1990s was the culmination of decades of effort to facilitate migration (to Israel and the United States) of Jews from the Soviet Union. Many Jews felt that this population was in peril and those that remain in the former Soviet Union remain in peril. The campaign rightfully emphasized the threat of antisemitism and repression in the Soviet Union and the latent danger continuing into the 1990s. Rescue was the motif of the campaign. Indeed, fear has been at the heart of the great themes of Jewish consciousness in the twentieth century: failure to prevent disaster (the Holocaust), vigilant battle against hostile neighbors (Israel), and avoidance of disaster, rescuing Jews from potential repression (Soviet Union).

The communal tension between these basic values is constant and intense. How does the community fulfill the need for human services in the Jewish community ad the need to serve all of the world? How do Jews balance the need to build religious identity,and the need for defense and rescue? These tensions are being played out now with increasing ferocity, since the Jewish community is in such dramatic transition. Most Jews do not wish to embrace a system that forces them to choose between building Jewish community in the United States versus social welfare needs in Israel, versus rescuing Jews from the former Soviet Union, or feeding an elderly Jew in Eastern Europe versus sending a Jewish child to a Jewish- sponsored preschool in the United States. Ultimately, asking Jews to choose between communities, between causes, between purposes, creates untenable choices.

For many donors, programs in building Jewish community, even if they are vitally important, are less of a priority than social welfare programs in the Jewish community. Basic human needs come first. Donors must be convinced that those in need — the elderly, the homeless, the hungry, the émigré in need of job retraining — will be adequately served before they will consider reallocating dollars to Jewish continuity. Yet, some donors believe just the opposite, that Jewish community-building comes first and that the social welfare system of the general society can take care of Jews in need. Others simply do not believe that there are Jews in need.

The expression of these values have produced major philanthropic successes in the Jewish community over the past century. These have been the building of synagogues, Jewish community centers, religious schools and other institutions to build religious and ethnic identity, the building of a human service delivery system to serve the Jewish community, the building of the State of Israel, and the resettlement of Jews at risk, including from Arab countries, Ethiopia, and the former Soviet Union. These values are now in a major transition.

Community and Ideology in Transition

Today, however, Jews can begin thinking about who and what they want to be. This emerging reality is at the heart of the current transition in Jewish philanthropy. The transition of Jewish life finds three concurrent themes intertwined in the philanthropic system. First, Jews have become highly integrated into mainstream American society. As one author has noted, sometime in the last two generations, Jews became “white folks” in America. Second, Jews remain different, in spite of this integration. Jewish psyche and behavior remains distinct from the overall society. Jews still practice a different religion from Christianity, connect to Israel more closely, and still largely marry other Jews (although diminishing all the time). Third, Jews have not completely shed their survival fears. Discrimination and violence have been too frequent and too recent for fear to dissipate within a generation. There has been a shift from a focus on external threats (antisemitism) to internal threats (loss of separate identity). Being communally and socially secure and still being afraid causes major dislocation in the philanthropic system. Signs of resurgent antisemitism may reverse this shift: violent hate crimes against individual Jews or “stop the Jews” signs on college campuses.

Even as Jews have become more successful socially, economically, politically and culturally, the crisis mentality remains a raison d’être to raise funds. This has been reinforced by the consistent threats to Israeli survival in the Middle East and the mass movement of Jews from the former Soviet Union in what continues to be viewed by Jews as an antisemitic environment and potentially threatening to the safety of the Jewish communities that remain. Therefore, the themes of rescue and survival, while not necessarily salient for raising funds for domestic purposes, have remained a key motivator for fundraising, and still permeate Jewish thought and emotion. How Jews make the transition from the crisis mentality and the fear of group survival will be difficult. Indeed, shifted fundraising themes away from crises from external threats to crises from internal threats is the mirror image of a similar ideology. Group survival remains the essence of the philanthropic system.

The conundrum of Jewish philanthropy rests in being both successful and afraid. Integration into American society draws Jews to non-Jewish philanthropy. At the same time, acceptance into the secular society transforms the distinctive cohesiveness of Jews and therefore, requires more communal attention and funding. The very success of American Jewry necessitates more rather than less funding for the Jewish communal infrastructure. Yet Jews are more drawn to the causes and institutions of the secular society, unless again faced with an external threat.

Because tzedakah is not limited only to Jews, the more success and prosperity Jews achieve, the greater their ability to support group needs throughout American society, and the rest of the world. The enormous economic and political success of the American Jewish community means that they have much more to give. At the same time, the integration of Jews into the general society — schools, business, politics, and cultural life — makes them integral players in the secular world. However, the more successful Jews become, and the more obligated they feel to support secular institutions, the more they also feel the threat of internal dissolution. Therefore, the need for self-help and maintenance of a separate communal order — one that enriches a distinctive and separate Jewish identity — by definition also requires an ever growing need for financial resources. Jews are only able to give away more to the general society because they are so much a part of it. Jews would not be able to give to the general society at such great levels if they were not so successful, and the Jewish community would not need financial support as much if Jews were not so successful. This tension will continue to play itself out in Jewish philanthropy until it is better understood, addressed openly and honestly, and somehow the Jewish community is able to come to grips with the great philanthropic “Catch22.”

But concern about maintaining a separate identity may not engender as much passion or financial support as past crises, because many Jews may not see weakening Jewish identity as a crisis at all. Jews want to be both assimilated as well as separate. They like being Jewish and American, and they like contributing to both Jewish and secular causes. Few Jews want to segregate themselves completely from American society, except for some ultra-Orthodox groups. It is difficult to sustain a sense of crisis when the vast majority of Jews do not want to live in entirely Jewish neighborhoods or go to entirely Jewish schools. Although afraid of group dissolution, the assimilation emergency is hard to market to the vast majority of American Jews: they like their lives way too much to think about isolating themselves again. The positive effects of Jewish education, religious meaning, and community cohesiveness may be far more appealing psychologically, and therefore philanthropically, than emphasizing the imminent demise of American Jewry. But these positive messages are rarely transmitted.

The clarity about supporting human services in the Jewish community has also been seriously damaged. The self-help imperative is very murky because Jewish human service organizations, like other non-profits in America, have become increasingly intertwined with federal and state programs. It has been accepted for some time that foundations and private philanthropy must take up some of the slack from the public sector withdrawal from certain human service programs, but are not certain about which components and how much. Jewish homes for the aged, vocational services, family and children services receive most of their money from the public sector rather than private contributions from the Jewish community. Like other groups, the imperative to take care of one’s own in the Jewish community involves being part of the American human service mainstream and garnering a share of public sector dollars. While Jews continue to be concerned about the human service needs of their own community, it is unclear how much support needs to be generated through the private system of Jewish philanthropy, and how much should or will come through the general society. Much of the maintenance of the human service system comes from the public sector, while emergency needs, special campaigns, and capital needs come through the Jewish philanthropic system.

The Jewish community is confused about who is responsible for what; is it the federal government, the state government, charities as a whole, or the Jewish community specifically? Jews are still committed to the basic tenets of maintaining a human service infrastructure, but they are much more unclear about the mechanisms to provide this goal. Should Jews support political candidates and programs that provide more of these services through the public sector? Or do they reassume the support burden? Are Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid enough to meet the health needs of the Jewish elderly? Or should Jewish organizations be providing more comprehensive services, and if so what kind?

The confusion about public versus voluntary sector roles and how much human service support is necessary and in what realms, may hamper the ability to raise money for human services. Questions often emerge from prospective contributors about the necessity of their contribution in the light of government support and subsidies. Few people seem to be sure about how much is being done by whom and, therefore, what the individual and collective responsibility in the Jewish community ought to be to meet human service needs. Economic good times, the relative invisibility of the needy, and the gradual raising of the standards of basic needs, all lead to a hesitancy and uncertainty in supporting the human service agenda through Jewish philanthropy.

The Purposes of Jewish Philanthropy

It would seem that the purposes of philanthropy in the Jewish community would be straightforward and simple: To provide financial resources for various purposes, causes, and institutions within the Jewish community. But this view of Jewish philanthropy is too simplistic. The system of Jewish philanthropy is much more complex in its purposes than the provision of financial resources alone. A variety of techniques, both standard and innovative, for existing institutions and new ones, for large scale and small scale efforts, centers the mission on raising the most dollars. But philanthropy in the Jewish community is far more than raising funds. It serves another set of other functions that both define and reflect Jewish communal values and beliefs.

Purposes of Jewish Philanthropy 1. Community-building 2. Teaching activity 3. Volunteer development 4. Leadership development 5. Expression of personal identity 6. Value definition 7. Building bridges between groups of Jews 8. Building bridges to other Americans

Philanthropy as Community-Building

Purposes of Jewish Philanthropy

Giving money to Jewish causes, institutions and organizations is a mechanism to define group membership. One of the standard definitions of affiliation with Jewish community includes giving to Jewish philanthropies. Beliefs and behaviors define whether or not one is a Jew. Along with belonging to a synagogue, observing certain rituals such as participation in a Passover Seder or attending religious services on Rosh Hashanah (The Jewish New Year) and Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), donating or not donating to Jewish purposes is used as a key benchmark for defining affiliation. Therefore, increasing the number of donors to Jewish philanthropies is seen as a way of identifying, defining and building the Jewish community. The value of contributing goes far beyond the dollars themselves. Most community leaders believe that making some contribution to a Jewish philanthropy constitutes a major statement about one’s identity as a Jew. Conversely, contributing nothing to Jewish philanthropies is taken as a statement of disengagement, disinterest or disenfranchisement. Communal leaders look not only at the amount of money being raised, but the proportion of the population that contributes. Broadening as well as deepening the base is valued not only as a fundraising strategy, that is, more donors will eventually lead to bigger contributions from those donors, but as a value in itself. Even if there were hundreds of thousands of additional donors who gave only a dollar and never gave substantially more, this would still be viewed as communally positive. Someone who makes no contribution to the Jewish community is viewed as an outsider — a loss to the tribe. So strong is the emphasis on the contributing obligation as a measure of Jewish communal involvement, that a deep sense of loss accompanies discussions of the declining donor base to Jewish causes.

However, the primacy of raising money usually triumphs over the communal value of involving more donors in Jewish philanthropy. Like most fundraising, most Jewish philanthropy focuses on major donors and larger gifts. Expending resources to expand the donor base is often seen as inefficient as a fundraising strategy when so much more can be added to the bottom line by concentrating on major gifts. Therefore, a sense of loss may pervade the declining donor base in Jewish philanthropy, but relatively little investment is made to addressthe issue. Philanthropy for the Jewish masses is viewed as an essential part of Jewish identity and behavior, but for the most part goes unattended in philanthropic planning and execution.

Philanthropy as a Teaching Activity

Jewish philanthropy may be viewed by many as a way to teach Jewish values. Personal solicitations, telephone requests, direct mail, and fundraising events can be mechanisms to inform the Jewish public about issues in Jewish life, religious teachings, and communal values. The teaching goal of Jewish philanthropy is usually implicit rather than explicit for most of those involved. Jewish history lessons are vaguely woven into fundraising efforts and appeals are sometimes laced with the meaning of Judaism, communal goals and cultural values. Given the relatively low rates of affiliation with religious institutions and the waning participation of many Jews in traditional ritual or communal activity, fundraising can be a key mechanism to teach Jews about Judaism. The value, therefore, is not only in how much money is raised, but how much both individuals and groups of Jews learn about being Jewish. Little assessment has been made about the effectiveness of this teaching role, but would make for an important secondary analysis about Jewish philanthropy.

Philanthropy as a Volunteer Development Tool

Fundraising is a means to engage volunteers. According to the latest Independent Sector study, 16% of Americans who volunteer do so through fundraising. Raising money is an expression of community involvement within the American culture. Donors look for meaningful ways to express their support for a particular organization or institution. Fundraising allows for a multiplicity of tasks and talents that includes organizing events, solicitations, “back room” support services and many others. Philanthropy provides avenues for engagement, team-building, and an outlet for those who want to be part of the Jewish community and are looking ways to express their Jewish identity. Furthermore, philanthropy is goal-oriented with clear benchmarks of success and accomplishments. Therefore, people feel positive about their Jewish identity when they reach their fundraising goals. The philanthropic structures are especially important for Jews who do not consider themselves to be “religious.”Significant proportions of Jews bifurcate their identity between their ethnic/cultural definitions of Judaism and what are more standard definitions of religiosity, including synagogue attendance, or ritual observance such as keeping kosher. Participation in philanthropy is traditionally a system of expression of Jewish values and communal connection for those who may feel marginalized or alienated from what they call the religious side of Judaism. Even for those ethnic and cultural Jews who are now seeking more spiritual connections to Jewish life, philanthropy still offers an excellent vehicle for volunteer participation. As noted, traditional values, history and other elements of Jewish learning are incorporated into the philanthropic enterprise. While in the past, Jews who engaged in philanthropy may have in engaged in a deeply religious set of activities, they may have done so without having any knowledge based in Jewish learning. Philanthropic activism and learning are becoming more integrated.

Jewish Philanthropy as Leadership Development

While recruiting volunteers in general is a key goal of the philanthropic structure, recruiting leaders is even more desired. Individuals are valued not only for their dollar contribution, but their willingness to take committee, board, task force, and other leadership roles in the voluntary structure of the organization. Very often, major donor status and leadership status are defined as one and the same, with little attention to leadership training efforts for the largest contributors. Those who give the most money become presidents and chairs of boards within a vast array of Jewish organizations, particularly But, leadership is defined by position, not actual knowledge or skill in leading the organization. Philanthropic leaders also serve the role as ambassadors for the organization to other institutions in both the private and public sectors. those devoted to raising money. Philanthopy is viewed as a training ground where individuals learn about the purpose and structure of an organization, become vested in it and contribute more money and more time. But, leadership is defined by position, not actual knowledge or skill in leading the organization. Philanthropic leaders also serve the role as ambassadors for the organization to other institutions in both the private and public sectors.

Philanthropy as Personal Identity & Expression

Jewish philanthropy can be a powerful mode of expression of one’s personal identity. For some, it may be the secondary or even primary identity, superseding even profession or family. Individuals have the opportunity to assume multiple identities, including philanthropist or grant-maker. Coupled with the pervasive role philanthropy plays in Jewish society, being identified as a philanthropist represents a positive individual identity in the community. Philanthropy offers a legitimate and valued way to express personal values and commitment to being a Jew. [...]

Acitivities

● Fundraising as a Value Definition Activity ● Building Bridges Among Groups of Jews ● Building Bridges to Other Groups in America

[...]

Trends Affecting Jewish Philanthropy 1. Change of ideology away from Israel and assimilation 2. Diversification of purposes and programs 3. Decentralization of fundraising institutions 4. Privatization of allocations and grant-making 5. Demand for greater accountability 6. Increasing influence of women 7. The professionalization of philanthropy

Current Constraints in the Jewish Philanthropic System

[…]

problem with admnistrative actions „donors“

Current Constraints In the Jewish Philanthropic System 1. New versus system maintaining programs 2. Concentrating on “core” versus “marginal” Jews 3. Not enough information, too much information 4. Need for peer groups 5. Need for professional assistance 6. Mistrust of fundraising institutions

The Aauthor is not able to follow the conclusions because of the German - American anthroplogical mismatch.

Sociology of Holocaust

Introduction

Holocaust memory construction that used to rely on the "lived experience" of direct survivors will instead, and of necessity, come increasingly to rely on prosthetic memories of others with non-direct knowledge. The entire apparatus of memorialization (art, concentration camp museums, conferences, films, literature, memorials, museums, music, plays, poetry, symposia) may make it ever more possible for people to take on counterpart memories of Holocaust components not "naturally" their own. In this possibility resides an enormous new opportunity whereby humanist sociologists can help both to honor victimsand to defy perpetrators (more on this opportunity later)23. A prerequisite for constructing a positive narrative of the Holocaust is the need to understand the universal implications of the particular Jewish experience. Across the decades, since the "discovery" at the war's end in 1945 of the "first and only industrialized genocide . . . the most wicked act in all history" (Niall Ferguson, as quoted in Montiefore 2006:14), a controversy has raged between particularists, who insist the Holocaust is primarily or even exclusively a Jewish tragedy, and universalists, who have sought to broadly enlarge its definition (see Alexander 2004; Rosenbaum 1996). Particularists see the Holocaust as a genocide unlike any other. Israel's first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, insisted the Holocaust "is not like other atrocities . . . [it is] a unique episode that has no equal . . . the only crime that has no parallel in human history" (quoted in Segev 1993:329-330). This position helps explain why in June 1999 the German Bundestag defeated a proposal to have Berlin's Memorial for the Murdered Jews include a second small memorial for all of the Nazis' victims (Young 2000). To extend the concept to include other tragedies is thought to diminish the true horror of the event, whose primary purpose was the anti-Semitic destruction of European Jewry: "The holocaust haunts us more than other genocides for a good reason. The Final Solution was the deliberate act [begun in peacetime] of a government to exterminate a portion of its own people" (Bowden 2006:A-14). It was first and foremost aimed at murdering a specific people, using unprecedented industrial methods with utter detachment, and nothing like it existed before or since. Certain parties committed to promoting the continuity of Judaism use the Holocaust narrative to help sensitize Jews everywhere to the primacy of their birth identification. Reference is made to the founder of Zionism, Theodore Herzel, who after surveying the history of anti-Semitism explained, "Our enemies have made us one people without our consent" (Freedman 2000:32). They never stop emphasizing the profoundly Jewish nature of the Holocaust and that the Nazis indiscriminately murdered thoroughly assimilated Jews as well as the ultra-Orthodox. Others, however, want to use the Holocaust as something more than only or even primarily a Jewish tragedy. Instead they see it as a universal trope for historical trauma, as a "powerful prism through which we may look at other instances of genocide" (Huyssen 2003:14). For example, the late William Styron, author of Sophie's Choice, believed the Holocaust transcended antiSemitism in that "its ultimate depravity lay in the fact that it was anti- human. Anti-life" (Lehmann-Haupt 2006:B9). He took heart in the idea that its negative lesson "serves as a binding moral force not only for Germany, but also for all of Europe"—that is, for Gentiles as well as for Jews (Bernstein 2006:2). When those of this persuasion think of the Holocaust they think not only of six million murdered Jews, but also of the millions of other non-Jewish human beings (see Introduction to the Special Issue, note 3). They think as well of the millions of lives tragically lost since World War II in genocides in China 23 Arthur B. Shostak: HUMANIST SOCIOLOGY AND HOLOCAUST MEMORIALIZATION: ON ACCENTING THE POSITIVE Drexel University, HUMANITY & SOCIETY, 2007, VOL. 31 (February: 43-64) Indonesia, Cambodia, former-Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Darfur, and elsewhere (Chalk and Jonassohn 1990; Horowitz 1997; Rosenbaum 1996). Some mourn the largest genocide in history against a Christian population, the 1915-1916 massacre of one million Turkish Armenian Christians by Ottoman leaders, which took place during World War I. The world's directory of genocide memorial sites includes the Tuol Sleng Museum of Genocidal Crimes in Phnom Penh, the Parque se la Memora in Buenos Aires, and the Robben Island Museum off the coast of South Africa—all regarded as "places to envision both the past and the future, the latter ideally free of the kinds of troubles being recalled" (Jordan 2006:18).

Remarkable movies can also explore what Good can mean in the face of Evil (see Insdorf 2003). The film version of Imre Kertesz's novel, Fateless, has a young camp-savvy prisoner selflessly choose to mentor a 14-year old newcomer in life-saving skills. The boy and other non-observant Jews later look on admiringly from their bunker beds as four old men clandestinely mark the Sabbath. Roberto Benigni's film Life is Beautiful, while far-fetched in the extreme, has camp prisoners hide the young son of one at mortal danger to all. An extraordinary film made from Jonathan Safran Foer's novel, Everything is Illuminated, offers inspiring scenes of mutual support alongside horrific sequences. Likewise, characters in Stephen Spielberg's film Schindler's List (especially "Isaac Stern," Schindler's Jewish accountant) risked their lives to help keep 1,100 other prisoners alive. In the movie Bent, two Auschwitz inmates defied Evil by daring to openly care for one another (against Nazi rules). Then, after the capricious murder of one by an indifferent SS officer, the other defied Evil anew by taking his own life (suicide was also against Nazi rules), this, a balancing of Good and Evil shaped by the distorting and unsparing realities of a death camp. Especially relevant is a 2003 Showtime Cable TV film, Out of the Ashes, the true story of Dr. Giselle Perl, a Jewish female doctor forced in Auschwitz to work for Dr. Josef Mengele. Resolved to stay as human herself as possible, against enormous odds she helped infirmary patients recover, even knowing they might be killed later that same day. Risking her own life, she secretly moved about the camp at night to perform abortions on about 1,000 otherwise doomed prisoners (pregnancy was against Nazi rules), and, in some few cases, smother newborns— an act of mutual aid en extremis. These scenes stand in stark contrast to those of Mengele killing a randomly-chosen female prisoner to force others to do his bidding and of him operating without anesthesia on pregnant women. The film's depiction of a concentration camp balance of Good and Evil stays with a viewer long after it has ended, for as Dr. Perl explains to confounded American immigration authorities weighing her admission to the U.S.A.: "Auschwitz was another country." Sociology of Jewry

Introduction

Research Design

The Sociology of Jewry: Syllabi and Instructional Materials Department of Social and Behavioral Science24

● Meghan Ashlin Rich, George Ritzer, Paul Burstein (Edt.): The Sociology of Jewry: Syllabi and Instructional Materials Department of Social and Behavioral Science ● American Jewish Community ● American Jewry ● American Jewish Life ● Contemporary Jewish American Identities and Communities ● Judaism as an American Religion ● Jewish Women in Contemporary America and intersecting identities ● Sociology of the American Jewish Community ● Sociology of Jewish Life in America ● Sociology of Contemporary Jewish Life ● Sociology of the Holocaust ● The Holocaust ● Sociology of Israeli Politics and Society in Israel ● Sociology of Isaeli Identities ● Politics and Society in Israel ● Politics of Israeli Identies ● Israeli Society and the Palestinians ● Israeli Society ● Polilitics and Society

Reﬂections on Critical Sociology and the Study of Middle Eastern Jewries withint he Context of Israeli Society25

Sociodemographic Surveys of World Jewry in the 199026

The sociology of Jewry involves the application of sociological theory and method to the study of the Jewish people and the Jewish religion. Sociologists are concerned with the social pa erns within Jewish groups and communities; American Jewry, Israeli Jews and Jewish life in the diaspora. Sociological studies of the Jewish religion include religious 24 Meghan Ashlin Rich, George Ritzer, Paul Burstein (Edt.): The Sociology of Jewry: Syllabi and Instructional Materials Department of Social and Behavioral Science Washington, DC 2005 25 Harvey E. Goldberg, Chen Bram: Sephardic/Mizrahi/Arab-Jews: Reﬂections on Critical Sociology and the Study of Middle Eastern Jewries within the Context of Israeli Society 26 Sergio Della Pergola: Sociodemographic Surveys of World Jewry in the 1990s: Aims, Techniques, Implications, Papers in Jewish Demography 1989 membership, ritual and denominational patterns. Notable journals include Jewish Social Studies,  e Jewish Journal of Sociology and Contemporary Jewry27.

Beginnings: 1930s-1950s

Sociology of Jewry initially emerged in the United States in the 1930s beginning with the 1938 publication of Jewish Social Studies, sponsored by the Conference of Jewish Relations. Journal's mission was "to promote, by means of scientiﬁc research, a be er understanding of the position of Jews in the modern world." And the later publication of  e Jewish Journal of Sociology in 1958 was due to the "few opportunities… for publishing academic and scientiﬁc studies of the sociology of Jews."

Growth and development: 1950s-present

In 1955, sociologist Seymour Lipset noted that the discipline was underdeveloped, stating that there were far more "Jewish sociologists" than "sociologists of Jews". However, the subfield began to grow in the late 1960s and 1970s. A professional organization was formed, namely the Association for the Social Scientific Study of Jewry (ASSJ). In 1975, a new academic journal was founded as well, Contemporary Jewry. Contributing to this growth was the work of Marshall Sklare, now considered one of the founding figures in the sociology of Jewry. study of Jewish identity in “Lakeville” is considered one of the most notable works of its kind. The sociological study of intergroup relations and the theories proposed by Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan is also thought to have contributed to the growth of the sociology of Jewry.

Formation of the ASSJ

The idea for the formation of a professional organization for scholars specializing in the sociology of Jewry ﬁrst surfaced in 1966; the concept was discussed by Werner J. Cahnman and Norman L. Friedman at an American Sociological Association (ASA) conference. While the ASSJ and Contemporary Jewry are dominated by sociologists and sociological studies all but one of the organization's presidents earned a doctorate in sociology, the other received a doctorate in psychology - the focus has not been restricted to sociology alone. Studies involving other social sciences and history are included as well, and professionals from those disciplines have joined as members, contributors and honorees.

American Jewry

According to sociologist Samuel Heilman, there are three major

27 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sociology_of_Jewry theoretical approaches instudying the sociology of American Jewry in particular: Uniqueness of Judaism and Particularism vs. Universalism - a popular theoretical approach towards understanding contemporary American Jewryhas been the notion that more than anything else Judaism as a religion accounts for the social situation of U.S. Jews today. The current social and political decisions of the Jewish community are rooted in the response to the inevitable conﬂict between Jewish religious values on one hand, and secular American life on the other. Others, such as Milton Himmelfarb, focus less on the Jewish religion per se and focus on the tension produced by balancing the particularism of the Jewish tradition vs. the universalism of American modernity.

Marginal culture - in the 1940s and 1950s, some scholars, such as Milton M. Goldberg, saw Jewish life in America as a successful "marginal culture," following the "marginal man theory" of Robert E. Park and Everett Stonequist popular at the time

Community and organizations - a third approach stems from the work of political scientist Daniel J. Elazar and focuses and the underlying dynamics behind the decision making within Jewish community organizations. While other theoretical approaches have been advanced they have not majorly impacted the discipline's research agenda.

Samuel Klausner, a former president of the ASSJ, noted that the sociology of Jewry is more an applied social science than a theoretical one. For Klausner, theories developed in sociology may help explain any society, not just a Jewish one.  e contribution of the sociology of Jewry therefore is the application of the science, such as its methodology. Others, however, stress that the subfield is a part of general comparative sociology.1946 syllabus In 1946, Kurt H. Wolff , a student of Karl Mannheim, published “An Elementary Syllabus in the Sociology of the Jews” in Social Forces, a notable sociology journal. Wolff 's aim was to provide an aid to including material on Jews in courses on race relations, social disorganization, minorities, and/or introductory sociology.

Wolﬀ 's syllabus focused on three topics: Demographic changes following the aftermath of World War II and the holocaust The "ethnic identiﬁability" of Jews Antisemitism

Later scholars have noted that Wolﬀ 's syllabus on the Sociology of Jewry sought to study external structures but ignored the internal dynamics of the Jewish community. 1992 ASA syllabi collection. In 1992, Rabbi Jack Nusan Porter edited the ﬁrst syllabus collection and curriculum guide on the Sociology of Jewry.  e collection was published by the American Sociological Association (ASA). The collection included individual syllabi on the sociology of Jews from 34 colleges and universities. However, Porter found that many of the syllabi focused exclusively on Jewish life in America. And only 10 out of 34 syllabi were from sociology departments. 2007 ASA syllabi collection

Paul Burstein of the University of Washington compiled an updated collection of syllabi on the sociology of Jewry.  is collection was published by the American Sociological Association (ASA) in 2007. In his work, Burstein focuses on the following themes: Comparative historical approach, examining changing and evolving patterns of Jewish life in the last few hundred years Jewish life in North America, though focusing mostly on the United States Jewish life in Israel. The Holocaust Burstein notes gaps in speciﬁc areas. For example, while Black-Jewish relations in the U.S. Is covered in the syllabi, relations between Jews and other groups is not. Also, there are few areas covered outside of American and Israeli Jewry.

Cultural Sociology

The “Holocaust” from War Crime to Trauma Drama - On the SocialConstruction of Moral Universals

Culture in Social Theory from the classics to the 1960s

For most of its history, sociology, both as theory and method, has suffered from a numbness toward meaning. Culturally unmusical scholars have depicted human action as insipidly or brutally instrumental, as if it were constructed without reference to the internal environments of actions that are established by the moral structures of sacred–good and profane–evil (Brooks, 1984) and by the narrative teleologies that create chronology (White, 1987) and deﬁne dramatic meaning (Frye, 1971, [1957]). Caught up in the ongoing crises of modernity, the classical founders of the discipline believed that epochal historical transformations had emptied the world of meaning. Capitalism, industrialization, secularization, rationalization, anomie, and egoism, these core processes were held to create confused and dominated individuals, to shatter the possibilities of a meaningful telos, to eliminate the ordering power of the sacred and profane. Only occasionally does a glimmer of a strong program come through in this classical period. Weber’s (1958) religious sociology, and most particularly his essay “Religious Rejections of the World and Their Directions” (see Alexander, 1988) suggested that the quest for salvation was a universal cultural need whose various solutions had forcefully shaped organizational and motivational dynamicsin world civilizations. Durkheim’s later sociology, as articulated in critical passages from The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1968) and in posthumously recovered courses of lectures (Alexander, 1982), suggested that even contemporary social life had an ineluctable spiritual-cum-symbolic component. While plagued by the weak program symptom of causal ambivalence, the young Marx’s (1963b) writings on species-being also forcefully pointed to the way nonmaterial forces tied humans together in common projects and destinies. This early suggestion that alienation is not only the reﬂection of material relation ships adumbrated the critical chapter in Capital, “The Fetishism of Commodities and the Secret Thereof,” (Marx, 1963a [1867], 71–83) which has so often served as an unstable bridge from structural to cultural Marxism in the present day.

The communist and fascist revolutionary upheavals that marked the ﬁrst half of this century were premised on the same kind of widespread fear that modernity had eroded the possibility of meaningful sociality. Communist and fascist thinkers attempted to alchemize what they saw as the barren codes of bourgeois civil society into new resacralized forms that could accommodate technology and reason within wider, encompassing spheres of meaning (Smith, 1998C). In the calm that descended on the postwar period, Talcott Parsons and his colleagues, motivated by entirely different ideological ambitions, also began to think that modernity did not have to be understood in such a corrosive way. Beginning from an analytical rather than eschatological premise, Parsons theorized that “values” had to be central to actions and institutions if a society was to be able to function as a coherent enterprise. The result was a theory that seemed to many of Parsons’s modern contemporaries to exhibit an idealizing culturalist bias (Lockwood, 1992). We ourselves would suggest an opposite reading.

From a strong program viewpoint, Parsonian functionalism can be taken as insufficiently cultural, as denuded of musicality. In the absence of a musical mo ment where the social text is reconstructed in its pure form, Parsons’s work lacks a powerful hermeneutic dimension. While Parsons theorized that values were important, he did not explain the nature of values themselves. Instead of engaging in the social imaginary, diving into the febrile codes and narratives that make up a social text, he and his functionalist colleagues observed action from the outside and induced the existence of guiding valuations using categorical frameworks supposedly generated by functional necessity. Without a counter weight of thick description, we are left with a position in which culture has autonomy only in an abstract and analytic sense. When we turn to the empirical world, we find that functionalist logic ties up cultural form with social function and institutional dynamics to such an extent that it is difficult to imagine where culture’s autonomy might lie in any concrete setting. The result was an ingenious systems theory that remains too hermeneutically feeble, too distant on the issue of autonomy to offer much to a strong program.

Flawed as the functionalist project was, the alternatives were far worse. The world in the 1960s was a place of conflict and turmoil. When the Cold War turned hot, macrosocial theory shifted toward the analysis of power from a onesided and anticultural stance. Thinkers with an interest in macrohistorical process approached meaning through its contexts, treating it as a product of some supposedly more “real” social force, when they spoke of it at all. For scholars like Barrington Moore and C. Wright Mills and later followers such as Charles Tilly, Randall Collins, and Michael Mann, culture must be thought of in terms of self-interested ideologies, group process, and networks rather than in terms of texts. Meanwhile, during the same period, microsociology emphasized the radical reflexivity of actors. For such writers as Blumer, Goffman, and Garfinkel, culture forms an external environment in relation to which actors for mulate lines of action that are “accountable” or give off a good “impression.” We find precious little indication in this tradition of the power of the symbolic to shape interactions from within, as normative precepts or narratives that carry an internalized moral force. Yet during the same period of the 1960s, at the very moment when the halfway cultural approach of functionalism was disappearing from American sociology, theories that spoke forcefully of a social text began to have enormous influence in France. Through creative misreadings of the structural linguistics of Saussure and Jacobson, and bearing a (carefully hidden) influence from the late Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, thinkers like Lévi-Strauss, Roland Barthes, and the early Michel Foucault created a revolution in the human sciences by insistingon the textuality of institutions and the discursive nature of human action.

Weak Programs in Contemporaray Cultural Theory

One of the ﬁrst research traditions to apply French nouvelle vague theorizing outside of the hothouse Parisian environment was the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, widely known as the Birmingham School. The masterstroke of the school was to meld ideas about cultural texts onto the neo-Marxist under standing that Gramsci established about the role played by cultural hegemony inmaintaining social relations. This allowed exciting new ideas about how cul ture worked to be applied in a ﬂexible way to a variety of settings, all the while without letting go of comforting old ideas about class domination. The result was a “sociology of culture” analysis, which tied cultural forms to social structure as manifestations of “hegemony” (if the analyst did not like what they saw) or “resistance” (if they did). At its best, this mode of sociology could be brilliantly illuminating. Paul Willis’s (1977) ethnographic study of working-class school kids was outstanding in its reconstruction of the zeitgeist of the “lads.” Hall, Critcher, Jefferson, Clarke, and Roberts’s (1978) classic study of the moral panic over mugging in 1970s Britain, Policing the Crisis, managed in its early pages to decode the discourse of urban decay and racism that underpinned an authoritarian crackdown. In these ways, Birmingham work approached a “strong program” in its ability to recreate social texts and lived meanings. Where it fails, however, is in the area of cultural autonomy (Sherwood, Smith, & Alexander, 1993). Notwithstanding attempts to move beyond the classical Marxist position, neo-Gramscian theorizing exhibits the telltale weak program ambiguities over the role of culture that plague the luminous Prison Notebooks (Gramsci, 1971) themselves. Terms like “articulation” and “anchoring” suggest contingency in the play of culture. But this contingency is often reduced to instrumental reason (in the case of elites articulating a discourse for hegemony purposes) or to some kind of ambiguous systemic or structural causation (in the case of discourses being anchored in relations of power).

Failure to grasp the nettle of cultural autonomy and quit the sociology of culture–driven project of “Western Marxism” (Anderson, 1979) contributed to a fateful ambiguity over the mechanisms through which culture links with social structure and action. There is no clearer example of this latter process than in Policing the Crisis (Hall, Jefferson, Clarke, & Roberts, 1978) itself. After building up a detailed picture of the mugging panic and its symbolic resonances, the book lurches into a sequence of insistent claims that the moral panic is linked to the economic logic of capitalism and its proximate demise; that it functions to legitimate law-and-order politics on streets that harbor latent revolutionary tendencies. Yet the concrete mechanisms through which the incipient crisis of capitalism (has it arrived yet?) are translated into the concrete decisions of judges, parliamentarians, newspaper editors, and police ofﬁcers on the beat are never spelled out. The result is a theory that despite a critical edge and superior hermeneutic capabilities to classical functionalism curiously resembles Parsons in its tendency to invoke abstracted inﬂuences and processes as adequate explanation for empirical social actions.

In this respect, in contrast to the Birmingham School, the work of Pierre Bourdieu has real merits. While many Birmingham-style analyses seem to lack any clear application of method, Bourdieu’s oeuvre is resolutely grounded in middle-range empirical research projects of both a qualitative and quantitative nature. His inferences and claims are more modest and less manifestly tendentious. In his best work, moreover, such as the description of a Kabyle house or a French peasant dance (Bourdieu, 1962,1977), Bourdieu’s thick description abilities show that he has the musicality to recognize and decode cultural texts that is at least equal to that of the Birmingham ethnographers. Despite these qualities, Bourdieu’s research also can best be described as a weak program dedicated to the sociology of culture rather than cultural sociology. Once they have penetrated the thickets of terminological ambiguity that always mark out a weak program, commentators agree that in Bourdieu’s framework culture has a role in ensuring the reproduction of inequality rather than permitting in novation (Alexander, 1995a; Honneth,1986; Sewell, 1992). As a result, culture, working through habitus, operates more as a dependent than an independent variable. It is a gearbox, not an engine. When it comes to specifying exactly how the process of reproduction takes place, Bourdieu is vague. Habitus produces a sense of style, ease, and taste. Yet to know just how these influence stratification, something more would be needed: a detailed study of concrete social settings where decisions are made and social reproduction ensured (see Lamont, 1992). We need to know more about the thinking of gatekeepers in job interviews and publishing houses, the impact of classroom dynamics on learning, or the logic of the citation process. Without this “missing link” we are left with a theory that points to circumstantial homologies but cannot produce a smoking gun. Bourdieu’s understanding of the links of culture to power also falls short of demanding strong program ideals. For Bourdieu, stratification systems make use of status cultures in competition with each other in various fields. The semantic content of these cultures has little to do with how society is organized. Meaning has no wider impact. While Weber, for example, argued that forms of eschatology have determinate outputs on the way that social life is patterned, for Bourdieu cultural content is arbitrary and without import. In his formulation there always will be systems of stratification defined by class, and all that is important for dominant groups is to have their cultural codes embraced as legitimate. In the final analysis, what we have here is a Veblenesque vision in which culture provides a strategic resource for actors, an external environment of action, rather than a Text that shapes the world in an immanent fashion. People use culture, but they do not seem to really care about it.

Michel Foucault’s works, and the poststructural and postmodern theoretical program they have initiated, provides the third weak program we discuss here. Despite its brilliance, what we find here, yet again, is a body of work wrought with the tortured contradictions that indicate a failure to grasp the nettle of a strong program. On the one hand, Foucault’s (1970, 1972) major theoretical texts, The Archaeology of Knowledge and The Order of Things, provide important groundwork for a strong program with their assertion that discourses operate in arbitrary ways to classify the world and shape knowledge formation. His em pirical applications of this theory also should be praised for assembling rich historical data in a way that approximates the reconstruction of a social text. So far so good. Unfortunately, there is another hand at work. The crux of the issue is Foucault’s genealogical method; his insistence that power and knowledge are fused in power/knowledge. The result is a reductionist line of reasoning akin to functionalism (Brenner, 1994), where discourses are homologous with institutions, flows of power, and technologies. Contingency is specified at the level of “history,” at the level of untheorizable collisions and ruptures, not at the level of the dispositif. There is little room for a synchronically arranged contingency that might encompass disjunctures between culture and institutions, between power and its symbolic or textual foundations, between texts and actors inter pretations of those texts. This binding of discourse to social structure, in other words, leaves no room for understanding how an autonomous cultural realm hinders or assists actors in judgment, in critique, or in the provision of transcendental goals that texture social life. Foucault’s world is one where Nietzsche’s prison house of language finds its material expression with such force that no room is left for cultural autonomy or, by implication, the autonomy of action. Responding to this sort of criticism, Foucault attempted to theorize self and resistance in his later work. But he did so in an ad hoc way, seeing acts of resistance as random dysfunctions (Brenner, 1994:698) or unexplained selfassertions. These late texts do not work through the ways that cultural frames might permit “outsiders” to produce and sustain opposition to power.

In the currently most influential stream of work to come out of the Foucauldian stable, we can see that the latent tension between the Foucault (1972) of the Archaeology and Foucault’s genealogical avatar has been resolved decisively in favor of an anticultural mode of theory. The proliferating body of work on “governmentality” centers on the control of populations (Miller & Rose, 1990; Rose, 1993) but does so through an elaboration of the role of administrative techniques and expert systems. To be sure, there is acknowledgment that “language” is important, that government has a “discursive character.” This sounds promising, but on closer inspection we find that “language” and “discourse” boil down to dry modes of technical communication (graphs, statistics, reports, etc.) that operate as technologies to allow “evaluation, calculation, intervention” at a distance by institutions and bureaucracies (Miller & Rose, 1990: 7). There is lit tle work here to recapture the more textual nature of political and administrative discourses. No effort is made to go beyond a “thin description” and identify the broader symbolic patterns, the hot, affective criteria through which policies of control and coordination are appraised by citizens and elites alike. Here the project of governmentality falls short of the standards set by Hall et al. (1978), which at least managed to conjure up the emotive spirit of populism in Heathera Britain. Research on the “production and reception of culture” marks the fourth weak program we will identify. Unlike those we have just discussed, it is one that lacks theoretical bravura and charismatic leadership. For the most part it is char acterized by the unsung virtues of intellectual modesty, diligence, clarity, and a studious attention to questions of method. Its numerous proponents make sensible, middle-range empirical studies of the circumstances in which “culture” is produced and consumed (for an overview see Crane, 1992). For this reason it has become particularly powerful in the United States, where these kinds of proper ties assimilate best to professional norms within sociology. The great strength of this approach is that it offers explicit causal links between culture and social structure, thus avoiding the pitfalls of indeterminacy and obfuscation that have plagued more theoretically ambitious understandings. Unfortunately, this intel lectual honesty usually serves only to broadcast a reductionist impulse that remains latent in the other approaches we have examined. The insistent aim of study after study (e.g., Blau, 1989; Peterson, 1985) seems to be to explain away culture as the product of sponsoring institutions, elites, or interests. The quest for profit, power, prestige, or ideological control sits at the core of cultural pro duction. Reception, meanwhile, is relentlessly determined by social location. Audience ethnographies, for example, are undertaken to document the decisive impact of class, race, and gender on the ways that television programs are under stood. Here we find the sociology of culture writ large. The aim of analysis is not so much to uncover the impact of meaning on social life and identity formation but rather to see how social life and identities constrain potential meanings.

While the sociological credentials of such an undertaking are to be applauded, something more is needed if the autonomy of culture is to be recognized, namely a robust understanding of the codes that are at play in the cultural objects under consideration. Only when these are taken into account can cultural products be seen to have internal cultural inputs and constraints. However, in the production of culture approach, such efforts at hermeneutic understanding are rare. All too often meaning remains a sort of black box, with analytical attention centered on the circumstances of cultural production and reception. When meanings and discourses are explored, it is usually in order to talk through some kind of fit between cultural content and the social needs and actions of specific producing and receiving groups. Wendy Griswold (1983), for example, shows how the trickster figure was transformed with the emergence of Restoration drama. In the medieval morality play, the figure of “vice” was evil. He was later to morph into the attractive, quick-thinking “gallant.” The new character was one that could appeal to an audience of young, disinherited men who had migrated to the city and had to depend on their wits for social advancement. Similarly, Robert Wuthnow (1989) argues that the ideologies of the Reformation germinated and took root as an appropriate response to a particular set of social circumstances. He persuasively demonstrates that new binary oppositions emerged in theological discourse, for example, those between a corrupt Catholicism and a pure Protestantism. These refracted the politics and social dislocations underlying religious and secular struggles in sixteenth-century Europe.

We have some concerns about singling such work out for criticism, for they are among the best of the genre and approximate the sort of thick description we advocate. There can be little doubt that Griswold and Wuthnow correctly understand a need to study meaning in cultural analysis. However, they fail to systematically connect its exploration with the problematic of cultural autonomy. For all their attention to cultural messages and historical continuities, they do little to reduce our fear that there is an underlying reductionism in such analysis. The overall effect is to understand meanings as inﬁnitely malleable in response to social settings. A more satisfying approach to Griswold’s data, for example, would recognize the dramatic narratives as inevitably structured by constraining, cultural codes relating to plot and character, for it is the combinations between these that make any kind of drama a possibility. Similarly, Wuthnow should have been much more sensitive to the understanding of binary opposition advocated by Saussure: it is a precondition of discourse rather than rather than merely a description of its historically speciﬁc form.

And so to our reading, such efforts as Griswold’s and Wuthnow’s represent narrowly lost opportunities for a decisive demonstration cultural autonomy as a product of culturestructure. In the final section of this chapter, we look for signs of a structuralist hermeneutics that can perhaps better accomplish this theoretical goal. merely a description of its historically specific form. All things considered, the sociological investigation of culture remains dominated by weak programs characterized by some combination of hermeneutic inadequacy, ambivalence over cultural autonomy, and poorly specified, abstract mechanisms for grounding culture in concrete social process. In this final section we discuss recent trends in cultural sociology where there are signs that a bona fide strong program might finally be emerging. A first step in the construction of a strong program is the hermeneutic project of “thick description” itself, which we have already invoked in a positive way. Drawing on Paul Ricoeur and Kenneth Burke, Clifford Geertz (1973, [1964]) has worked harder than any other person to show that culture is a rich and com plex text, with a subtle patterning influence on social life. The result is a compelling vision of culture as webs of significance that guide action. Yet while superior to the other approaches we have considered, this position too has its flaws. Nobody could accuse Geertz of hermeneutic inadequacy or of neglecting cultural autonomy, yet on close inspection his enormously influential concept of thick description seems rather elusive. The precise mechanisms through which webs of meaning influence action on the ground are rarely specified with any clarity. Culture seems to take on the qualities of a transcendental actor (Alexander, 1987). So in terms of the third criterion of a strong program that we have specified—causal specificity—the program initiated by Geertz runs into trouble. One reason is the later Geertz’s reluctance to connect his interpretive analyses to any kind of general theory. There is a relentless emphasis on the way that the local explains the local. He insists that societies, like texts, contain their own explanation. Writing the local, as a consequence, comes into play as a substitute for theory construction. The focus here is on a novelistic recapitulation of details, with the aim of analysis being to accumulate these and fashion a model of the cultural text within a particular setting. Such a rhetorical turn has made it difficult to draw a line between anthropology and literature, or even travel writing. This in turn has made Geertz’s project vulnerable to takeover bids. Most notably, during the 1980s the idea that society could be read like a text was taken over by poststructural writers who argued that culture was little more than contending texts or “representations” (Clifford, 1988) and that ethnography was either allegory, fantasy, or biography.

Steps toward a strong program

The aim of analysis now shifted to the exposition of professional representations and the techniques and power re lations behind them. The resulting program has been one that has told us a good deal about academic writing, ethnographic museum displays, and so on. It helps us to understand the discursive conditions of cultural production but has almost given up on the task of explaining ordinary social life or the possibility of a general understanding. Not surprisingly, Geertz enthusiastically devoted himself to the new cause, writing an eloquent text on the tropes through which anthropologists construct their ethnographic authority (Geertz, 1988). As the text replaces the tribe as the object of analysis, cultural theory begins to look more and more like critical narcissism and less and less like the explanatory discipline that Dilthey so vividly imagined. Inadequate as it may be, the work of Geertz provides a springboard for a strong program in cultural analysis. It indicates the need for the explication of meaning to be at the center of the intellectual agenda and offers a vigorous affir mation of cultural autonomy. What is missing, however, is a theory of culture that has autonomy built into the very fabric of meaning as well as a more robust understanding of social structure and institutional dynamics. We suggest, following Saussure, that a more structural approach toward culture helps with the first point. In addition, it initiates the movement toward general theory that Geertz avoids. In short, it can recognize the autonomy and the centrality of meaning but does not develop a hermeneutics of the particular at the expense of hermeneutics of the universal. As the 1980s turned into the 1990s, we saw the revival of “culture” in American sociology and the declining prestige of anticultural forms of macro- and micro- thought. This strand of work, with its developing strong program char acteristics, offers the best hope for a truly cultural sociology finally to emerge as a major research tradition. To be sure, a number of weak programs organized around the sociology of culture remain powerful, perhaps dominant, in the U.S. Context. One thinks in particular of studies of the production, consumption, and distribution of culture that (as we have shown) focus on organizational and insttutional contexts rather than content and meanings (e.g., Blau, 1989; Peterson, 1985). One also thinks of work inspired by the Western Marxist tradition that attempts to link cultural change to the workings of capital, especially in the context of urban form (e.g., Davis, 1992; Gottdeiner, 1995). The neoinstitu tionalists (see DiMaggio & Powell, 1991) see culture as significant but only as a legitimating constraint, only as an external environment of action, not as a lived text, as Geertz might (see Friedland & Alford, 1991). Of course, there are numerous United States–based apostles of British cultural studies (e.g., Fiske, 1987; Grossberg, Nelson, & Treichler, 1991), who combine virtuoso hermeneutic readings with thin, stratification- oriented forms of quasimaterialist reduction. Yet it is equally important to recognize that there has emerged a current of work that gives to meaningful and autonomous texts a much more central place (for a sample, see Smith, 1998b). ´´These contemporary sociologists are the “children” of an earlier generation of culturalist thinkers, Geertz, Bellah (1970; see Alexander & Sherwood, 2002), Turner (1974), and Sahlins (1976) foremost among them, who wrote against the grain of 1960s and 1970s reductionism and attempted to demonstrate the textuality of social life and the necessary autonomy of cultural forms. In contemporary scholarship, we are seeing efforts to align these two axioms of a strong program with the third imperative of identi fying concrete mechanisms through which culture does its work. Responses to the question of transmission mechanisms have been decisively shaped, in a positive direction, by the American pragmatist and empiricist traditions. The influence of structural linguistics on European scholarship sanctioned a kind of cultural theory that paid little attention to the relationship between culture and action (unless tempered by the dangerously “humanist” discourses of existentialism or phenomenology). Simultaneously, the philosophical formation of writers like Althusser and Foucault permitted a dense and tortured kind of writing, where issues of causality and autonomy could be cir cledaround in endless, elusive spirals of words. By contrast, American pragmatism has provided the seedbed for a discourse where clarity is rewarded; where it is believed that complex language games can be reduced to simpler statements; where it is argued that actors have to play some role in translating cultural structures into concrete actions and institutions. While the influence of pragmatism has reached American cultural sociologists in a diffuse way, its most direct inheritance can be seen in the work of Swidler (1986), Sewell (1992), Emirbayer and his collaborators (e.g., Emirbayer & Goodwin, 1996; Emirbayer & Mische, 1998), and Fine (1987), where efforts are made to relate culture to action with - out recourse to the materialistic reductionism of Bourdieu’s praxis theory. Other forces also have played a role in shaping the emerging strong program in American cultural sociology. Because these are more closely related than the pragmatists to our argument that a structuralist hermeneutics is the best way forward, we will expand on them here. Pivotal to all such work is an effort to understand culture not just as a text (à la Geertz) but rather as a text that is underpinned by signs and symbols that are in patterned relationships to each other. Writing in the first decades of the twentieth century, Durkheim and his students such as Hertz and Mauss understood that culture was a classification system consisting of binary oppositions. At the same time Saussure was developing his structural linguistics, arguing that meanings were generated by means of patterned relationships between concepts and sounds. A few decades later, Lévi-Strauss was to pull these linguistic and sociological approaches to classification together in his pioneering studies of myth, kinship, and totemism. The great virtue of this synthesis was that it provided a powerful way for under standing the autonomy of culture. Because meanings are arbitrary and are generated from within the sign system, they enjoy a certain autonomy from social determination, just as the language of a country cannot be predicted from the knowledge that it is capitalist or socialist, industrial or agrarian. Culture now becomes a structure as objective as any more material social fact. With the thematics of the “autonomy of culture” taking center stage in the 1980s, there was a vigorous appreciation of the work of the late Durkheim, with his insistence on the cultural as well as functional origins of solidarity (for a review of this literature, see Emirbayer, 1996; Smith & Alexander, 1996). The felicitous but not altogether accidental congruence between Durkheim’s opposition of the sacred and the profane and structuralist theories of sign- systems enabled insights from French theory to be translated into a distinctively socio logical discourse and tradition, much of it concerned with the impact of cultural codes and codings. Numerous studies of boundary maintenance, for example, reflect this trend (for a sample, see Lamont & Fournier, 1993), and it is instructive to contrast them with more reductionist weak program alternatives about processes of “othering.” Emerging from this tradition has been a focus on the binary opposition as a key tool for asserting the autonomy of cultural forms (see Alexander & Smith, 1993; Edles, 1998; Magnuson, 1997; Smith, 1991). Further inspirations for structural hermeneutics within a strong program for cultural theory have come from anthropology. The new breed of symbolic anthropologists, in addition to Geertz, most notably Mary Douglas (1966), Victor Turner (1974), and Marshall Sahlins (1976, 1981), took on board the message of structuralism but tried to move it in new directions. Postmodernisms and post structuralisms also have played their role but in an optimistic guise. The knot between power and knowledge that has stunted European weak programs has been loosened by American postmodern theorists like Steven Seidman (1988). For postmodern pragmatistic philosophers like Richard Rorty (e.g., 1989), language tends to be seen as a creative force for the social imaginary rather than as Nietzsche’s prison house. As a result, discourses and actors are provided with greater autonomy from power in the construction of identities. These trends are well known, but there also is an interdisciplinary dark horse to which we wish to draw attention. In philosophy and literary studies, there has been growing interest in narrative and genre theory. Cultural sociologists such as Robin Wagner-Pacifici (1986, 1994, 2000; Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz, 1991), Margaret Somers (1995), Wendy Griswold (1983), Ronald Jacobs (1996, 2000), Agnes Ku (1999), William Gibson (1994), and the authors of this chapterare now reading literary theorists like Northrup Frye, Peter Brooks, and Fredric Jameson, historians like Hayden White, and Aristotelian philosophers like Ricoeur and MacIntyre (see Lara, 1998). The appeal of such theory lies par tially in its affinity for a textual understanding of social life. The emphasis on teleology carries with it some of the interpretive power of the classical hermeneutic model. This impulse toward reading culture as a text is complemented, in such narrative work, by an interest in developing formal models that can be applied across different comparative and historical cases. In other words, narrative forms such as the morality play or melodrama, tragedy, and comedy can be understood as “types” that carry with them particular implications for social life. The morality play, for example, does not seem to be conducive to com- promise (Wagner-Pacifici, 1986, 1994). Tragedy can give rise to fatalism (Jacobs, 1996) and withdrawal from civic engagement, but it also can promote moral responsibility (Alexander, 1995b; Eyerman, 2001). Comedy and romance, by contrast, generate optimism and social inclusion (Jacobs & Smith, 1997; Smith, 1994). Irony provides a potent tool for the critique of authority and re flexivity about dominant cultural codes, opening space for difference and cultural innovation (Jacobs & Smith, 1997;Smith, 1996). A further bonus for this narrative approach is that cultural autonomy is assured (e.g., in the analytic sense, see Kane, 1992). If one takes a structuralist approach to narrative (Barthes, 1977), textual forms are seen as interwoven repertoires of characters, plot lines, and moral evaluations whose relationships can be specified in terms of formal models. Narrative theory, like semiotics, thus operates as a bridge between the kind of hermeneutic inquiry advocated by Geertz and the impulse toward general cultural theory. As Northrop Frye recognized, when approached in a structural way narrative allows for the construction of models that can be applied across cases and contexts but at the same time provides a tool for interrogating particularities. It is important to emphasize that while meaningful texts are central in this American strand of a strong program, wider social contexts are not by any means necessarily ignored. In fact, the objective structures and visceral struggles that characterize the real social world are every bit as important as in work from the weak programs. Notable contributions have been made to areas such as censorship and exclusion (Beisel, 1993), race ( Jacobs, 1996), sexuality (Seidman, 1988), violence (Gibson, 1994; Smith, 1991, 1996; Wagner-Pacifici, 1994), and failed sociohistorical projects for radical transformation (Alexander, 1995b). These contexts are treated, however, not as forces unto themselves that ultimately determine the content and significance of cultural texts; rather, they are seen as institutions and processes that refract cultural texts in a meaningful way. They are arenas in which cultural forces combine or clash with material conditions and rational interests to produce particular outcomes (Ku, 1999; Smith, 1996). Beyond this they are seen as cultural metatexts themselves, as concrete embodiments of wider ideal currents. Historical Sociology

Eastern Europe

Eisenstadt’s theory of modernity and the classical modernization paradigm28

In a parallel, the relevance of Eisenstadt’s global historical-comparative sociology was also overlooked in the developing societal, social and cultural history as the sociological-historical analogues of historical sociology (Spohn, 2001). Major reasons for this negligence were the original formation of social history as a social-science history that was informed primarily by the mainstream modernization paradigm andb comparative modernization research, neglecting or underrating the importance of culture,breligion and the transnational realm of civilizations. As a consequence, in a parallel to the cultural turn in the social sciences and the New Historical Sociology, the pendulum swung to a cultural science history where characteristically culture, language, meaning and symbols were rediscovered as core dimensions of societal history but in a primarilybpostmodernist national micro-orientation by neglecting the religious and secularreligious as well as transnational- civilizational aspects as core premises of Eisenstadt’s comparative- civilizational multiple modernities approach. Only with the recent move to transnational, global and world history has the relevance of Eisenstadt’s approach been acknowledged, without, however, recognizing its historical- sociological specifics. In the following, I will indicate the areas of global and world history in which I find the historical-sociological orientations of Eisenstadt highly innovative and where recent efforts in cooperation with and under the influence of Eisenstadt have opened new research directions and agendas. The first area where Eisenstadt and his collaborators opened new perspectives in world history can be denoted as the historicization of the Axial Age. As is well known, the German philosopher Karl Jaspers in synchrony with Alfred Weber gave prominence to the Axial Age between 800 and 200 BCEnwhenn the emergence of prophets and philosophers had created a crucial period in world history of upgrading reflexivity, historicity and agentiality through the axial dichotomy between the transcendental and immanent world in the emerging world civilizations. Instead of taking the Axial Age simply as an evolutionary stage in world history, Eisenstadt with Arnason and Wittrock (Arnason et al., 2005) and the collaborating area specialists proposed and pursued a historical sociology of the Axial Age with several programmatic points. To begin with, they proposed contextualizing the Axial Age by distinguishing between its “chronological” and “typological” aspects: that is, the general-evolutionary characteristics of axiality and its varying axial patterns. Thus the Axial Age as a specific axial syndrome hasto be placed in a specific world historical context rather than taking it as a general evolutionary stage of world history. In parallel, the pre-axial and non-axial civilizations also have to be historicized and analysed in their own cultural and institutional dynamics (see also Breuer, 1994; Mann, 1986/1993). Moreover, the different axial and 28 Willfried Spohn: An appraisal of Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt’s global historical sociology Journal of Classical Sociology, DOI: 10.1177/1468795X11406025, 11(3) 281 –301 non-axial world-views or religions have to be related to the historically contingent constellations of social power, political regimes, religious orders, collective identities and economic formations. In particular, as Eisenstadt emphasizes, they have to be analysed from the long-term perspective of the congruency or non-congruency between the institutional order and the world visions and their social carriers. And of particular importance for the dynamics of the forming civilizations, finally, are the inter-civilizational encounters and relations – in terms not only of economic exchange and military conflict but also of cultural learning processes. A second area in the historical sociology of civilizations where Eisenstadt and his collaborators opened new perspectives, although less materialized in systematic historical comparative studies, relates to the post-axial civilizational formations in world history. First and foremost, it is not sufficient to see Christianity and Islam as post-Axial Age civilizational formations in a world-evolutionary perspective, but instead they must be contextualized as contingent civilizational crystallizations in a specific period of world history. Second, also here the comparison to the development of pre- axial and non-axial civilizations is crucial but again not simply in terms of religions and worldviews but as civilizational complexes with differing kinds and mixtures of axiality or non-axiality in constellative relationships between political power, social institutions, economic formations, cultural life-worlds and imperial centres and peripheries. Here, Eisenstadt and his collaborators carried through or gathered a variety of path-breaking analyses of the late Roman Empire and early Christianity, diaspora Judaism and early Islam, and the transformations of early Indian and Chinese civilizations. At the same time, they converge methodologically with newer civilizational analyses of Christian Europe (Le Goff, 2003; Mitterauer, 2008) or the Islamicate civilization (Arnason et al., 2007; Hodgson, 1994). Thirdly, it is clear that the crystallization and transformation of these post-Axial Age civilizations are not developing as isolated civilizational units but are basically dependent on inter-civilizational economic exchange and competition, political conflict anconquest as well as cultural diffusion and incorporation. A third area in the historical sociology of civilizations where Eisenstadt made several contributions that still await further theoretical clarification and re- conceptualized historical research is the classical topic of the origins of European modernity and the rise of the West. The contemporary controversy still turns around the causal role of economic, political or cultural factors and recently also the relationship between internal sources and external impacts. Materialist versus ideational as well as Eurocentric versus global approaches stand against each other with no clear resolution in sight. Here, Eisenstadt’s comparative-civilizational perspective offers a comprehensive, multidimensional neoWeberian approach. Firstly, Eisenstadt – following Weber’s focus on the role of ascetic Protestantism in the context of economic and social structures and institutions for the accelerating and expanding dynamics of modern capitalism in North-Western Europe and North America – emphasizes the causal impact of religious factors on the rise of European modernity (Eisenstadt and Schluchter, 2002). But for Eisenstadt, religion has a direct bearing not only on economic culture and behaviour but also on the political and legal environments of economic development. Here, his analysis of the European revolutions as institutional and cultural forms of social change and the impact of Protestantism on the transformation of European political and legal institutions is crucial also for the expanding and accelerating capitalist dynamics. This reinterpretation of the Protestant Ethic thesis combines, for instance, Richard Swedberg’s (1998) interpretation of Weber’s economic sociology or Douglas North’s (1992) institutional explanation of the rise of European capitalism. At the same time, from Eisenstadt’s civilizational perspective, the controversy between Eurocentric and global approaches to European capitalist dynamics can also be transcended. On the one hand, Europe for a long time remained a backward region on the Eurasian landmass and indeed imported and adapted technologies, economic institutions and cultural knowledge from the East – in a sense European modernity originated in many aspects from the East (Hobson, 2004). However, it is the specifically pluralistic, decentralized and competitive structure and culture of the Christian and later more secularizing enlightened European civilization that incorporates these external influences into a specifically European and then Atlantic dynamic (Baechler et al., 1988; Mitterauer, 2008). A fourth area in the historical sociology of civilizations where Eisenstadt’s multicivilizational perspective can contribute is the current development of world or global history. In a nutshell, world or global history emerged as a counter-paradigm against the strongly dominating forms of national historiography and concentrates on the transnational, transcultural interconnections between nations and civilizations. At the same time, it is explicitly multidimensional, covering demographic, socio-economic, political, cultural and cognitive dimensions of a shared history (Bayly, 2004; McNeill, 1999; Osterhammel, 2008a, 2008b; see also Collins, 1999). However, owing to theoretical presuppositions and disciplinary orientations, world and global history also often prioritizes either the economic, socio-political or cultural dimensions in the interrelations and interactions between regions or civilizations. Here, the exemplary studies of Eisenstadt and his collaborators on inter-civilizational relations with their primary focus on institutions and culture but including also economic formations and social structure are of exemplary value. I mention only Johann Arnason’s studies on Japan as the peripheral centre in relation to imperial China and the relationships between the Soviet Union and Communist China (Arnason, 2002), the articles on the interrelations between Europe and China gathered by Dominic Sachsenmayer and Jens Riedel (2002), the contributions to the interrelation between North and South America in the context of the Atlantic civilization (Ronige and Waisman, 1992; J. Smith, 2005), or the historical sociology of globalization with special reference to colonialism by Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels Peterson (2003). In all these studies, a multi-civilizational, multidimensional and inter-civilizational methodology is the key that considers the particular dynamic forces of civilizations, on the one hand, and the historically specific encounters, transfers and interrelations between civilizations, on the other. From the perspective of the New Historical Sociology that emphasizes the meso- and micro-analytical foundations of macro-processes, Eisenstadt’s comparative- historical sociology of civilizations is one-sidedly theoretical-conceptual and macro-analytical. In this direction, his historical sociology of civilizations is seen as failing to orient itself to the proper historical-sociological explanation of varying social and political processes in specific time periods (Mahoney and Rueschemeyer, 2003) and thus overlooking timespecific contours and reconfigurations of civilizational complexes – as, for example, Wolfgang Knöbl (2007) demonstrates with reference to the development of the Southern American states. However, with Michael Mann (Hall and Schroeder, 2005), I think that it is mistaken to reduce historical sociology to one or another level of social reality and it needs instead to combine macro- and micro-levels in the historical-sociological inquir of societal, regional, civilizational, transcultural and intercivilizational complexes and interrelations. In this multidimensional, multilevel and relational perspective, Eisenstadt’s approachb has with legitimate reasons a macro-sociological focus but in combination with meso- and micro-sociological levels of analysis. Instead of rejecting a macro- sociological multi-civilizational perspective, it would be wiser to develop it with a more meso- and micro-analytical historical-sociological strategy.

Sociology of Rights and Norms

Women's Rights – Reform Judaism

Leaving the anthroplogical pathways29

Antonismen: Dorfstrukturen in NRW sind so auch Prof. Dr. Götz Alsmann nicht polyzentrisch genug sondern ein einfach strukturierter - nicht pluralistscher Monoid - und das als organischen Wachtstum mit dem Betriebsstillstand der Josephy IT Rechtinformatiker GbR

Amendments to the U.S Constitution tolerance toward all religions allow a variety of religious coalitions. The measuring Religious Connections with self identification, member and partnership status is illustrated by Vivian Klaff . Vivian Klaff analysis that ethnical issues are forming different religious coalitions. She discussed this with a more formal way of religious thinking.

29 Vivian Klaff: Defining American Jewry From Religious and Ethnic Perspectives: The Transitions to Greater Heterogneity, Formerly of Univerity of Delaware Sociology of Religions 2006, 67:4 415-438

Political Sociology

Jews as political Stakeholder

London30, Brussels, Washington

Jewish Demography

From the general disciplinary viewpoint of population and social studies, it appears that in the relatively open context of contemporary societies, identity, continuity and survival of population minorities (or subpopulations) depend on a complex of different factors. Some ofthese consist ofbiologic-demographic processes, such as family formation, generational replacement, morbidity and mortality patterns, geographical mobility, and changing population composition. Other equally significant trends relate to changing types and intensities of individual or community identification, and patterns of accession or secession to and from a given subpopulation, whose nature pertains to the psychosocial/cultural domain. Each of these different processes and their interactions may affect the size and composition of a given minority, the

30 Geoffrey Alderman: LONDON JEWRY AND THE LONDON MAYORAL ELECTION OF 2012: A NOTE, The Jewish Journal of Sociology, vol 54, nos, 1 and 2, 2012 definition of its boundaries vis-a-vis other groups, its rate of increase or decrease, the modes ofidentification of individuals with their group(s) of reference-whether current or past-, and the groups' longer-term chances for sociodemographic continuity, expansion or erosion. One of the most interesting questions in a general analytical context is whether the leading trend of contemporary population mfnorities is to lose their distinctiveness in the framework of a broad process of convergence. And assimilation, or, on the contrary, to become more sharply defined through differential population processes. Because of the particularly broad and complex historical, geographical andnsociological perspective offered by the Jewish experience, studies of this specific group may offer excellent tests of propositions of a wider applicability in the field of social demography. One conceptual aspect appears to be of great significance in the study of contemporary Jewries, and of general relevance in the investigation of subpopulations. An effort should be made to defme the group in question according to criteria that are as comprehensive as possible, and attention should be paid to the differential sociodemographic trends within the minority's clearly recognizable "core", and its periphery of marginal, uncertain, or former members. A further relevant concept is the "enlarged" minority, which also includes those individuals who are not group members themselves but live in households which include one or more members of the group investigated. This "core/enlarged" typology ofsubpopulations is both the product of past demographic and identificational processes, and an important possible determinant of their future development. Focus on these internal distinctions, as well as comparisons with other relevant groups, constitute some of the prerequisites in the scientific study of Jewish population worldwide, in the framework of a general disciplinary perspective. Law

Introduction

(- tbd. - ) Restorative Social Work, Täter-Opfer Ausgleich

Mediationsgesetz Pluralism

Introduction

Poltical Pluralism

● Pluralism31 (political philosophy), the acknowledgement of a diversity of political systems ● Pluralism (political theory), belief that there should be diverse and competing centres of power in society ● Legal pluralism, the existence of differing legal systems in a population or area ● Pluralist democracy, a political system with more than one center of power

Pluralism as a political philosophy is the recognition and affirmation of diversity within a political body, which permits the peaceful coexistence of different interests, convictions, and lifestyles.

While not all political pluralists advocate for a pluralist democracy, this is most common as democracy is often viewed as the most fair and effective way to moderate between the discrete values.

As put by arch-pluralist Isaiah Berlin, "let us have the courage of our admitted ignorance, of our doubts and uncertainties. At least we can try to discover what others [...] require, by [...] making it possible for ourselves to know men as they truly are, by listening to them carefully and sympathetically, and understanding them and their lives and their needs... ." Pluralism thus tries to encourage members of society to accommodate their differences by avoiding extremism (adhering solely to one value, or at the very least refusing to recognize others as legitimate) and engaging in good faith dialogue. Pluralists also seek the construction or reform of social institutions in order to reflect and balance competing principles. One of the more famous arguments for institutional pluralism came from James Madison in The Federalist paper number 10. Madison feared that factionalism would lead to in-fighting in the new American republic and devotes this paper to questioning how best to avoid such an occurrence. He posits that to avoid factionalism, it is best to allow many competing factions (advocating different primary principles) to prevent any one from dominating the political system. This relies, to a degree, on a series of disturbances changing the influences of groups so as to avoid institutional dominance and ensure competition. Like Edmund Burke, this view concerns itself with balance, and subordinating any single abstract principle to a plurality or realistic harmony of interests. Pluralism recognizes that certain conditions may

31 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pluralism_(political_philosophy) make good faith negotiation impossible, and therefore also focuses on what institutional structures can best modify or prevent such a situation. Pluralism advocates institutional design in keeping with a form of pragmatic realism here, with the preliminary adoption of suitable existing socio-historical structures where necessary. William E. Connolly challenges older theories of pluralism by arguing for pluralization as a goal rather than as a state of affairs. Connolly's argument for the "multiplication of factions" follows James Madison's logic in engaging groups, constituencies, and voters at both the micro and macro level. Essentially, he has shifted the theory from a conservative theory of order, to a progressive theory of democratic contestation and engagement. Connolly introduces the distinction between pluralism and pluralization. Pluralism, whether the interest-group pluralism of Dahl or political liberalism’s “reasonable” pluralism, is oriented towards existing diversity of groups, values, and identities competing for political representation. Pluralization, by contrast, names the emergence of new interests, identities, values, and differences raising claims to representation not currently legible within the existing pluralist imaginary.

Pluralism is connected with the hope that this process of conflict and dialogue will result in a quasi-common good. This common good is not an abstract value or set in stone, however, but an attempt at balancing competing social interests, and will thus constantly shift given present social conditions. Proponents in contemporary political philosophy of such a view include Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire and Bernard Williams. An earlier version of political pluralism was a strong current in the formation of modern social democracy (to balance socialist and capitalist ideals), with theorists such as the early Harold Laski and G. D. H. Cole, as well as other leading members of the British Fabian Society. In the United States, President Eisenhower's "middle way" was arguably motivated by a belief in political pluralism. While advocated by many pluralists, pluralism need not embrace social democracy given it does not a priori assume a desirable political system. Rather, pluralists advocate one based on the preexisting traditions and cognizable interests of a given society, and the political structure most likely to harmonize these factors. Thus, pluralists have also included Michael Oakeshott and John Kekes, proponents of something close to liberal conservatism (although will often reject such political labels). What pluralists certainly do have in common is the notion that a single vision or ideological schema, whether Marxism or unbridled neoliberalism, is likely too simplistic and rigid to advocate human beings' natural plurality of values. Pluralists likewise reject historicism and utopian thinking. While some, like John N. Gray, repudiate historical progress altogether, others, like Edmund Burke, indicate that human progress has occurred, as a function of improved social harmony. Religious Pluralism

Religious pluralism is a set of religious world views that hold that one's religion is not the sole and exclusive source of truth, and thus recognizes that some level of truth and value exists in other religions. As such, religious pluralism goes beyond religious tolerance, which is the condition of peaceful existence between adherents of different religions or religious denominations. Within the Jewish community there lies a common history, a shared language of prayer, a shared Bible and a shared set of rabbinic literature, thus allowing for Jews of significantly different world views to share some common values and goals.

General classical views on other religions ● Views on dialogue with non-Jews in general ● Views on Jewish-Christian dialogue ● Joseph Soloveitchik ● Other rabbinical views ● Orthodox Rabbinic Statement on Christianity ● Between Jerusalem and Rome ● Ground rules for a Christian-Jewish dialogue ● Views on Jewish-Muslim dialogue ● Views on dialogue with other religions ● Intra-religious pluralism

Traditionally, Jews believe that God chose the Jewish people to be in a unique covenant with God, described by the Torah itself, with particular obligations and responsibilities elucidated in the Oral Torah. Sometimes this choice is seen as charging the Jewish people with a specific mission — to be a light unto the nations, practice Tikkun olam and to exemplify the covenant with God as described in the Torah. This view, however, did not preclude a belief that God has a relationship with other peoples — rather, Judaism held that God had entered into a covenant with all humankind, and that Jews and non-Jews alike have a relationship with God. Each nation with its own unique relationship with God. Biblical references as well as rabbinic literature support this view: Moses refers to the "God of the spirits of all flesh" (Numbers 27:16), and the Tanakh (Hebrew Bible) also identifies prophets outside the community of Israel. Based on these statements, some rabbis theorized that, in the words of Nathanel ben Fayyumi, a Yemenite Jewish theologian of the 12th century, "God permitted to every people something he forbade to others...[and] God sends a prophet to every people according to their own language."(Levine, 1907/1966) The Mishnah states that "Humanity was produced from one man, Adam, to show God's greatness. When a man mints a coin in a press, each coin is identical. But when the King of Kings, the Holy One, blessed be He, creates people in the form of Adam not one is similar to any other." (Mishnah Sanhedrin 4:5) The Mishnah continues, and states that anyone who kills or saves a single human life, Jewish or not-Jewish, has killed or saved an entire world. The Tosefta, a supplement to the Mishnah, states: "Righteous people of all nations have a share in the world to come" (Tosefta Sanhedrin 13:1; Sanhedrin 105a; also Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Teshuvah 3:4). The Midrash adds: "-Why does the Holy One, blessed be He, love the righteous? Because righteousness is not due to inheritance or family connections... If a man wants to become a Kohen or a Levite, he cannot. Why? Because his father was neither a Kohen nor a Levite. However, if someone wants to become righteous, even if he is a gentile, he can, because righteousness is not inherited. [Numbers Rabbah 8:2] A traditional Jewish view is that rather than being obligated to obey the whole 613 mitzvot that the Jews are obligated to, the other nation adhere to a common list of commandments under seven categories that God required of the children of Noah; Noahide laws, (i.e. all humanity, ten generations prior to the birth of Abraham, the original father of Judaism).} According to the Talmud, the seven Noahide Laws are;

Sh'fichat damim, to refrain from bloodshed and murder - שפיכת דמים ● Dinim, to establish laws, and courts of justice – דינים ● ,Avodah zarah, to refrain from idolatry - עבודה זרה ● ,Birkat Hashem, - to refrain from blasphemy ברכת השם ● Gilui Arayot (Gilui Arayos in the Ashkenazi pronunciation) to - גילוי עריות ● refrain from sexual immorality (traditionally, incest, bestiality, adultery) Gezel, to refrain from theft, and – גזל ● Ever min ha'Chai, to refrain from eating a limb torn from a still - אבר מן החי ● living animal ● Any person who lives according to these laws is known as "The righteous among the gentiles". Maimonides states that this refers to those who have acquired knowledge of God and act in accordance with the Noahide laws. In the 2nd century a sage in the Tosefta declared "the righteous of all nations have a share in the world to come." (Tosefta, Sanhedrin 13) Prophets of the Bible, while they repeatedly denounced the evils of the idolatrous nations (in addition to their denouncing the Jews' sins), they never call the nations to account for their idolatrous beliefs (i.e. worshiping multiple deities), but only for their evil actions (such as human sacrifice, murder, and miscarriages of justice).[citation needed].

The Jerusalem Talmud, Tractate Peah, states: "כתיב ומשפט ורב צדקה לא יענה אין הקב"ה משהא מתן שכרן של עושה מצות בגוי" "It is written, "Justice and abundant righteousness he does not withhold". [from here we see] God does not hold back from a non-Jew who does mitzvot. [1] [2]

Classical views on Christianity: Some rabbis in the Talmud view Christianity as a form of idolatry, and therefore prohibited not only to Jews, but to gentile as well.[citation needed] Rabbis with these views did not claim that it was idolatry in the same sense as pagan idolatry in Biblical times, but that it relied on idolatrous forms of worship (i.e. to a Trinity of gods and to statues an saints) (see Babylonian Talmud Hullin, 13b). Other rabbis disagreed, and do not hold it to be idolatry for gentiles (see Tosafot on Babylonian Talmud Avodah Zarah 2a). The dispute continues to this day. (Jacob Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance, Oxford Univ. Press, 1961, Ch.10) Maimonides, one of Judaism's most important theologians and legal experts, explained in detail why Jesus was wrong to create Christianity and why Muhammad was wrong to create Islam; he laments the pains Jews have suffered in persecution from followers of these new faiths as they attempted to supplant Judaism (in the case of Christianity, called Supersessionism). However, Maimonides then goes on to say that both faiths can be considered a positive part of God's plan to redeem the world. Jesus was instrumental [or, "was an instrument"] in changing the Torah and causing the world to err and serve another beside God. But it is beyond the human mind to fathom the designs of our Creator, for our ways are not God's ways, neither are our thoughts His. All these matters relating to Jesus of Nazareth, and the Ishmaelite [i.e., Muhammad] who came after him, only served to clear the way for the Jewish Messiah to prepare the whole world to worship God with one accord, as it is written 'For then will I turn to the peoples a pure language, that they all call upon the name of the Lord to serve Him with one consent.' (Zephaniah 3:9). Thus the Jewish hope, and the Torah, and the commandments have become familiar topics of conversation among those even on far isles, and among many people, uncircumcised of flesh and heart. (Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, XI.4.)

The above paragraph was often censored from many printed versions where Christian censorship was felt. ● Modern (post-Enlightenment era) Jewish views ● Views on dialogue with non-Jews in general ● Conservative, Reform, Reconstructionist, and a few Modern Orthodox rabbis engage in interfaith religious dialogue, while most Orthodox rabbis do not.

Rabbi Lord Immanuel Jakobovits, former Chief Rabbi of the United Synagogue of Great Britain, describes a commonly held Jewish view on this issue:

"Yes, I do believe in the Chosen people concept as affirmed by Judaism in its holy writ, its prayers, and its millennial tradition. In fact, I believe that every people - and indeed, in a more limited way, every individual - is "chosen" or destined for some distinct purpose in advancing the designs of Providence. Only, some fulfill their mission and others do not. Maybe the Greeks were chosen for their unique contributions to art and philosophy, the Romans for their pioneering services in law and government, the British for bringing parliamentary rule into the world, and the Americans for piloting democracy in a pluralistic society. The Jews were chosen by God to be 'peculiar unto Me' as the pioneers of religion and morality; that was and is their national purpose." The German-Jewish philosopher Moses Mendelssohn (1729–1786) taught that "According to the basic principles of my religion I am not to seek to convert anyone not born into our laws....We believe that the other nations of the Earth are directed by God to observe only the law of nature and the religion of the Patriarchs...I fancy that whosoever leads men to virtue in this life cannot be damned in the next."[citation needed][vague] According to the Jewish Encyclopedia article on Gentile: Gentiles May Not Be Taught the Torah,[dubious – discuss][vague] Rabbi Jacob Emden (1697–1776) claimed:

Views on Jewish-Christian dialogue: Joseph Soloveitchik: In practice, the predominant position of Modern Orthodoxy on this issue is based on the position of Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik in an essay entitled Confrontation. He held that Judaism and Christianity are "two faith communities (which are) intrinsically antithetic". In his view "the language of faith of a particular community is totally incomprehensible to the man of a different faith community. Hence the confrontation should occur not at a theological, but at a mundane human level... the great encounter between man and God is a holy, personal and private affair, incomprehensible to the outsider..." As such, he ruled that theological dialogue between Judaism and Christianity was not possible. However, Soloveitchik advocated closer ties between the Jewish and Christian communities. He held that communication between Jews and Christians was not merely permissible, but "desirable and even essential" on non-theological issues such as war and peace, the war on poverty, the struggle for people to gain freedom, issues of morality and civil rights, and to work together against the perceived threat of secularism. As a result of his ruling, Orthodox Jewish groups did not operate in interfaith discussions between the Roman Catholic Church and Jews about Vatican II, a strictly theological endeavour. However, the Rabbinical Council of America (RCA), with Soloveitchik's approval, then engaged in a number of interfaith dialogues with both Catholic and Protestant Christian groups. Soloveitchik understood his ruling as advising against purely theological interfaith dialogue, but as allowing theological dialogue as part of a greater context. Bernard Rosensweig (former President of the RCA) writes "The RCA remained loyal to the guidelines which the Rav had set down [concerning interfaith dialogue] and distinguished between theological discussions and ethical-secular concerns, which have universal validity. Every program involving either Catholic or Protestant churches in which we participated was carefully scrutinized.... Every topic which had possible theological nuances or implications was vetoed, and only when the Rav pronounced it to be satisfactory did we proceed to the dialogue." An RCA committee was once reviewing possible topics for an inter-faith dialogue. One of the suggested topics was "Man in the Image of God." Several members of the committee felt that the topic had too theological a ring, and wished to veto it. When the Rav [Soloveitch] was consulted he approved the topic and quipped, "What should the topic have been? Man as a Naturalistic Creature?!" (Lawrence Kaplan, Revisionism and the Rav: The Struggle for the Soul of Modern Orthodoxy Judaism, Summer, 1999): The basis for Soloveitchik's ruling was not narrowly legal, but sociological and historical. He described the traditional Jewish–Christian relationship as one of "the few and weak vis-à-vis the many and the strong", one in which the Christian community historically denied the right of the Jewish community to believe and live in their own way. His response was written in the light of past Jewish-Christian religious disputations, which traditionally had been forced upon the Jewish community. Those had as their express goal the conversion of Jews to Christianity. As recently as the 1960s many traditional Jews still looked upon all interfaith dialogue with suspicion, fearing that conversion may be an ulterior motive. This was a reasonable belief, given that many Catholics and most Protestants at the time in fact held this position. Reflecting this stance, Rabbi Soloveitchik asked the Christian community to respect "the right of the community of the few to live, create and worship in its own way, in freedom and with dignity." Other rabbinical views: Many traditional rabbis agree; they hold that while cooperation with the Christian community is of importance, theological dialogue is unnecessary, or even misguided. Rabbi Eliezer Berkovits writes that "Judaism is Judaism because it rejects Christianity, and Christianity is Christianity because it rejects Judaism." (Disputation and Dialogue: Readings in the Jewish Christian Encounter, Ed. F.E. Talmage, Ktav, 1975, p. 291.) In later years Solovetichik's qualified permission was interpreted more and more restrictively. (Tradition:A Journal of Orthodox Thought, Vol. 6, 1964) Today many Orthodox rabbis use Soloveitchik's letter to justify having no discussion or joint efforts with Christians. In contrast, some Modern Orthodox rabbis such as Eugene Korn and David Hartman hold that in some cases, the primary issue in Confrontation is no longer valid; some Christian groups no longer attempt to use interfaith dialogue to convert Jews to Christianity. They believe that the relationship between Judaism and Christianity has reached a point where Jews can trust Christian groups to respect them as equals. Further, in most nations it is not possible for Jews to be forced or pressured to convert, and many major Christian groups no longer teach that the Jews who refuse to convert are damned to hell. In non-Orthodox denominations of Judaism most rabbis hold that Jews have nothing to fear from engaging in theological dialogue, and may have much to gain. Some hold that in practice Soloveitchik's distinctions are not viable, for any group that has sustained discussion and participation on moral issues will implicitly involve theological discourse. Thus, since informal implicit theological dialogue will occur, one might as well admit it and publicly work on formal theological dialogue. Orthodox Rabbinic Statement on Christianity: On December 3rd 2015, the Center for Jewish-Christian Understanding and Cooperation (CJCUC) spearheaded a petition of orthodox rabbis from around the world calling for increased partnership between Jews and Christians. The unprecedented Orthodox Rabbinic Statement on Christianity, entitled "To Do the Will of Our Father in Heaven: Toward a Partnership between Jews and Christians", was initially signed by over 25 prominent Orthodox rabbis in Israel, United States and Europe[8] and now has over 60 signatories. Between Jerusalem and Rome On August 31st 2017, representatives of the Conference of European Rabbis, the Rabbinical Council of America, and the Commission of the Chief Rabbinate of Israel issued and presented the Holy See with a statement entitled Between Jerusalem and Rome. The document pays particular tribute to the Second Vatican Council’s Declaration Nostra Aetate, whose fourth chapter represents the Magna Charta of the Holy See's dialogue with the Jewish world. The Statement Between Jerusalem and Rome does not hide the theological differences that exist between the two faith traditions while all the same it expresses a firm resolve to collaborate more closely, now and in the future. Ground rules for a Christian-Jewish dialogue[neutrality is disputed. Conservative Rabbi Robert Gordis wrote an essay on "Ground Rules for a Christian Jewish Dialogue"; in all Jewish denominations, one form or another of these rules eventually became more or less accepted by parties engaging in Jewish-Christian theological dialogue: Robert Gordis held that "a rational dialogue conducted on the basis of knowledge and mutual respect between the two components of the religio-ethical tradition of the Western world can prove a blessing to our age." His proposed ground rules for fair discussion are: (1) People should not label Jews as worshiping an inferior "Old Testament God of Justice" while saying that Christians worship a superior "God of Love of the New Testament." Gordis gives quotations from the Tanakh (Hebrew Bible) which in his view prove that this view is a misleading caricature of both religions that was created by selective quotation. (See Marcion for the historical source of this interpretation). (2) He holds that Christians should stop "the widespread practice of contrasting the primitivism, tribalism and formalism of the Old Testament (see also Antinomianism) with the spirituality, universalism, and freedom of the New, to the manifest disadvantage of the former." Gordis again brings forth quotations from the Tanakh which in his view prove that this is a misleading caricature of both religions, created by selective quotation. (3) "Another practice which should be surrendered is that of referring to Old Testament verses quoted in the New as original New Testament passages. Many years ago, Bertrand Russell, a well known atheist, described the Golden Rule 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself' as New Testament teaching. When the Old Testament source (Leviticus 19:18, the Great Commandment) was called to his attention, he blandly refused to recognize his error."[citation needed] (4) Christians need to understand that while Judaism is based on the Hebrew Bible, it is not identical to the religion described in it. Rather, Judaism is based on the Bible as understood through the classical works of rabbinic literature, such as the Mishnah and Talmud. Gordis writes "To describe Judaism within the framework of the Old Testament is as misleading as constructing a picture of American life in terms of the Constitution, which is, to be sure, the basic law of the land but far from coextensive with our present legal and social system." (5) Jews must "rise above the heavy burden of historical memories which have made it difficult for them to achieve any real understanding, let alone an appreciation, of Christianity. It is not easy to wipe out the memories of centuries of persecution and massacre, all too often dedicated to the advancement of the cause of the Prince of Peace.....[It is] no easy task for Jews to divest themselves of the heavy burden of group memories from the past, which are unfortunately reinforced all too often by personal experiences in the present. Nevertheless, the effort must be made, if men are to emerge from the dark heritage of religious hatred which has embittered their mutual relationships for twenty centuries. There is need for Jews to surrender the stereotype of Christianity as being monolithic and unchanging and to recognize the ramifications of viewpoint and emphasis that constitute the multicolored spectrum of contemporary Christianity." Gordis calls on Jews to "see in Christian doctrine an effort to apprehend the nature of the divine that is worthy of respect and understanding" and that "the dogmas of the Christian church have expressed this vision of God in terms that have proved meaningful to Christian believers through the centuries." He calls on Jews to understand with tolerance and respect the historical and religious context which led Christians to develop the concepts of the Virgin Birth, the Incarnation, the Passion, and the Resurrection, even if Jews themselves do not accept these ideas as correct. Similarly, Gordis calls on Christians to understand with tolerance and respect that Jews do not accept these beliefs, since they are in contradiction to the Jewish understanding of the unity of God. (Source: "The Root and the Branch", Chapter 4, Robert Gordis, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962) Recently, over 120 rabbis have signed the Dabru Emet ("Speak the Truth"), a document concerning the relationship between Judaism and Christianity. While affirming that there are substantial theological differences between the two religions, the purpose of Dabru Emet is to point out common ground. It is not an official document of any of the Jewish denominations per se, but it is representative of what many Jews feel. Dabru Emet sparked a controversy in segments of the Jewish community. Many Jews disagree with parts of it for a variety of reasons. Views on Jewish-Muslim dialogue: Many Muslim and Jewish groups and individuals have together created projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs, most of which have as one of their goals overcoming religious prejudice. The viewpoint of Conservative Judaism is summarized in Emet Ve-Emunah: Statement of Principles of Conservative Judaism. This official statement holds that "As Conservative Jews, we acknowledge without apology the many debts which Jewish religion and civilization owe to the nations of the world. We eschew triumphalism with respect to other ways of serving God. Maimonides believed that other monotheistic faiths, Christianity and Islam, serve to spread knowledge of, and devotion to, the God and the Torah of Israel throughout the world. Many modern thinkers, both Jewish and gentile, have noted that God may well have seen fit to enter covenants with many nations. Either outlook, when relating to others, is perfectly compatible with a commitment to one's own faith and pattern of religious life. If we criticize triumphalism in our own community, then real dialogue with other faith groups requires that we criticize triumphalism and other failings in those quarters as well. In the second half of the twentieth century, no relationship between Jews and Christians can be dignified or honest without facing up frankly to the centuries of prejudice, theological anathema, and persecution that have been thrust upon Jewish communities, culminating in the horrors of the Shoah (Holocaust). No relationship can be nurtured between Jews and Muslims unless it acknowledges explicitly and seeks to combat the terrible social and political effects of Muslim hostility, as well as the disturbing but growing reaction of Jewish anti-Arabism in the Land of Israel. But all of these relationships, properly pursued, can bring great blessing to the Jewish community and to the world. As the late Professor Abraham Joshua Heschel put it, "no religion is an island." Views on dialogue with other religions: A small number of modern Jewish theologians, such as Yehezkel Kaufman and Rabbi Joseph H. Hertz, have suggested that perhaps only the Israelites were forbidden to worship idols, but perhaps such worship was permissible for members of other religions. (Yehezkel Kaufman, "The Religion of Israel", Univ. of Chicago Press, 1960; J. H. Hertz, "Pentateuch and Haftorahs" Soncino Press, 1960, p. 759). Most Jewish theologians disagree, saying that the original meaning of the text was to condemn idolatry in total. However, a growing number of Jewish theologians question whether Hindus and Buddhists today should be considered idolaters in the Biblical sense of the term. Their reasons are that modern day Buddhists, Hindus and others (a) do not literally worship "sticks and stones", as the idolaters in the Tanakh were described doing. Their beliefs have far more theological depth than ancient pagans[citation needed], and they are well aware that icons they worship are only symbols of a deeper level of reality (though the same can be said of modern-day pagans), (b) they do not practice child sacrifice, (c) they are of high moral character, and (d) they are not anti- Jewish. Some Jews argue that God has a relationship with all gentile monotheists (or perceived monotheists), including Hindus, who in the past may have been (mis)interpreted as having a polytheist faith (see also Hindu views on monotheism), as well as with members of other religions such as Buddhism. Intra-religious pluralism: The article on Relationships between Jewish religious movements describes how the different Jewish denominations view each other and interact with each other.

Language

Introduction

„Basic Principles“32, 33

32 Jonathan McTaggart & Nicole Klar (November 2015): Sprachbeschreibung Hebräisch, Stiftung Mercator, Universität Duisburg, Deutsch als Zweitsprache in allen Fächern 33 Simon, Heinrich (1986): Lehrbuch der modernen hebräischen Sprache. Leipzig: Hueber Konsonanten: Hebräisch wird oftmals als „Konsonantensprache“ bezeichnet, denn das hebräische Alphabet bestand ursprünglich nur aus Konsonanten, es gab keine Buchstabenzeichen für Vokale. Die frühen Zeugnisse hebräischer Sprache sind daher nur mit Hilfe von Konsonanten ohne weitere Zeichen geschrieben. Erst seit dem 8. Jahrhundert hat sich ein Vokalisierungssystem entwickelt, in dem jeder der Vokale ein eigenes Zeichen erhielt. Die gedruckten Bibeln benutzten alle das tiberianische Vokalisierungssystem, Nikud (Punktierung) genannt. Es besteht aus verschiedenen Vokal- und Betonungszeichen, die entweder Vokale repräsentieren oder unterschiedliche Aussprachevarianten von Konsonanten kenntlich machen. Die punktähnlichen Vokal- und Betonungszeichen werden über, in und unter die Konsonanten gesetzt. Diese relativ unauffällige Variante ermöglichte es, Schriften wie die Bibel, deren Buchstaben als heilig angesehen werden, zu verändern, ohne die bereits existierenden Buchstaben zu ersetzen. Ein solcher vokalisierter Text wird als ktiv menukad bezeichnet. Jeder Buchstabe, der in punktierter Schrift erscheint, wird auch in der unpunktierten Schreibung geschrieben. Die Buchstaben werden nicht verbunden, sondern stehen in Druckund Schreibschrift einzeln nebeneinander.

In der modernen hebräischen Schriftsprache wird Nikkud nur selten verwendet. Man findet das Vokalisierungssystem hauptsächlich in Wörterbüchern und in Schulen bzw. Sprachschulen,um Kindern und anderen Hebräisch-Lernern die Aussprache der Wörter zu vermitteln. Vokale: In der Beschreibung des Hebräischen werden lange und kurze Vokale unterschieden. Die Un- terscheidung zwischen langen Vokalen (Vase) und kurzen Vokalen (wann) findet man auch im Deutschen, wobei diese Unterscheidung im Deutschen deutlich komplexer ist. In der deutschen Rechtschreibung ist dies ein schwieriger Bereich von bezeichneter und nicht bezeichneter Länge und Kürze: rot (lang/nicht gekennzeichnet), Bus (kurz/nicht gekennzeichnet), Schwan (lang/nicht gekennzeichnet), an (kurz/nicht gekennzeichnet), kann (kurz/ gekennzeichnet), Name (lang/nicht gekennzeichnet), Sahne (lang/gekennzeichnet), Weg (lang/nicht gekennzeichnet), aber weg (kurz/nicht gekennzeichnet). Diphthonge wie z. B. in auch und Eule kommen im Hebräischen nicht vor.

Die sogenannten langen Vokale

Silbenstruktur Im Schriftbild des Hebräischen folgen nur Konsonanten aufeinander. Durch das Vokalisierungssystem werden Vokale jedoch „versteckt“ angeführt. Zudem gibt es im Hebräischen vier Buchstaben, die eigentlich „Konsonantenbuchstaben“ sind, aber auch Vokale repräsentieren können.

י ו ה א :Diese vier Buchstaben sind ● ● Sie können wie folgt realisiert werden: j v u o h a

Treten sie nach einem durch das Vokalisationssystem eingebrachten Vokal auf, fungieren sie in den meisten Fällen als Konsonant. Stehen sie nach einem Konsonanten oder am Wortanfang, so dienen sie in der Regel als Vokal.

יַָיַָדלַ לַה ַ:(Zum Beispiel das Wort Mädchen auf Hebräisch (jalda ●

als Konsonant ה als Vokal und am Wortende tritt das י Am Wortanfang steht auf, da der Buchstabe davor vokalisiert ist. Unter diesen Voraussetzungen folgt die Silbenstruktur im Hebräischen weitgehend dem Prinzip Konsonant-Vokal-Konsonant K-V-K. K-K-V-K-Silben sind aber auch möglich: Fragen: 1) Versuchen sie als ungeübter Hebräischlerner folgendes auszusprechen: ?Der kleine Hund) Warum ist das unmöglich =) ןטקה בלכה 2) Warum neigen Muttersprachler des Hebräischen dazu, bei der deutschen Schreibschrift die Buchstaben nicht zu verbinden?

Morphologie (Formenlehre) des Hebräischen: Hebräische Wörter lassen sich in der Regel auf drei Stamm- oder Wurzel-Konsonanten zurückführen. Diese Stamm-Konsonanten werden als Schoresch (Wurzel) bezeichnet, wobei die Wurzel immer ein Bedeutungsträger ist. Die Wurzel kann in verschiedenen Kombinationen mit Präfixen, Infixen und Suffixen zu den verschiedenen Wortformen umgebildet werden.

,ch – v – r) hat hier also die Grundbedeutung „verbinden / ח-ַב-ַרַ ) Die Wurzel zusammen bringen, verbunden sein“.

Flexion: Da die grammatischen Bedeutungen im Hebräischen ebenso wie im Deutschen in der Regel mit Hilfe der Flexion ausgedrückt werden, gehört Hebräisch zu den flektierenden Sprachen. Es gibt unveränderliche, nicht aval) = aber und Wörter, die ihre) לבא ,ve) = und) ו .flektierbare Wörter z. B Form je nach Stellung im Satz verändern und somit flektierbar sind, z. B.: hu kore) = er liest) אוה ארוק ● likro) = lesen) אורקל ● hachanut hayeschana) = das alte Geschäft) תונחה הנשיה ●

Unser Beispielsatz von Alfred Polgar enthält sowohl im Hebräischen als auch im Deutschen flektierbare und nicht flektierbare Wörter:.

"ןמזה לכ יל תתייצמ אל איה לבא ,תינמרגה הפשב טלוש ינא"

“Ani scholet ba-safa ha-germanit, aval hi lo mezayetet li kol ha zman” „Ich beherrsch-e diese Sprache das Deutsche, aber sie nicht gehorch-t mir alle die Zeit.“

Die Verben werden im Hebräischen ebenso wie im Deutschen durch Personalendung konjugiert, die Adjektive werden in Numerus und Genus dem Substantiv angeglichen. Bei den verschiedenen Kasus kommt es zu keiner Veränderung der Adjektive.

Für die Markierung von Numerus und Genus gibt es zahlreiche Suffixe und Endungen. Bei einigen Nomen und Adjektiven kann sich auch die Grundform des Wortes je nach Numerus und Genus geringfügig ändern. Im Hebräischen gibt es wie im Deutschen vier Kasus. Im Gegensatz zum Deutschen werden sie jedoch nicht durch das Anhängen verschiedener Endungen

Das Kasussystem im Hebräischen Im Hebräischen wird der “Status constructus“, smichut genannt, zur Kennzeichnung des Genitivs verwendet.

Er besteht aus zwei Substantiven, die miteinander verbunden werden. Durch die Verbindung kann sich das vorangehende Wort geringfügig verändern. Bei maskulinen Wörtern ändert sich lediglich die Aussprache.

Der Vergleich des hebräischen Kasussystems mit dem deutschen verdeutlicht, dass es z. B. beim Dativ Unterschiede gibt und das Kasussystem der beiden Sprachen nicht transferierbarist.

Angaben zur Frage Wohin? werden im Deutschen mit dem Akkusativ ל realisiert. Im Hebräischen wird hier der Dativ unter Einbezug der Präposition (le) = nach, zu etc. verwendet. Der Rückgriff auf Präpositionen ist beiden Sprachen gemein.

Nominalgruppen: Nominalgruppen im Deutschen sind für Schüler, die Deutsch als Zweitsprache lernen, besonders schwierig, da innerhalb dieser Gruppen Genus (maskulin, feminin oder neutrum), Numerus (Singular oder Plural) und Kasus (Nominativ, Akkusativ, Dativ oder Genitiv) berücksichtigt werden müssen. Werden Nominalgruppen durch Adjektive erweitert, müssen auch diese grammatisch angepasst sein: Im Hebräischen werden Adjektive nach Numerus und Genus flektiert, der Kasus wird niverändert.

Der bestimmte Artikel wird nicht flektiert, den unbestimmten Artikel (ein, eine) gibt es im Hebräischen nicht:

Eine Besonderheit des Hebräischen ist, dass auch das Adjektiv den bestimmten Artikel annimmt:

Nomen: Wie im Deutschen ist im Hebräischen das Nomen durch die Kategorien Kasus, Numerus und Genus bestimmt. Während das Deutsche drei Genera besitzt (Maskulinum, Femininum und Neutrum), verfügt die hebräische Sprache nur über zwei Genera, Maskulinum und Femininum. So kommt es also nur zur Unterscheidung von maskulinen (männlichen) und femininen (weiblichen) Nomen.

Das grammatische Geschlecht eines Nomens erkennt man an seiner Bedeutung oder an seiner Endung. Im Folgenden werden einige Charakteristika sowie Beispiele bezüglich der Genera der Nomen und ihrer Pluralbildung angeführt. Die meisten weiblichen Substantive sind an ihrer .erkennbar, was als /a/ ausgesprochen wird ה Endung

Verben: Die meisten hebräischen Verben bestehen aus einer Wurzel von drei Buchstaben, den sogenannten Stammkonsonanten, auch Radikale bzw. Wurzelradikale genannt. Diese sind in der Regel in allen Verbformen vorhanden.

Der Infinitiv (Verben in der Grundform z. B. singen, spielen, laufen) endet im Deutschen immer auf -en. Im Hebräischen gibt es keine einheitliche Endung für Verben im Infinitiv. Die deutschen Verbformen weisen im Präsens Singular für die unterschiedlichen Personen verschiedene Endungen auf, z. B. ich geh-e, du geh-st, er geh-t. Im Plural hingegen sind die Endungen nicht eindeutig (wir geh-en, ihr geh-t, sie geh-en). So kann man zwar aus der Endung -st entnehmen, dass es sich um die 2. Person Singular handelt, -en aber kann für die 1. oder für die 3. Person Plural stehen.

Im Hebräischen zeigen die Endungen im Präsens weniger eindeutig an, um welche Persones sich handelt, lediglich die Unterscheidung von Singular und Plural ist offensichtlich. Für das Tempus wird im Singular für alle drei Personen .i’m) angehängt) םי e) verwendet, im Plural wird die Endung-) י die Endung Daher ist es im Hebräischen auch nicht möglich, die Personalpronomen wegzulassen.

Für alle anderen Zeitformen gibt es unterschiedliche Endungen für die verschiedenen Personen im Singular und Plural. Auch wenn in diesem Falle Person und Numerus aus der Endung ersichtlich sind, ist der Gebrauch der Personalpronomen, wie auch im Deutschen, unerlässlich. Die Vergangenheit wird mit den folgenden Endungen gebildet: (lo) אל Die Verneinung lässt sich im Hebräischen einfach durch das Wort ausdrücken. Im Deutschen steht das Verneinungswort nicht nach der Verbform (z. B. im Präsens ich friere nicht) oder inmitten der zusammengesetzten Zeiten (z. B. ich habe nicht gefroren). Im Hebräischen steht die Verneinung (Negation) dagegen immer vor der Verbform.

Fragen: ?ani kafanu) falsch) ונאפק ינא Warum ist (1 2) Vergleichen Sie die Pluralbildung des Hebräischen mit der Pluralbildung des Deutschen! Welche Unterschiede bzw. Gemeinsamkeiten gibt es? 3) Warum neigen Hebräisch-Muttersprachler dazu, die Verneinung im Deutschen wie folgt zu bilden: „Ich nicht gehe in die Stadt.“?

Wortschatz des Hebräischen: Im Folgenden werden Zahlwörter und Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen in Übersichten aufgelistet, um einen kurzen Einblick in den Wortschatz des Hebräischen zu erhalten.

Die Zahlen 1 bis 1.000.000: Im Hebräischen werden bei den Zahlen 11-19 wie im Deutschen zunächst der Einer und dann der Zehner genannt. Ab 21 werden jedoch zuerst die Zwanziger, Dreißiger usw. und dann derEiner genannt:

Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen

Syntax des Hebräischen: Die Wortstellung ist in allen Sprachen systematischen Regeln unterworfen, so dass willkürliche Verbindungen von Wörtern keinen (grammatischen) Satz darstellen:

Rechtsausrichtung in hebräischen Sätzen: In der Grundstellung steht das Subjekt in hebräischen Sätzen stets an erster Stelle, während sich an zweiter Stelle das Prädikat und an letzter Stelle das Objekt befindet. Die Satzgliedreihenfolge lautet demnach wie im Deutschen: Subjekt – Prädikat – Objekt (SPO).

Reduziert man den Satz „aber sie gehorcht mir nicht immer“ von Alfred Polgar auf die Satzglieder Subjekt, Prädikat und Objekt (also: sie gehorcht mir), erkennt man die Basisstruktur eines einfachen Satzes im Hebräischen:

Im Hebräischen gilt für die Satztypen Aussagesatz, Fragesatz und Aufforderungssatz die Satzgliedreihenfolge SPO. Im Unterschied zum Deutschen ändern die Satzglieder ihre Positionen beim Wechsel der Satztypen nicht, so dass auch für Frage- und Aufforderungssätze die Rechtsausrichtung erhalten bleibt, das Subjekt also stets am Anfang steht und alle weiteren Satzglieder dahinter platziert werden:

Feste Wortstellung: Die Grundstellung SPO ist im Hebräischen noch bindender als im Deutschen, denn man kann die Satzglieder in hebräischen Hauptsätzen nicht frei umstellen. Im Deutschen ist häufig eine grammatisch korrekte Umstellung zur Betonung eines bestimmten Satzteiles möglich. So könnte man den Satz „Diese Sprache gehorcht mir“ umstellen zu „Mir gehorcht diese Sprache“, um das Wort mir hervorzuheben. Im Hebräischen geht das nicht. Die einzig korrekte Satzstellung ist:

Rechtsausrichtung innerhalb der Satzglieder: In unserem hebräischen hi) das Subjekt und der Kopf des Satzes. Wie) איה Beispielsatz von Polgar ist ersichtlich, steht im Hebräischen der Kopf innerhalb des Satzgliedes immer an erster Stelle. Sobald die Absicht besteht, Ergänzungen innerhalb eines Satzgliedes zu machen, werden alle Informationen rechts hinter den Kopf platziert. Das Hebräische ist somit eine typische rechtsverzweigende Sprache. Das Deutsche kennt dagegen beide Formen der Verzweigung, also sowohl die Links- als auch die Rechtsausrichtung:

Links- und Rechtsausrichtung im deutschen Schriftbild Linksausrichtung im hebräischen Schriftbild Bei den oben genannten Beispielen handelt es sich um Satzglieder, in denen der Kopf gut zu erkennen ist. Komplizierter wird es bei komplexeren Attributen wie z. B.:

Kopf Die für Schüler schwer nachvollziehbare Aufgabenstellung aus dem Schulbuch des vergangenen Schuljahres, die die Lehrer ausgewählt hatten.

Innerhalb dieser Nominalgruppe müssen alle weiteren Ergänzungen mit dem Kopf grammatisch übereinstimmen. Je größer eine Nominalgruppe ist, umso schwieriger ist es auch für Lerner des Deutschen bzw. des Hebräischen die Ergänzungen innerhalb des Satzglieds richtig zu gebrauchen, da sie Schwierigkeiten haben, den Kopf zu erkennen und weitere Informationen grammatisch anzupassen.

Übersetzt man diese komplexe Nominalgruppe, in der sich auch ein Relativsatz befindet, ins Hebräische, steht der Kopf (Aufgabenstellung) innerhalb des Satzgliedes ganz am Anfang.

םידימלתל הנבהל השק ,הרבעש הנשמ תולטמה רפסמ הרומה ידי לע הרחבנש הלטמה.

Hamatala shenibchera al yadey hamore misefer beit hasefer mischana scheavra kasche, lehavana letalmidim.

Zur Veranschaulichung der Wortstellung im Hebräischen sind die Endungen nicht ins „RückDeutsche“ übersetzt, so dass man besser erkennen kann, inwiefern die Wortstellung des Deutschen und Hebräischen voneinander abweichen:

Nebensätze: Auch in Nebensätzen findet man die Rechtsausrichtung. Wie auch bei den Hauptsätzen ist diese hier relativ bindend. Relativsätze stehen im Deutschen nach dem Kopf (Bezugsnomen) (also rechts, Rechtsausrichtung): Das Relativpronomen nach dem ersten Komma muss in diesem Beispielsatz der sein, weil somit der Bezug zum Nomen der Schüler hergestellt wird. Das Relativpronomen richtet sich in Bezug auf das Nomen nach Genus (hier: maskulin), Numerus (hier: Singular), aber nicht nach dem Kasus, auch wenn in diesem Beispielsatz Bezugsnomen (der Schüler) und Relativpronomen (der) im Nominativ sind.

Der Beispielsatz kann wie folgt ins Hebräische übersetzt werden:

Der hebräische Relativsatz ist wie der deutsche Relativsatz nach rechts ausgerichtet (das Relativpronomen steht nach dem Bezugsnomen). Das asher) wird in denletzten Jahren sowohl im Laut- als) רשא Relativpronomen sch) ersetzt. Das) ש auch im Schriftbild häufig durch das kürzere Pronomen asher) ist unveränderlich, auch in Kasus wie Dativ und) רשא Relativpronomen Akkusativ bleibt es gleich.

Satzverknüpfungen im Hebräischen: Um einen sinnvollen Text zu produzieren, müssen Sätze verknüpft werden. Zwei Fachbegriffe sind hierbei unumgänglich, die bei der Beschreibung textueller Besonderheiten genannt werden müssen: Kohäsion und Kohärenz. Mit Hilfe von Kohäsionsmitteln werden Bezüge zwischen den Sätzen im Text in unterschiedlichen Formen hergestellt. Diese sprachlichen Signale tragen dazu bei, den Text logisch zu gliedern. So sind z. B. Konjunktionen wie und, weil oder obwohl und Pro- Formen wie er, sie, diese, dies, dabei, ihm Kohäsionsmittel. Unter Kohärenz versteht man dagegen den logischen Aufbau eines Textes. Ein Text ist nicht einfach eine Anhäufung von Sätzen. Kohärenz wird eben durch Kohäsionsmittel hergestellt.

Konjunktionen als Kohäsionsmittel In vielen Fällen müssen Kohäsionsmittel im Text eingesetzt werden, sonst sind verbundene Sätze oder ganze Texte nicht kohärent, wie das folgende Beispiel zeigt:

* Ich beherrsche die deutsche Sprache, sie gehorcht mir nicht immer. * ה ,תינמרגה הפשב טלוש ינא.יל תטייצמ דימת אל אי *Ani scholet basafa hagermanit, hi lo tamid metzaietet li. aval) Auslöser dafür, dass der) לבא Hier ist das Fehlen des Kohäsionsmittels Widerspruch nicht versprachlicht und der Satz somit unverständlich wird. Man sollte daraus aber nicht die Schlussfolgerung ziehen, dass jede Konjunktion im Deutschen mit einem Wort ins Hebräische übersetzt werden kann. Ersetzt man in unserem Beispielsatz die Konjunktion aber durch obwohl, ändert sich im Deutschen die Wortstellung:

Der Gebrauch des Kohäsionsmittels obwohl bewirkt im Hebräischen, im Unterschied zum Deutschen, keine Umstellung des Satzbaus:

Im Hebräischen geht die Konjunktion obwoh (lamrot) immer mit dem .sche) einher) ש Wort dass

Pro-Formen als Kohäsionsmittel Mit Pro-Formen kann im Text auf Personen, Objekte und größere Sachverhalte verwiesen werden. Personalpronomen (er/sie/es) werden im Hebräischen ähnlich wie im Deutschen verwendet, und das grammatische Geschlecht ist erkennbar. Der Polgar-Satz verdeutlicht dies:

Man könnte annehmen, dass der Polgar-Satz ohne die Ergänzung hi (sie) im Hebräischen stehen könnte:

metzayetet) nicht deutlich wird, wer denn) תטייצמ Da aber aus der Verbform nicht gehorcht, muss diese Leerstelle gefüllt werden. Das Deutsche benutzt dafür das Pronomen sie, weil es sich auf die Sprache bezieht und der Bezug keine Probleme darstellt. Im Hebräischen benutzt man das weibliche hi), so dass bei der Interpretation des Satzes keine) איה Pronomen Stolpersteine für den Leser im Weg liegen.

Librarys

Example1: Sustainable Interactive Information Hub Design34

34 Nurdiyana Zainal Abidin, Zainal Abidin Akasah, Nurul Huda Mohd Annuar: Sustainable Interactive Information Hub Design Faculty of Built Environment.Department of Architecture., Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) Faculty of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Universiti Tun Hussein Onn Malaysia (UTHM), Kulliyyah of Architecture and Environmental Design, International Islamic University (IIUM), Malaysia

Newspaper and Internet Media Botany

Introduction

Climate Middle East

Flora and Fauna

Jewish Gardening

Middle East

Middle – European

Bonsai Paintings Architecture

Architects Koscher Recipes

Gaststätten

Internet Service Furniture Life Style

Self Choosen Diat Plans Reform Judaism Learning Business Alignment Knowledge Management

Introduction

Knowledge management (KM) is the process of creating, sharing, using and managing the knowledge and information of an organisation.It refers to a multidisciplinary approach to achieving organisational objectives by making the best use of knowledge.[2] An established discipline since 1991, KM includes courses taught in the fields of business administration, information systems, management, library, and information sciences.Other fields may contribute to KM research, including information and media, computer science, public health and public policy.Several universities offer dedicated master's degrees master's degrees in knowledge management. Many large companies, public institutions and non-profit organisationshave resources dedicated to internal KM efforts, often as a part of their business strategy, IT, or human resource management departments.Several consulting companies provide advice regarding KM to these organisations. Knowledge management efforts typically focus on organisational objectives such as improved performance, competitive advantage, innovation, the sharing of essons learned, integration and continuous improvement of the organisation. These efforts overlap with organisational learning and may be distinguished from that by a greater focus on the management of knowledge as a strategic asset and on encouraging the sharing of knowledge.KM is an enabler of organisational learning.

● Dimensions ● Strategies ● Motivations ● Knowledge Barriers

Knowledge management efforts have a long history, including on-the-job discussions, formal apprenticeship, discussion forums, corporate libraries, professional training, and mentoring programs. with increased use of computers in the second half of the 20th century, specific adaptions of technologies such as knowledge bases, expert systems, information repositories, group decision support systems, intranets, and computer- supported supported coperative work have been introduced to further enhance such efforts. In 1999, the term personal knowlegde management was introduced; it refers to the management of knowledge at the individual level. In the enterprise, early collections of case studies recognised the importance of knowledge management dimensions of strategy, process and measurement.Key lessons learned include people and the cultural norms which influence their behaviors are the most critical resources for successful knowledge creation, dissemination and application; cognitive, social and organisational learning processes are essential to the success of a knowledge management strategy; and measurement, benchmarking and incentives are essential to accelerate the learning process and to drive cultural change.In short, knowledge management programs can yield impressive benefits to individuals and organisations if they are purposeful, concrete and action- orientated.

Research

KM emerged as a scientific discipline in the early 1990s. It was initially supported by individual practitioners, when Skandia hired Leif Edvinsson of Sweden as the world's first Chief Knowledge Officer (CKO). Hubert Saint- Onge (formerly of CIBC, Canada), started investigating KM long before that. [2] The objective of CKOs is to manage and maximise the intangible assets of their organisations.[2] Gradually, CKOs became interested in practical and theoretical aspects of KM, and the new research field was formed.The KM idea has been taken up by academics, such as Ikujiro Nonaka (Hitotsubashi University), Hirotaka Takeuchi (Hitotsubashi University), Thomas H. Davenport (Babson College) and Baruch Lev (New York University). In 2001, Thomas A. Stewart, former editor at Fortune magazine and subsequently the editor of Harvard Business Review, published a cover story highlighting the importance of intellectual capital in organisations.[18] The KM discipline has been gradually moving towards academic maturity.[2] First, is a trend toward higher cooperation among academics; single-author publications are less common. Second, the role of practitioners has changed.[16] Their contribution to academic research declined from 30% of overall contributions up to 2002, to only 10% by 2009.[19] Third, the number of academic knowledge management journals has been steadily growing, currently reaching 27 outlets. Multiple KM disciplines exist; approaches vary by author and school.As the discipline matured, academic debates increased regarding theory and practice, including: Techno-centric with a focus on technology, ideally those that enhance knowlege sharing and creation. Organisational with a focus on how an organisation can be designed to facilitate knowledge processes best. Ecological with a focus on the interaction of people, identity, knowledge, and environmental factors as a complex adaptive system akin to a natural ecosystem. Regardless of the school of thought, core components of KM roughly include people/culture, processes/structure and technology. The details depend on the perspective.[KM perspectives include:

● community of practice ● social network analysis ● intellectual capital ● information theory ● complexity science ● constructivism35 35 The practical relevance of academic research in KM has been questioned with action research suggested as having more relevance and the need to translate the findings presented in academic journals to a practice.[

Dimensions

Different frameworks for distinguishing between different 'types of' knowledge exist. One proposed framework for categorising the dimensions of knowledge distinguishes tacit knowledge and explicit knowledge.Tacit knowledge represents internalised knowledge that an individual may not be consciously aware of, such as to accomplish particular tasks. At the opposite end of the spectrum, explicit knowledge represents knowledge that the individual holds consciously in mental focus, in a form that can easily be communicated to others.

The Knowledge Spiral as described by Nonaka & Takeuchi. Ikujiro Nonaka proposed a model (SECI, for Socialisation, Externalisation, Combination, Internalisation) which considers a spiraling interaction between explicit knowledge and tacit knowledge.[36] In this model, knowledge follows a cycle in which implicit knowledge is 'extracted' to become explicit knowledge, and explicit knowledge is 're-internalised' into implicit knowledge. [36] Hayes and Walsham (2003) describe knowledge and knowledge management as two different perspectives.[37] The content perspective suggests that knowledge is easily stored; because it may be codified, while the relational perspective recognises the contextual and relational aspects of knowledge which can make knowledge difficult to share outside the specific context in which it is developed.[37] Early research suggested that KM needs to convert internalised tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge to share it, and the same effort must permit individuals to internalise and make personally meaningful any codified knowledge retrieved from the KM effort. Subsequent research suggested that a distinction between tacit knowledge and explicit knowledge represented an oversimplification and that the notion of explicit knowledge is self-contradictory.[11] Specifically, for knowledge to be made explicit, it must be translated into information (i.e., symbols outside our heads).More recently, together with Georg von Krogh and Sven Voelpel, Nonaka returned to his earlier work in an attempt to move the debate about knowledge conversion forward. A second proposed framework for categorising knowledge dimensions distinguishes embedded knowledge of a system outside a human individual (e.g., an information system may have knowledge embedded into its design) from embodied knowledge representing a learned capability of a human body's nervous and endocrine systems. A third proposed framework distinguishes between the exploratory creation of "new knowledge" (i.e., innovation) vs. the transfer or exploitation of "established knowledge" within a group, organisation, or community. [42] Collaborative environments such as communities of practice or the use of social computing tools can be used for both knowledge creation and transfer.

Strategies

Knowledge may be accessed at three stages: before, during, or after KM- related activities.[29] Organisations have tried knowledge capture incentives, including making content submission mandatory and incorporating rewards into performance measurement plans.[43] Considerable controversy exists over whether such incentives work and no consensus has emerged. One strategy to KM involves actively managing knowledge (push strategy). In such an instance, individuals strive to explicitly encode their knowledge into a shared knowledge repository, such as a database, as well as retrieving knowledge they need that other individuals have provided (codification).[44] Another strategy involves individuals making knowledge requests of experts associated with a particular subject on an ad hoc basis (pull strategy). In such an instance, expert individual(s) provide insights to requestor (personalisation).[ Hansen et al. defined the two strategies.Codification focuses on collecting and storing codified knowledge in electronic databases to make it accessible. Codification can therefore refer to both tacit and explicit knowledge.[47] In contrast, personalisation encourages individuals to share their knowledge directly. Information technology plays a less important role, as it is only facilitates communication and knowledge sharing.

Other knowledge management strategies and instruments for companies include: Knowledge Sharing (fostering a culture that encourages the sharing of information, based on the concept that knowledge is not irrevocable and should be shared and updated to remain relevant) Make knowledge-sharing a key role in employees' job description ● Inter-project knowledge transfer ● Intra-organisational knowledge sharing ● Inter-organisational knowledge sharing ● Proximity & architecture (the physical situation of employees can be either conducive or obstructive to knowledge sharing) ● Storytelling (as a means of transferring tacit knowledge) ● Cross-project learning ● After-action reviews ● Knowledge mapping (a map of knowledge repositories within a company accessible by all) ● Communities of practice ● Expert directories (to enable knowledge seeker to reach to the experts) ● Expert systems (knowledge seeker responds to one or more specific questions to reach knowledge in a repository) ● Best practise transfer ● Knowledge fairs ● Competency-based management (systematic evaluation and planning of knowledge related competences of individual organisation members) ● Master–apprentice relationship, Mentor-mentee relationship, job shadowing ● Collaborative software technologies (wikis, shared bookmarking, blogs, social software, etc.) ● Knowledge repositories (databases, bookmarking engines, etc.) ● Measuring and reporting intellectual capital (a way of making explicit knowledge for companies) ● Knowlegde brokers (some organisational members take on responsibility for a specific "field" and act as first reference on a specific subject) ● Motivations ● Multiple motivations lead organisations to undertake KM.Typical considerations include:[ ● Making available increased knowledge content in the development and provision of products and services ● Achieving shorter development cycles ● Facilitating and managing innovation and organisational learning ● Leveraging expertises across the organisation ● Increasing network connectivity between internal and external individuals ● Managing business environments and allowing employees to obtain relevant insights and ideas appropriate to their work ● Solving intractable or wicked problems ● Managing intellectual capital and assets in the workforce (such as the expertise and know-how possessed by key individuals or stored in repositories) ● KM technologies ● Knowledge management (KM) technology can be categorised: ● Groupware—Software that facilitates collaboration and sharing of organisational information. Such applications provide tools for threaded discussions, document sharing, organisation-wide uniform email, and other collaboration-related features. ● Workflow systems—Systems that allow the representation of processes associated with the creation, use and maintenance of organisational knowledge, such as the process to create and utilise forms and documents. ● Content management and document management systems—Software systems that automate the process of creating web content and/or documents. Roles such as editors, graphic designers, writers and producers can be explicitly modeled along with the tasks in the process and validation criteria. Commercial vendors started either to support documents or to support web content but as the Internet grew these functions merged and vendors now perform both functions. ● Enterprise portals—Software that aggregates information across the entire organisation or for groups such as project teams. ● eLearning—Software that enables organisations to create customised training and education. This can include lesson plans, monitoring progress and online classes. ● Planning and scheduling software—Software that automates schedule creation and maintenance. The planning aspect can integrate with project management software. ● Telepresence—Software that enables individuals to have virtual "face- to-face" meetings without assembling at one location. Videoconferencing is the most obvious example. ● Ontological Approach—An ontology-based knowledge model for knowledge management. This model can facilitate knowledge discovery that provides users with insight for decision making.[48] ● These categories overlap. Workflow, for example, is a significant aspect of a content or document management systems, most of which have tools for developing enterprise portals. ● Proprietary KM technology products such as Lotus Notes defined proprietary formats for email, documents, forms, etc. The Internet drove most vendors to adopt Internet formats.n Open-Source and freeware tools for the creation of blogs and wikis now enable capabilities that used to require expensive commercial tools. ● KM is driving the adoption of tools that enable organisations to work at the semantic level, as part of the Semantic Web. Some commentators have argued that after many years the Semantic Web has failed to see widespread adoption,while other commentators have argued that it has been a success.

Knowledge Barriers

Just like knowledge transfer and knowledge sharing, the term “knowledge barriers” is not a uniformly defined term and differs in its meaning depending on the author. Knowledge barriers can be associated with high costs for both companies and individuals. Human Resource Management

Personalmanagement, Human Resource Management

Personalwesen (auch Personalwirtschaft, Personalmanagement, englisch Human Resource Management, Abkürzung HRM, oder Workforce Management) bezeichnet den Bereich der Betriebswirtschaft, der sich mit dem Produktionsfaktor Arbeit und mit dem Personal auseinandersetzt. Das Personalwesen ist eine in allen Organisationen vorhandene Funktion, deren Kernaufgaben die Bereitstellung und der zielorientierte Personaleinsatz sind.

In der Personalpraxis beziehen viele Unternehmen außer den Führungsprozessen auch die Interaktion und Emotion des Personals ein. Modernes Personalmanagement zielt – unter Einbeziehung von Aspekten der Sozial- und Umweltverträglichkeit – auf nachhaltigen Erfolg ab. Dazu werden die Erkenntnisse, Methoden und Instrumente des Qualitätsmanagements (TQM, EFQM) und der Corporate Governance angewandt. Vom Personalmanagement wird heute ein Beitrag zur Werterhaltung und Wertschöpfung auf lange Sicht erwartet. Dafür müssen sowohl die Bedürfnisse aller Stakeholder berücksichtigt werden. Um Unternehmensziele zu erreichen, bedarf es zielorientierter Maßnahmen und Ressourcenplanung im Personalbereich und einer geeigneten Unternehmenskultur. Die konkrete Ausgestaltung der einzelnen Bereiche im individuellen Unternehmen wird auch Personalpolitik genannt. Im Rahmen der Unternehmenspolitik werden somit das Verhalten und die Handlungsweise zur Erreichung der betrieblichen Ziele bestimmt. Zum Teil werden derartige Bestimmungen in einem Unternehmensleitbild festgeschrieben oder mittels Arbeitsanweisungen vorgegeben. Während der englische Begriff des Workforce Management eine eher begrenzte und instrumentelle Sicht auf das Personalwesen darstellt, also den Mitarbeiter als Instrument der Realisierung der Unternehmensziele betrachtet, impliziert der Begriff des Human Resource Management eine breitere Sichtweise, die auch Aspekte der Personalentwicklung einschließt, also die Mitarbeiter als Ressourcen oder wichtige Assets des Unternehmens begreift.

Personalverwaltung36 ● Personalbeschaffung bzw. Personalmarketing ● Personaleinsatz ● Personalwirtschaftskontrolle ● Personalcontrolling ● Personalorganisation ● Entgeltmanagement ● Personalbetreuung ● Personalpolitik

36 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Personalwesen

Jewish Considerations – Critical to Human Resources

Prerequites: Negotions with the Reader

The impact of terrorism, military opera ons and wars37

Terrorism is defined as the deliberate use of violence or the threat of the use against innocent people with the aim of intimidating them into a course of action that they otherwise would not take (Primoratz 1990). Stern (1999) defi nes national terror as an act or threat of violence against noncombatants, with the objective of exacting revenge, intimidating, or otherwise infl uencing an audience. Th ese descriptions highlight the two main characteristics that distinguish terrorism from other forms of violence: fi rst, that it is aimed at noncombatants and thus is diff erent from a conventional war, and second, that violence is used for dramatic purposes, usually to instill fear in the targeted population (Shamai, Ron 2009). Th e defi nition of national terrorism suggests some of its consequences for the targeted population: loss of life, injuries and increased anxiety and fear. Studies conducting with victims of direct national terror attacks (i. e., survivors, witnesses and close relatives of those who were killed) confi rm that these individuals are at high risk of suff ering from a distress reaction (Solomon, Mikulincer, Waysman, Marlowe 1991; Gidron 2002; Shalev, Tuval-Mashiach 2005; Ron, Shamai 2015). The distress symptoms include generalized fear and anxiety, recurrent thoughts about the terror attack, avoidance behavior, physiological symptoms, depression, problems in daily functioning, and diffi culties in relating to trusting others. In severe cases, such a distress reaction can result in varying severity levels of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Solomon, Mikulincer 1991). Wars and military operations have been a

37 Pnina Ron, Amitay Ron, THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN ONGOING TERROR ATTACKS, MILITARY OPERATIONS AND WARS AND Abstract THE WELLBEING OF JEWISH AND ARAB THREE GENERATIONS CIVILIANS IN ISRAEL, University of Haifa, ZESZYTY PRACY SOCJALNEJ 2017, 22, z. 1: 25–38 doi: 10.4467/24496138ZPS.17.003.6538, www.ejournals.eu/ZPS part of the Israeli population’s daily experience over the years. Recent examples include the Second Lebanon war (2006), the Cast Lead Operation (2008) and the Protective Edge Operation (2014). The second Lebanon War took place in Israel during summer of 2006 aft er a kidnapping of three Israeli soldiers and an embracing missiles attack on the Northern border of Israel by the “Hizballah” (the fundamental Islamic party who share political control on Lebanon with Syria and Iran). Th e Cast Led Operation (2008) was a military operation that took place at the Israeli Southern border as a reaction to the seven years of missiles bombing from the Gaza strip to the Israeli civilians, and the kidnapping of the soldier Gilad Shalit by the “Hamas” and the Palestinian authority (named also the Gaza War). Protective Edge Operation (2014) took place aft er a kidnapping of three Israeli high school students at the Israeli Southern border with the “Hamas” and the Palestinian authority. By defi nition, the conditions associated with ongoing missile attacks, military operations and wars entail certain eff ects on the targeted population (Ron 2014). Despite the fact that the majority of the civilian population suff ered neither casualties nor loss of poverty or assets, in almost all of Israel’s Northern and Southern communities civilians lives were in real danger and, in fact the entire population in those areas experienced the meaning, and the impression of war. Emotional changes that stem from an event such as war are affected mainly by the way in which the individual interprets reality and analyzes the likelihood of suff ering personal or communal damage. Th e more threatening the event is perceived to be and the more the individual feels helpless facing the threat, the greater the chances of experiencing an enormous amount of stress and mental trauma. As to the effect of trauma severity, it appears that the greater the exposure, both physically and psychologically, the more evident the expression of mental stress symptoms. It seems that most people are equipped with emotional resilience that allows them to recover quickly aft er such events and the risk of developing severe mental health problems in response is low (Bonanno, Rennicke, Dekel 2005).

Post-Trauma Stress Disorder and Acute Stress Disorders and Death Anxiety

The World Health Organization (2000) claimed that the most common disorders following exposure to a war or a military operation is anxiety and sometimes also depression. Yet, most people do not experience a traumatic event such war in the course of their lifetimes, and only few will develop PTSD. Th e disorder is characterized by a history of the exposure to extreme mental stress situations that pose a threat to the individual’s life, physical health, or to the lives of others (American Psychiatric Association [APA] 2013). Various symptoms can develop as a result of the experience of a traumatic event, among them: nightmares related to the event; avoidance symptoms which include reduced emotions and apathy; symptoms of hypersensitization of the autonomics nervous system, etc. (Ron 2011). When symptoms persist over a period of 1 to 3 months, the possibility of PTSD is considered. Symptoms that persist for more than 3 months and cause severe defi ciencies in social and/or professional functioning suggest the condition of chronic PTSD. Nevertheless, exposure to a traumatic event by itself is not a suffi cient precondition for subsequent PTSD. Th e professional literature has demonstrated that only a minority of individuals who were exposure to trauma developed PTSD or other trauma-related disorders (Ozer, Best, Lipsey, Weiss 2003; Johnson, Th ompson 2008; Johnson, Maxwell, Galea 2009). Aside from the exposure to the traumatic event, other variables have been examined as PTSD risk factors. Th ese factors are divided into three dimensions: pre-traumatic, peri-traumatic and, post-traumatic. Th e pre-traumatic variables are viewed as predisposing vulnerability before the traumatic exposure (e.g. history of psychiatric disorder, personality traits), biological and demographic variables etc. (Bomyea, Risbrough, Lang 2012). Th e peri-traumatic variables are those linked to the actual traumatic event and include the proximity to the event, peri- traumatic dissociation, magnitude of the event, the occurrence of physical injury and its level, and the individual’s subjective appraisal of the event (Johnson, Maxwell, Galea 2009; Ozer, Best, Lipsey, Weiss 2003). Th e stronger predictor of subsequent PTSD was found to be the ASD (Acute Stress Disorders): Manifestation of symptoms 3 days to 1 month after the exposure diagnosed as Acute Stress Disorders (American Psychiatric Association 2013). Post-traumatic variables are those characterizing the immediate and duration the individual and his/her surrounding’s reaction and coping abilities. It can be say that in the context of the Northern and Southern Israel’s civilians, especially those who live near the borders, chances to be exposed to the prolonged terror threat and to be injured at wars is higher by far than the civilians live in the center of Israel. Researchers view this as a unique type of trauma, prompting abiding civilian hypervigilance, excessive concern, worry, and melancholy. In such circumstances, when an entire population (a city, a village, etc.) is exposed to the same stressor, the social support and the community mental strength may deepen the distress rather than relive it, as social networks can create an environmental eff ect of heightening fear (Hobfull, London 1986). However, research on the eff ect of a prolonged terror treats, particularly in Israel, is relatively rare (Laufer, Solomon 2009; Bayer-Topilsky, Itzhaky, Dekel, Mamor 2013), verifi ed aft er the second Palestinian “Intifada” (the uprising, took held in 2004) that all their research’ respondents were exposed to terror attacks either directly or indirectly: 35% were directly exposed, 66% were exposed through a family member, and 43% were exposed through friends. Th e prolonged terror threat evoked a basic change in the relationships between individuals and their environment, generating a continuous uncertainty in the habits in daily life. A longitudinal study took place during the Gaza war (2014), included 160 Israeli civilians living in the Southern area of Israel divided into three groups based on proximity to the Gaza strip: (a) lived 4–25 miles from the border; (b) lived 25– 50 miles; and © lived more than 51 miles away from the border (Gil, Weinberg, Shamai, Ron, Hareland Or-Chen 2015). Th e study’s fi ndings confi rm the signicance of ASD symptoms a week after traumatic exposure as the hallmark risk factor for a subsequent development of PTSD at one month. Previous studies showed that approximately 70% of trauma survivors who initially met criteria for ASD also met criteria for PTSD (Brewin et al. 2000; Franset et al. 2005; Johnson, Maxwell, Galea 2009). Moreover, according to other studies (Van der Kolk, Van der Hart, Marmar 1996; Steuwe, Laniys, Frewen 2012), Gil et al. fi ndings demonstrated the dual eff ect of dissociation on PTSD. Although immediately aft er the exposure dissociative symptoms may reduce the risk for PTSD, in the long-run they have the opposite eff ect-increasing the risk for PTSD signifi cantly. Th e initial dissociative reacting during and immediately aft er the traumatic exposure may ease coping with the traumatic nature of the event. Yet, prolonged dissociative symptoms may consolidate to become pathological. Fortunately, geographically proximity to Gaza did not show any association with PTSD. Conceivably, the war condition and the reality that large areas of Israel that were under constant missile attacks, created uncertainty regardless of the variations in distance (Gil et al. 2015). Death is an inseparable part of the circle of life and as such is a universal natural phenomenon. Th e literature defended death anxiety as a multidimensional term that relates to death as an accumulation of unpleasant feelings that arise in the individual, such as fear, threat, and emotional discomfort (Neimeyer 1997). Tomer (1992) offers a different defi nition, which considers death anxiety to be experienced on a daily basis and related to mental, physical, and social losses, loss of self and self- fulfi llment, loss of control and independence, loss of the body and its deterioration, and the eff ects of the individual’s death on the immediate surroundings. As war is considered one of the most traumatic and negative events in life for individuals, families, and communities, it has many implications in addition to death, such as long-term physical and psychological damage among children and adults, social and economic deterioration, as well as loss of human and material resources (Murthy, Lakshminarayana 2006) including civil refugees who either are left homeless due to destruction or are fl eeing in search of a safe haven (Solomon 1995).The military events referred to herein left most of the civilians living in northern and southern Israel unprotected and exposed to falling missiles. Almost all of Israel’s Jewish and Arab civilian communities were in real and immediate danger and, consequently, nearly the entire population experienced the trauma of war and military operation. The literature suggests that several demographic variables infl uence the individual’s death anxiety and other reactions to events of trauma and stress. Among those variables we can fi nd age, gender, religiosity, as well as intra- personal variables such self-esteem and sense of mastery (Ron 2011; Ron, Shamai 2013; Chung, Preveza, Papandreou, Prevezas 2006; Goenjian et al. 1994).

Age and gender differences

Death anxiety is more clearly related to age groups: while youths report a high level of death anxiety and the elderly report a relatively low level of anxiety, there is no clear differentiation in the ages between the two extremes (Th orson, Powell 2000). However, as an age group, the elderly experience a lower degree of death anxiety than do the in-between age groups (Fortner, Neimeyer 1999; Azaiza, Ron, Gagini, Shoham 2010). A major finding of Ron’s study (2014) was the significant difference between the levels of PTSD symptoms reported by elderly parents (171 participants between the age 65 and up), their adult children (171 participants in the age of 41–64) and their adult grandchildren (participants in the age of 20–40) in the levels of PTSD symptoms reported. Th e elderly reported much higher levels of PTSD symptoms than did their adult children. Th e hypothesis of the study, which predicted that the middle generation of adult children would reported the highest levels of PTSD symptoms, was not confirmed. However, findings similar to those of the current study have demonstrated that the negative effects of war, such as PTSD symptoms, are more common among the elderly population than among the young (Farhood et al. 2006; Tang 2007; Trautman et al. 2002). Farhood and colleagues (2006) explained this finding not in terms of age, but rather in the sheer amount of exposure to number of traumatic events: clearly, the elderly participants have been exposed to more of traumatic events than their off spring. Presumably, the extent of exposure to traumatic events, in terms of both number aintensity, played an important role also in the current study as well. War is a negative event in the life of the individual. It comprises many swift anddramatic changes that require adaptability on the part of the individual. It appears twith age, the individual becomes more vulnerable and less capable of coping with negative life events (Clipp, Elder 1996). These observations help substantiate the findings Ron’s study (2014) and provide an additional explanation for the higher levels of PTsymptoms found in the elderly group. Another explanation of these fi ndings, which re on the vulnerability approach mentioned previously, assumes that elderly individuals amore sensitive to the negative eff ects of traumatic events, such as war, due to accumulated experiences of prior traumas, and as a result they are more vulnerable and less resilient tthe individuals in younger generation (Trautman et al. 2002; Dekel, Hobfoll 2007). Thelderly population in Israel, mainly – but not only– of the Jewish sector, has experienced many stressful events, including World Wars, the Holocaust, immigration, and Israelnumerous wars and terror attacks. It may be assumed, therefore, that the high levels oPTSD symptoms they reported are related to their initial state of vulnerability, whicgreater than that of other younger participants. Moreover, Ron’s study (2011), indicathat all participants fi lled out a questionnaire that examined the infl uence of previotraumatic events on the individual, including the levels of PTSD symptoms exhibifollowing those prior occasions. Th e data collected from the questionnaires of bothelderly parents and their adult children and grandchildren were reviewed, to determine whether prior traumatic experiences might have an accumulative eff ect on the individuresponse to the current trauma. Findings indicated that the elderly participants’ higlevels of PTSD symptoms were in fact related to following prior traumatic events awere not exclusively a reaction to the current wars. Th is fi nding thus strengthens tclaim that the higher levels of PTSD symptoms reported by the elderly participants mabe due, at least in part, to these participants’ vulnerability following traumatic even experienced prior to this war. To further substantiate this claim, additional research should be conducted, to examine and attain a better understanding of the eff ects of prtraumatic experiences, and to determine whether such eff ects are signifi cantly relation the PTSD symptoms exhibited following the current traumatic event. The lower levels of PTSD symptoms reported by the adult children of the elderlparticipants can be explained by referring to the signifi cant family role they fi lled durinthe war (Ron 2010; 2011). As members of the “sandwiched” generation, during the wathey were probably called upon to provide extra support for both their own childrand their elderly parents. It is possible that the aid and support that they extended athe time was significant in more than one sense, as this role gave meaning to thown actions and at the same time distracted them, in essence removing them from the sphere of the experience of anxiety and negative feelings, and thus helping them to coemotionally during wartime. Accordingly, the levels of PTSD reported among membof this generation were lower than those reported by their parents. To strengthen tclaim, the issue should be further examined in future studies. To conclude, several possible explanations have been presented regarding the diff erences found in this study between elderly parents and their adult children’s responses following the war. To further explore the suggested explanations, these groups should be studied, not only in the aftermath of military operations of war but also in the periods of cessation of military alterations, when the population can return to the routine of their daily lives. Despite the fact that a higher percentage of men than women are exposed to potentially traumatic events, especially in times of war or military operations, it was found that, regardless of age, women demonstrate a higher degree of psychological vulnerability, they tend to report stressful situations more frequently, they are of greater severity following a traumatic experience, and they develop more incidents of PTSD (Folkman, Lazarus 1980; Silver-Cohen, Holman, McIntosh, Poulin, Gil-Rivas 2002; Farhood, Dimassi, Lehtinen 2006; Bleich et al. 2003). Canetti-Nisim, Mesch, Pedahzur (2006) have found that women reported signifi cantly higher levels of PTS then men did and that the eff ects of age is an indication of the vulnerability of older adults especially among both Jewish and Arab women and among older Arab men. Relying on this literature, Ron’s hypothesis (2011) was that the female participants will report higher levels of PTSD and the research’ fi ndings confi rm the hypothesis with the percentage of 19.3% almost double that was found among the male participants (10%). Shamai and Kimhi (2007) have conducted a study due to the Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon. Their findings corroborated of previous studies indicating that women experience higher levels of stress compared with men (Aneshensel, Pearlin 1987; Kessler, McRae 1981). Also most of the studies in this fi eld has not dealt with situations of war or threat of terror, which constitute a threat to one’s existence, it is possible to compare the findings with those of others studies which have indicated that in severe situations, girls and women have reported higher stress relative to boys and men (Schraedley, Gotlib, Hayward 1999). One way to explain the gender diff erences is by claiming that the threat of war and terror may push both genders into their traditional roles and limit the flexibility of each. Regarding Israeli teenagers, war-like situations may be associated with army service. Although both genders serve in the army, only men serve in combat roles (Gal 1986). One can assume that socialization processes in Israel prepare boys to be soldiers long before they actually join the army. Soldiers who are exposed to situations of war must control their fearful thoughts and emotions in order to be able to cope with the fi ghting (Dar, Kimhi 2001). Th e majority of studies found higher levels of death anxiety among women than among men (Roshdieh, Templer, Cannon, Canfi eld 1998–1999; Azaiza, Ron, Gagini, Shoham 2010). It is important to note that Ron’s study, like many of those which preceded it (Shamai, Kimhi 2007; Ron, Shamai 2013 ), does not clarify whether this fi nding might be related to women’s greater willingness to reveal their emotions or whether it refl ects solely a greater vulnerability to traumatic events such as war.

Ethnicity Differences

Up until the First Golf War (1991, known also as the “Desert Storm”), and later in the Second Lebanon War (2006) and the Cast Lead Operation (2008), the largest minority group in Israel, namely, the Arab population, had never been part of the population directly subjected to the attack of the countries engaged in confrontation with Israel. Since the establishment of the State of Israel, it had been implicitly understood by both the Israeli government and this minority population that at times of war, this minority population will neither in immediate nor in potential danger, due to the existence of a Pan-Arab alliance. A previous study that made note of an attack against Israel that inadvertently hit the Arab population considered the Second Lebanon War to be the first instance in which Jews and Arabs in Israel shared a frightening and distressing destiny (despite a similar situation during the Al-Aqsa Intifada). The same study also noted the similarly high PTSD levels in the two population groups (Yahav, Cohen 2007; Lavee, Ben-Ari 2003). At the last decade, the Arabs residing in Israel would openly demonstrate their support for the attackers as well as their delight at seeing Israel attacked; however, ever since the frontline has receded into civilian residential areas, they too have experienced the danger, fears and helplessness associated with times of war. As a result, their reactions have become similar to those of the Jewish population (Ron 2014). Indeed, not all of the Arabs living in Israel refer themselves as the Israeli Arabs. As the years go by, more of them refer themselves as Palestinians. However, as the wars accruing in the area became more and more hinterland oriented instead frontline oriented the Israeli Palestine Arabs shared the same feeling which are describing above. Furthermore, their earlier behavior of “dancing on the roofs” and singing praise songs to Saddam Husain. (The Iraqi former dictator), to kill as much Jews as he can in the First Golf War, has been changed and became similar to the Israeli Jewish citizens. Th ey have realized that in times of hinterland war, all citizens are in the same danger for their lives. During the Second Lebanon War, more than 40% of the casualties (fatal and otherwise) among Israeli citizens were from occurred in Arab cities and villages. Th e results of the Ron’s studies (2014; 2016) substantiate these fi gures, with higher levels of PTSD symptoms reported among non-Jewish participants (Arab Muslims, Arab Christians, and Druze) than among the Jewish participants, as well as a signifi cantly higher rate of possible PTSD diagnosis among the non-Jewish participants compared to the rates among the Jewish participants. Th ese fi ndings are also in line with those of other studies conducted in Israel, which have found that individuals of the Israeli-Palestinians Arab minority experience psychological symptoms and symptoms of depression at higher levels than do their Jewish counterparts, and that they exhibit a higher incidence of possible PTSD diagnosis following traumatic events, compared to the rates found among the Jewish participants (Hobfoll et al. 2008; Yahav, Cohen 2007). Similar to Ron’s studies (2014; 2016), Yahav and Cohen found higher levels of Acute Stress Disorder (ASD) among the Arab population aft er the Second Lebanon War. Th e explanations they off ered for their findings are supported in the current study. Th us, for example, the researchers argued that although Arab citizens residing in Israel had been randomly wounded or killed in terror attacks in the past, the Second Lebanon War was the fi rst time that they were not randomly but directly subjected to impending danger. It was also noted that since in the past the residents of Arab villages had always perceived themselves as onlookers from the sidelines, it had never occurred to them that they needed to prepare for the not prepared for prospect of war. Consequently, during the attacks of the Second Lebanon war, there were no shelters or secure rooms available to them. Th is added to their feelings of helplessness and lack of any sense of mastery, are recognized as crucial protecting resources in traumatic events. Th e fi ndings in the study of Johnson, Canetti, Palmieri, Galea, Varely, Hobfoll (2009) show that the Arab participants had reported higher levels of PTS and depression symptoms, despite the fact that they were not exposed to terror events as the Jewish participants. Th e authors suggested that the history of discrimination by the Israeli authority, the ethnic minority attitudes against them, and their empathy with the Palestinian struggle may have it impact on the events on the Arab participants’ emotional distress. It should be notice that the history of the Israeli Arabs, who refer themselves as Palestinians, which began in 1948 while they have ranaway or were displaced from the territory which become to be Israel. Apart of them came back aft er the 48’s war but most were and still are considered refugees by the UN. Aft er the 67’s war the well-being of those Palestinians decreased more because the experience of living in an unstable environment or facing violence acts of discrimination, persecution and injustice both from the Israeli occupational region and the Arab countries governments (Levav, Al-Krenawi, Ifrah et al. 2007). This history may have its impact on developing vulnerability among the Arab population live in Israel, especially among the elderly people how experienced those events by themselves. Some of those participants may have a part of their family is the Israeli territory and another part in other Arab countries such Jordan, Syria, Egypt or Lebanon. We can assumed that this vulnerability can contribute to development of an ASD, PTSD, and anxiety symptoms because of the wars, the military event etc. mentioned above.

Coping and Well-being

It appears that some individuals who have been exposed to a traumatic event have reacted by questioning their religious belief system, while in others such an event can serve to strengthen their beliefs, whereby the event is turned into a resource for continued faith (Falsetti, Resick, Joanne 2003; Monahan, Lurie 2007). In addition, it has been suggested that religious conviction in fact prevents the development of PTSD. Studies indicate that “more religious” populations showed less severe signs and fewer symptoms of PTSD than did other groups that were “less” or non-religious (Falsetti et al. 2003; Kaplan, Matar, Kamin, Sadan, Cohen 2005). A study by Green et al. (1990) suggested that the elderly, more than the younger generations, use religion as a resource for contending with distressing situations, which in turn may prevent the development of PTSD. In terms of an individual’s mental health, studies have found a positive correlation between one’s sense of self-esteem and mental health and an inverse correlation between low self-esteem and emotional distress and anxiety (Greenberg et al. 1992; Sumer, Karanci, Berument, Gunes 2005). In addition, it has been claimed that an individual’s self-esteem in terms of that person’s ability to cope with stress is a factor that aff ects the development of post traumatic reactions and general mental distress (Benight, Harper 2002). With regard to traumatized individuals, research strongly suggests that the elderly with either PTSD or subthreshold PTSD suff er grave impairments in daily life and are less satisfied with life (Van Zelst, Beurs, Beekman, Van Dyck, Deeg 2006; Chung, Hunt 2014; Reyes 2014). In addition, growing evidence suggests that perceived beneﬁts following trauma oft en promote well-being and adjustment (Helgeson, Reynolds, Tomich 2006). In this context, the ability to withstand extreme traumatic events such as exposure to war may largely depend on the individual’s predisposing vulnerability and internal and external resources. Research literature has demonstrated that one of the most important external resources for coping and adjustment is social support (Hobfoll 2002; Lazarus, Folkman 1984). Social support refers to perceived assistance provided by other persons, such as emotional, informational, and tangible assistance (Rosario, Salzinger, Feldman, Ng-Mak 2008). It is a primary interpersonal resource that has been consistently found to be associated with psychological well-being in times of stress, and is generally considered to be a protective factor for individuals who experienced a disaster (Norris et al. 2002), terror attack (Hobfoll, Canetti- Nisim, Johnson 2006; Weinberg 2015), or other potentially life-threatening situations (e.g., Norris, Kaniasty 1996; Shalev et al. 2006). Research indicates that higher levels of social support serve a protective role, and have also been linked to resilience and recovery with respect to traumatic events (Besser, Priel 2010; Gilbar, Plivazky, Gil 2010; King, King, Foy, Keane, Fairbank 1999). An internal resource that has attracted growing interest among researchers in the field of coping with stressful situations is forgiveness (Chan, Arvey 2011). The notion of forgiveness encompasses cognitive, emotional, and behavioral acts in response to a transgression (Enright, the Human Development Study 1991; Fincham, Kashdan 2004; Witvliet, Phipps, Feldman, Beckham 2004), transforming negative emotions into neutral or positive ones (Th ompson et al. 2005). With the expansion of the concept of forgiveness, additional aspects, such as trait forgiveness, which conceptualizes the tendency to forgive across situations and time (Th ompson et al. 2005), have been addressed. Multiple dimensions of tendency to forgive, such as situational forgiveness and self- forgiveness, have been identified, demonstrating the positive eff ect of the tendency to forgive on well-being (Worthington, Witvliet, Pietrini, Miller 2007). Forgiveness has been associated with improvement in mental health, physical health, self-esteem, well-being, and life satisfaction (Bono, McCullough, Root 2008; Harris, Th oresen 2005; Karremans, Van Lange, Ouwerkerk, Kluwer 2003; Toussaint, Webb 2005; Worthington et al. 2007). Research that examined the relationship between traumatic events and tendency to forgive demonstrates an association between tendency to forgive and low PTSD symptoms (Snyder, Hintz 2005; Witvliet et al. 2004; Weinberg, Gil, Gilbar 2013). Information Management

Introduction

Informationsmanagement steht allgemein für das Verwalten von Informationen; der Begriff wird jedoch in der Fachliteratur unterschiedlich definiert. Das dynamische Umfeld der informationstechnischen Entwicklung und die verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen (insbesondere die Wirtschaftsinformatik, die sich mit Informations- und Kommunikationsmanagement beschäftigt), sind der Grund dafür. Strategisches Informationsmanagement im militärischen Kontext wird von Carsten Bockstette als Planen, Gestalten, Führen, Koordinieren, Einsetzen sowie Kontrollieren von Informationen als Mittel zur erfolgreichen Auftragserfüllung definiert.[1]

Im Allgemeinen wird Strategisches Informationsmanagement von verschiedenen Autoren als Planen, Gestalten, Überwachen und Steuern von Informationen und Kommunikation in Organisationen zur Erreichung strategischer Ziele bezeichnet. Mit Informationsmanagement wird die Schnittmenge aus Führungsaufgaben und der als Informationsfunktion bezeichneten betrieblichen Funktion bezeichnet. Das Sachziel (Aufgabe) ist die Schaffung einer aufgabenorientierten Informationsverarbeitung und Kommunikation sowie die Gewährleistung der Informations- und Kommunikationsfähigkeit einer Institution durch Entwicklung, Aufrechterhaltung und Betrieb der Informationsinfrastruktur. Der eigentlichen (Kern-)Informationsfunktion obliegt hierbei die Beantwortung der Frage, wer etwas zur Erreichung des Sachziels tun soll (Organisation, Outsourcing etc.). Im Rahmen der Informationsinfrastruktur wird auf der Managementebene die Frage des Was beantwortet und auf den Ebenen der Informationsressourcen die Informationssysteme und die Informationstechnik. In größeren Unternehmen wird die oberste Führungskraft des Informationsmanagements oft als Chief Information Officer (CIO) bezeichnet. Systematische Vorgehensweisen, genauer Methoden, Techniken und Werkzeuge zur Bearbeitung der Aufgaben des Informationsmanagements, werden unter der Bezeichnung Information Engineering zusammengefasst. Die Grenzen zwischen Informationsmanagement, Kommunikationsmanagement, Wissensmanagement, Dokumentation und Informationswirtschaft sowie Wirtschaftsinformatik sind unscharf. Die Aufgaben der genannten Bereiche weisen häufig Überschneidungen auf.

Modelle

Die einzelnen Modelle, die in der Literatur vertreten werden, lassen sich in vier Gruppen kategorisieren. Sie alle beschreiben die Tätigkeit des Managements von Informationssystemen aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln heraus: ● Architekturmodelle (ARIS) ● aufgabenorientierte Ansätze, ● Problemorientierte Ansätze (EWIM), ● prozessorientierte Ansätze (ITIL, COBIT).

Informationsmanagement nach Stahlknecht, Hasenkamp

Unter dem Begriff Informationsmanagement verstehen Stahlknecht und Hasenkamp: ● primär die Aufgabe, den für das Unternehmen (nach Kapital und Arbeit) "dritten Produktionsfaktor" Information zu beschaffen und in einer geeigneten Informationsstruktur bereitzustellen, und ● davon ausgehend die Aufgabe, die dafür erforderliche IT-Infrastruktur, d. h. die informationstechnischen und personellen Ressourcen für die Informationsbereitstellung, zu ➢ planen, ➢ beschaffen und ➢ einzusetzen.

Informationsmanagement nach Krcmar

Entsprechend dem Rahmenmodell von Helmut Krcmar beinhaltet das Informationsmanagement alle "(…) Managementaufgaben, die einerseits auf drei Ebenen (entsprechend den behandelten Objekten) ● Informationswirtschaft (Gegenstand: Angebot, Nachfrage und Verwendung von Information), ● Informationssysteme (Gegenstand: Daten, Prozesse, Anwendungslebenszyklus), ● IuK-Technologie (Gegenstand: Speicherung, Verarbeitung, Kommunikation, Technikbündel), andererseits über die Ebenen hinweg als ● Führungsaufgaben des Informationsmanagements (Gegenstand: IT- Governance, Strategie, IT-Prozesse, IT-Personal, IT-Controlling) realisiert werden müssen."

Informationsmanagement nach Mertens

● Langfristige Planung zur Weiterentwicklung der IT, ● IT als Mittel zur Stärkung der strategischen Position des Unternehmens, ● Information als unternehmerische Ressource, ● Wirksame und wirtschaftliche Versorgung des Unternehmens mit den notwendigen Informationen, ● Management der eingesetzten technischen und personellen Ressourcen.

Informationsmanagement nach Weber

Ziel des Informationsmanagements ist es, mit der Information als Erfolgsfaktor im Wettbewerb effizient und effektiv zu wirtschaften. Hierzu ist ein Management erforderlich, das die Information in ihrer Bedeutung für das Unternehmen wahrnimmt.

Informationsmanagement nach Heinrich

Informationsmanagement wird als "das Leitungshandeln (das Management) im Unternehmen in Bezug auf Information und Kommunikation" verstanden und umfasst "alle Führungsaufgaben, die sich mit Information und Kommunikation … befassen". Die Gesamtheit der Aufgaben, die sich mit Information und Kommunikation befassen (Informations- und Kommunikationsaufgaben), wird als Informationsfunktion bezeichnet. Das Modell von Lutz J. Heinrich wird als leitungszentrierter Ansatz des Informationsmanagements bezeichnet. Ziel des Informationsmanagements ist es, eine Informationsinfrastruktur aufzubauen und so zu gestalten und zu nutzen, dass eine optimale Unterstützung der Informationsfunktion ermöglicht und ein optimaler Beitrag zum Unternehmenserfolg geleistet wird. Für die Umsetzung der Ziele werden Aufgaben des Informationsmanagements auf strategischer, administrativer und operativer Ebene definiert. Auf strategischer Ebene wird die Informationsinfrastruktur geplant, überwacht und gesteuert; auf administrativer Ebene erfolgen Planung, Überwachung und Steuerung für die Komponenten der Informationsinfrastruktur z. B. für Anwendungssysteme und Mitarbeiter. Die operative Ebene umfasst Aufgaben der Nutzung der Informationsinfrastruktur (Netzdienste, Wartung etc.). Auf jeder Aufgabenebene werden zur Unterstützung der Aufgabenerfüllung Methoden, Techniken und Werkzeuge eingesetzt. Die Gesamtheit dieser Methoden, Techniken und Werkzeuge und ihre Anwendung zur unternehmensweiten Planung, Analyse, zum Entwurf und zur Umsetzung von Informationssystemen ist Information Engineering.

Ansätze

● Ubiquitous Information Management: Ziel des Ubiquitous Information Management ist es, eine geeignete Informationsinfrastruktur aufzubauen und so zu managen und zu nutzen, dass eine optimale Unterstützung jeglicher Informationsfunktion der unterschiedlichen technischen und betriebswirtschaftlichen IT-Lösungen, an jedem Ort zu jeder Zeit, mit unterschiedlichen Zugangsmedien zu ermöglichen und ein optimaler Beitrag zum Unternehmenserfolg zu leisten. Diese Definition erweitert damit die Definition nach Heinrich um eine flächendeckende und allgegenwärtige Facette. ● Informationsressourcenmanagement: Informationsressourcenmanagement befasst sich mit der Nutzung, Planung und Steuerung von externen und internen Informationsressourcen innerhalb eines Unternehmens oder einer sonstigen Organisation. Information wird als Produktionsfaktor verstanden. Das Management hat hier die Aufgabe, die Verfügbarkeit der Produktionsfaktoren sicherzustellen und geeignete Betriebsmittel zur Deckung der Nachfrage nach Information bereitzustellen. Dazu gehört auch die Schaffung und Pflege der inner- und außerbetrieblichen Einrichtungen zur Informationsversorgung. ● Persönliches Informationsmanagement: Der Betrachtungspunkt liegt hier auf dem Umgang mit Information am (persönlichen) Arbeitsplatz (engl.: Information Handling). Das Management unterstützt die individuelle Informationsverarbeitung durch Wahrnehmen operativer und administrativer Aufgaben. ● Prozessorientiertes Informationsmanagement: Bei diesem Ansatz wird die Unternehmensorganisation strategisch an den Geschäftsprozessen ausgerichtet, folglich wird auch die Informationsinfrastruktur auf die Unterstützung der Geschäftsprozesse hin angelegt. Das Management umfasst die Integration der Funktionsbereiche in die Informationsverarbeitung. ● Leitungszentriertes Informationsmanagement: Das Management handelt leitungsorientiert in Bezug auf Information und Kommunikation im Unternehmen. Umfasst werden dabei alle Führungsaufgaben, die sich mit Information und Kommunikation im Unternehmen und im Unternehmensumfeld befassen. Dieser IM-Ansatz kann mit der Forderung umschrieben werden, dass jede Führungskraft bei allen Entscheidungen in Betracht ziehen soll, ob die Unternehmensziele durch Einsatz von Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien besser erreicht werden können als ohne ihn. Wenn ja, muss der Technologieeinsatz durch Managemententscheidungen herbeigeführt und gefördert werden. Dieser Ansatz wird vertreten von Lutz J. Heinrich.[7] ● Psychologiebasiertes Informationsmanagement: Bei diesem insbesondere für Handelsunternehmen relevanten Ansatz werden alle Managemententscheidungen über die Informationsbeschaffung von den Partnern und über die Informationsabgabe an die Partner auf den vier Märkten eines Handelsunternehmens – Absatz-, Beschaffungs-, Konkurrenzmarkt und interner Markt – unter psychostrategischen und -taktischen Gesichtspunkten überprüft.[8] Psychologiebasiertes Informationsmanagement steht im Zentrum der modernen Handelspsychologie. ● Management von Information(en): Aufgabe des Managements ist es, das informationswirtschaftliche Gleichgewicht im Unternehmen oder der Organisation sicherzustellen. Information wird als Produktionsfaktor verstanden, kann also hergestellt werden. Der Aufgabenbereich umfasst: ➢ Erfassen des Informationsbedarfs: Alle zur optimalen Aufgabenerfüllung notwendigen Informationen müssen identifiziert und detailliert verfestigt werden. Notwendig ist hier die Präzisierung des Informationsinhaltes, die Darstellungsform, der Zeitpunkt des Bedarfs und des Kontextes. ➢ Planen des Informationsangebotes: Alle internen Informationsbestände und Informationsquellen müssen erfasst werden. Ebenso muss das externe Informationsangebot analysiert werden. Diese Schritte resultieren in die Definition eines Informationsquellenportfolios. ➢ Verfügbarmachen der benötigten Information: Der Zugriff auf interne Informationsquellen muss in technischer und rechtlicher Hinsicht sichergestellt werden, dies gilt auch für externe Informationsquellen. Information muss geeignet aufbereitet werden (physisch und logisch). ➢ Organisation der Informationsversorgung: Information muss den Organisationseinheiten zugeordnet werden und durch geeignete policies geregelt werden. Die Verantwortung für Pflege der Datenbestände muss festgeschrieben werden. Die Informationsnutzung muss mit geeigneten Mechanismen und Verfahren erfolgen. ● Die oben genannten Aufgaben sind eine grobe Beschreibung der Analyseaufgaben, strategischen Aufgaben, Realisierungsaufgaben und operativen Aufgaben des Informationsmanagements.

Management von Informationssystemen

Das Management von Informationssystemen befasst sich mit dem Einsatz von Informationstechnik zur Erfüllung und Unterstützung der betrieblichen Informationsaufgaben (siehe Abschnitt ´Management von Information´). Die Definition des Informationssystems ist wissenschaftlich noch umstritten, im Allgemeinen fasst man hier jedoch das (Anwendungssystem)+ (Mensch)=(Informationssystem) zusammen. Als Anwendungssystem wird (Hardwaresystem)+(Softwaresystem)=(Anwendungssystem) verstanden. Der Aufgabenbereich umfasst

● Generierung von Projektideen: ➢ (wirtschaftlich) Nach attraktiven Anwendungsbereichen der Informationstechnik und -technologie wird gesucht und weiterhin werden die für den Unternehmenserfolg kritischen Geschäftsbereiche identifiziert. Als Ergebnis werden Verbesserungsvorschläge und organisatorische Innovationen generiert, die mit geeigneter Informationstechnik und -technologie verknüpft werden. ➢ (wissenschaftlich) Nach attraktiven Anwendungsbereichen der Informationstechnik und -technologie wird gesucht und neue Nutzungsmöglichkeiten der Informationstechnik und -technologie werden identifiziert. Nach Bewertung der Nutzbarkeit der unterschiedlichen Techniken und Technologien können Einsatzbereiche erarbeitet werden. ➢ (anwendungsorientiert) Nach Einsatzmöglichkeiten der Informationstechnik und -technologie, die eine Verbesserung und/oder Erweiterung der bestehenden Anwendungssysteme zur Folge haben, wird gesucht. Dabei werden Lücken und Schwächen bestehender Systeme aufgedeckt und geeignete Techniken und Technologien identifiziert, die bei dem jeweiligen Anwendungssystem eine Verbesserung bzw. Erweiterung bewirken. ● Zusammenstellung des Projektportfolios: Die Projekte werden anhand ihrer Ziele und Inhalte sowie unter Bestimmung des Zeit- und Ressourcenbedarfs definiert. Nach Analyse von Projektabhängigkeiten kann eine Bewertung und Auswahl der Projekte nach geeigneten Kriterien erfolgen (z. B. wirtschaftlicher Nutzen). ● Realisierung der Anwendungssysteme: Die Realisierung ist Aufgabe der Softwaretechnik, bzw. des Systems Engineering. ● Einführung der Anwendungssysteme: Neue Systeme müssen sowohl technisch (z. B. Installation und Integration), organisatorisch (Einführung neuer oder geänderter Arbeitsabläufe) als auch personell (Bekanntmachung, Einarbeitung, Akzeptanz) eingeführt werden. Zum strategischen Management von Informationssystemen in einem Unternehmen bedient man sich Enterprise Architecture Frameworks (EAF). Ziel ist es, den unternehmerischen Leistungsprozess mit Hilfe des Informationssystems zu erfüllen. So stützen sich bspw. die Prozesse auf der fachlichen Ebene auf Ressourcen der physischen Ebene. EAF verhelfen dem Informationsmanager die Komplexität der Unternehmensarchitektur zu erfassen (bspw. durch Strukturierung nach einem Architektur- Referenzmodell:18) sowie Integrationen, Interoperabilität usw. zu gewährleisten (bspw. durch die Anführung eines Vorgehensmodells19). Es gibt über fünfzig EAF, die mit ihren Konzepten auch spezielle Unternehmensausprägungen und damit spezielle Informationssystemstrukturen berücksichtigen (Virtual Enterprises, Extended Enterprises usw.):14.

Strategische Aufgaben

Die strategischen Aufgaben des Informationsmanagements umfassen nach Lutz J. Heinrich : ● Beschaffung von Information, Informationsbeschaffung für die Planung, Überwachung und Steuerung zur wirksamen Schaffung, Aufrechterhaltung und Nutzung der Informationsinfrastruktur ● Strategieentwicklung, Entwicklung der IT-Strategie ● Strategische Situationsanalyse, Bestimmung der strategischen Rolle der Informationsfunktion ● Strategische Zielplanung, Festlegung der strategischen IT-Ziele ● Strategische Maßnahmenplanung, Planung der Maßnahmen zur Erreichung der strategischen IT-Ziele gem. der IT-Strategie

Die strategische Ebene der Aufgaben des Informationsmanagements sind in der Sichtweise von Information als strategischer Erfolgsfaktor begründet. Die strategische Ebene schafft die Voraussetzungen für die Gestaltung und Nutzung der Informationsinfrastruktur auf administrativer Ebene. Es wird folglich die Architektur der Informationsinfrastruktur festgelegt. Strategische Situationsanalyse

Die Situationsanalyse geht der Zielplanung voraus und umfasst die Bestimmung der Rollen der Informationsfunktion sowie die Ermittlung der inner- und außerbetrieblichen Bedingungen für die Umsetzung des Leistungspotenzials der Informationsfunktion. Man kann vier strategische Rollen für Informationsfunktionen unterscheiden: 1. Durchbruch, das zukünftige Leistungspotential ist hoch einzuschätzen, bei gegenwärtig geringem Leistungspotential. Der Stellenwert des Informationsmanagements wird forciert, dadurch entstehen strategische und administrative Aufgaben (Aufbau einer leistungsfähigen Informationsinfrastruktur) 2. Fabrik, der hohe Stellenwert des Informationsmanagements wird in Zukunft abgesenkt. Es fallen administrative Aufgaben zur Pflege und Weiterentwicklung vorhandener Informationssysteme an, operative Aufgaben bleiben bestehen 3. Unterstützung, das zukünftige und gegenwärtige Leistungspotential wird gering eingeschätzt. Der Stellenwert des Informationsmanagements im Unternehmen ist gering, es fallen in erster Linie operative Aufgaben an (Betrieb gegenwärtiger Informationssysteme). 4. Waffe, bei gegenwärtig hohem Stellenwert des Informationsmanagements, wird dieses weiter forciert. Es fallen Aufgaben aus allen Teilbereichen des Informationsmanagements an (strategisch, administrativ, operativ) Die Strategische Situationsanalyse lässt sich in weitere Teilbereiche unterteilen, zum Beispiel in ● Analyse der Wettbewerbssituation ● Analyse der Informationsinfrastruktur ➢ Eigenschaftenanalyse ➢ Komponentenanalyse ● Umweltanalyse Die einzelnen Prozesse der Analysen verlaufen analog. Zuerst werden die Faktoren bestimmt, die die Materie charakterisieren, dann wird der Ist-Zustand erhoben und dem Soll-Zustand gegenübergestellt, nachdem dieser definiert wurde.

Strategische Zielplanung

Die Strategische Zielplanung ist Voraussetzung für die Strategie-Entwicklung und die strategische Maßnahmenplanung. Ihr geht die Situationsanalyse voraus. Ziel der strategischen Zielplanung ist die Festlegung der Sach- und Formalziele im Unternehmen (strategische Ziele). Dies kann reagierend, agierend oder interagierend erfolgen. Folgende Punkte sind zu definieren: ● Ausgangssituation, siehe Situationsanalyse ● Zielinhalte, Gegenstand der Zielplanung, Worum geht es? ● Zielmaßstäbe, Definition der Messgrößen ● Ausmaß der Zielerreichung, Verbesserungsanspruch, Wie viel soll erreicht werden? ● Zeitmaß, Zeitvorgabe, Bis wann soll es erreicht werden? ● Zielbeziehungen, sind die Ziele zueinander komplementär (Ziel 1 steigt/fällt mit Ziel 2), konfliktär (Ziel 1 steigt und Ziel 2 fällt) oder indifferent (Ziel 1 steigt und Ziel 2 bleibt unverändert)? Sind die obigen Punkte definiert, geht man in die Strategie-Entwicklung über.

Strategieentwicklung

Die Strategieentwicklung legt die Art und Weise (Strategie) fest, nach der die strategischen Maßnahmen ergriffen werden sollen. Sie ist daher die Voraussetzung für die strategische Maßnahmenplanung. In die Entwicklung einbezogen werden die Komponenten und Eigenschaften der Informationsinfrastruktur sowie die Formalziele des Unternehmens. Ergebnis der Entwicklung sollte eine konsistente Strategie sein, die die Kultur und die Eigenschaften des Unternehmens einbezieht. Man klassifiziert Strategien ● aggressiv ● defensiv ● moderat ● Momentum-Strategie je nach ihrer Ausprägung.

Strategische Maßnahmenplanung

Aufgabe der strategischen IT-Planung ist es, den strategischen IT-Plan für die unternehmensweite, langfristige und die Wettbewerbsposition positiv beeinflussende Gestaltung der Informationsinfrastruktur zu erarbeiten. Dabei wird vom Ergebnis der strategischen Situationsanalyse und dem der strategischen Zielplanung unter Berücksichtigung der IT-Strategie ausgegangen. Die Maßnahmen zur Erreichung der strategischen IT-Ziele im Rahmen der IT-Strategie, also die strategischen Maßnahmen zur Gestaltung der Informationsinfrastruktur, werden entwickelt und die dafür erforderlichen Budgets geplant. Mit der strategischen Maßnahmenplanung wird der Aktionsspielraum (das Erfolgspotenzial) für die planbaren Erfolgsrealisierungen auf der administrativen und der operativen Ebene des Informationsmanagements geschaffen.

Administrative Aufgaben

Administrative Aufgaben sind dadurch gekennzeichnet, dass sie sich mit einzelnen, aber wesentlichen Komponenten der Informationsinfrastruktur (z. B. Projekte, Personal, Datensystem) oder mit einzelnen, aber wesentlichen Eigenschaften der Informationsinfrastruktur (z. B. Schutz und Sicherheit) beschäftigen. Zu den administrativen Aufgaben zählen: ● Crisis Intelligence ● Datenmanagement ● Geschäftsprozessmanagement ● Katastrophenmanagement ● Personalmanagement ● Projektmanagement ● Sicherheitsmanagement ● Vertragsmanagement ● Wissensmanagement

Operative Aufgaben

Neben den strategischen Aufgaben und administrative Aufgaben umfasst das Informationsmanagement weitere Aufgaben, die häufig als operative Aufgaben sowie teilweise als Analyseaufgaben oder Realisierungsaufgaben klassifiziert werden. Zu den operativen Aufgaben zählen: ● Problemmanagement ● Qualitätsmanagement ● Service-Management

Informationswirtschaft

Informationswirtschaft ist die Lehre des wirtschaftlichen Umgangs mit Informationen. Die Informationswirtschaft entstand durch die Nutzung von Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie im Zuge der Digitalen Revolution. In der Informationswirtschaft vereinen sich Aspekte der Strukturwissenschaften, dazu zählen Informationswissenschaft, Linguistik, Mathematik, Systemtheorie, sowie der Wirtschaftswissenschaften (Betriebswirtschaft, Volkswirtschaft).

Verschiedene Auffassungen

Es gibt mehrere unterschiedliche Auffassungsweisen des Begriffs Informationswirtschaft, was sich auch in der Ausbildungssituation an deutschen Hochschulen zeigt. Einige Beispiele sind: ● Informationswirtschaft als eigenständiger Bereich, der multidisziplinär angelegt ist. Inhaltlich werden Informationswirte hier als Mediatoren gesehen, die zwischen den verschiedenen Bereichen, in denen sie Grundkenntnisse erworben haben, vermitteln können. So hat ein Informationswirt dieser Ausprägung ungefähr gleich gute Kenntnisse von technischen Grundlagen, Betriebswirtschaft, Rechtswissenschaft und Informationswissenschaft. ● Informationswirtschaft als Teilbereich der Wirtschaftsinformatik In dieser Ausprägung wird die Informationswirtschaft als eine Ebene des Informationsmanagements betrachtet. Angebot, Nachfrage und Verwendung von Information ist hierbei der Gegenstand der Informationswirtschaft laut dem Rahmenmodell von Helmut Krcmar. ● Informationswirtschaft als eine „aktualisierte“ Version von Bibliothekswesen und Dokumentationswesen In dieser Ausprägung der Ausbildung wird der Informationswirt vor allem im Bereich Informationswissenschaft geschult, und ist zum Beispiel Spezialist für Information Retrieval und Indexierung. ● Informationswirtschaft als Unterart der Betriebswirtschaft Hier findet eine starke Prägung durch die BWL statt, die die informatorischen Grundlagen legt.

● Langfristige Planung zur Weiterentwicklung der IT ● IT als Mittel zur Stärkung der strategischen Position des Unternehmens, ● Information als unternehmerische Ressource, ● Wirksame und wirtschaftliche Versorgung des Unternehmens mit den notwendigen Informationen, ● Management der eingesetzten technischen und personellen Ressourcen.

Die Wissenspyramide

Weiterhin befasst sich die Informationswirtschaft als Wissenschaft damit, wie ökonomisch verwertbare Daten, Informationen und Wissen extrapoliert werden und wie diese Faktoren Systemen bereitgestellt werden können. Dazu sei auch auf die rechts gezeigte Wissenspyramide verwiesen, die den Zusammenhang von o. g. Faktoren verdeutlicht. Das Management von Wissen (Wissensmanagement) hat darüber hinaus in den letzten Jahren einen enormen Stellenwert in Unternehmen und Hochschulen erhalten. Vor allem im Zuge der Entwicklung sozialer Software und des Semantic Web stehen effiziente Verfahren und Methoden zur Wissensgenerierung, -verwaltung und -verbreitung zur Verfügung. Insbesondere E-Learning-Systeme, CMS- Lösungen und vor allem Wikis stellen mächtige Werkzeuge in diesem Bereich dar.

Ausbildungen

Informationswirtschaft wird als Studiengang an wenigen deutschen Universitäten und anderen Hochschulen gelehrt. Häufiger findet man diesen Begriff an Berufs- und Handelsschulen. Dabei sind die Inhalte der Ausbildung, entsprechend der Mehrdeutigkeit des Begriffs Informationswirtschaft, zum Teil sehr verschieden. ● Am Karlsruher Institut für Technologie besteht der Diplom- bzw. Bachelor-/Master-Studiengang "Informationswirtschaft" (Information Engineering and Management) aus drei Teilbereichen: Informatik, Wirtschaftswissenschaften und Rechtswissenschaften. Diese werden im Verhältnis 40 % zu 40 % zu 20 % gelehrt. Der Studiengang beschäftigt sich mit den Wechselwirkungen dieser Bereiche und untersucht deren Zusammenhänge, die sich als Folge der Informationsgesellschaft vermehrt ergeben. Karlsruher Informationswirte finden daher ihren Anwendungsbereich vorwiegend in Unternehmen an den Schnittstellenbereichen von Informatik, BWL/VWL und Recht. ● Die Universität Augsburg bietet einen Master-Studiengang „Informatik und Informationswirtschaft“ an. Das Studium erlaubt die individuelle Schwerpunktsetzung auf die Bereiche Informatik und Betriebswirtschaftslehre. Ebenso vermittelt das Studium Schnittstellenkompetenzen zwischen diesen beiden Bereichen und greift Fragestellungen aus der Wirtschaftsinformatik auf. Der Bachelor-Studiengang „Informatik und Informationswirtschaft“ wurde im Jahr 2008 durch den neu geschaffenen Studiengang Wirtschaftsinformatik ersetzt. ● Die Fachhochschule Köln legt den Schwerpunkt des Lehrangebots zur Hälfte auf den wirtschaftlichen Umgang mit Informationen, sowie jeweils zu etwa einem Viertel auf Informationswissenschaft und Informationstechnik. Kern des Studiengangs Informationswirtschaft ist die Planung von Informationsabläufen unter wirtschaftlichen Gesichtspunkten, die effiziente Erschließung von Informationsinhalten und die Wiederverwendung bereits gespeicherter Informationsressourcen (z. B. Knowledge Management). Dementsprechend orientiert sich der Studiengang Informationswirtschaft am Berufsfeld der Informationsabteilungen in privatwirtschaftlichen Unternehmen oder in Einrichtungen der öffentlichen Hand. Eine wesentliche Aufgabe dieser Abteilungen besteht in der wirtschaftlichen Gewinnung, Administration und dem Marketing von Informationen unter Einsatz technologischer Hilfsmittel. Der Student kann dabei im Hauptstudium seine Schwerpunkte aus den Bereichen Wirtschaftswissenschaften (BWL, z. B. Marketing), Informationswissenschaften (z. B. Information Retrieval) und Informationstechnologie (z. B. Neue Medien, E-Business) wählen. Der Absolvent erhält den akademischen Grad: Bachelor/Master of Science – Informationswirtschaft, bzw. Bachelor/Master of Science in Information Management and Business Studies (accredited by the Chartered Institute of Library and Information Professionals). ● Die Hochschule der Medien in Stuttgart hat bis zum Jahre 2007 ebenfalls den Studiengang Informationswirtschaft angeboten, ihn aber ab dem Jahre 2005 in Information Systems (Bachelor of Science) bzw. inzwischen Wirtschaftsinformatik (Bachelor of Science) umbenannt. Ausbildungsziel war die interdisziplinäre Vermittlung von wesentlichen Inhalten der Betriebswirtschaftslehre, der Informatik und des Informationsmanagements. Das Studium schloss mit dem akademischen Titel "Diplom-Informationswirt/in (FH)" ab. ● An den Berufskollegs in Nordrhein-Westfalen ist Informationswirtschaft als Fach aus der Zusammenlegung von Bürowirtschaft, Datenverarbeitung/Wirtschaftsinformatik/Organisationslehre und Textverarbeitung entstanden. Die dort verwendeten Unterrichtskonzepte legen Wert auf einen engen Praxisbezug. Mit Hilfe verschiedener Modellunternehmen (RAND OHG, Bürodesign etc.) werden die ehemaligen Fachinhalte integrativ zusammengefasst und unterrichtet. Die Fachdidaktik hierzu ist noch in der Erprobung/Entwicklung. ● Die Hochschule Heilbronn bietet am Campus Schwäbisch Hall den Bachelor-Studiengang "Unternehmensrechnung und Informationswirtschaft" an. Der Studiengang kombiniert im Sinne eines umfassenden Informationsmanagements die Inhalte der klassischen Unternehmensrechnung mit den besonders relevanten Gebieten der Marktforschung. verfügbar; Informationen zu den Urhebern und zum Lizenzstatus eingebundener Mediendateien (etwa Bilder oder Videos) können im Regelfall durch Anklicken dieser abgerufen werden. Möglicherweise unterliegen die Inhalte jeweils zusätzlichen Bedingungen. Durch die Nutzung dieser Website erklären Sie sich mit den Nutzungsbedingungen und der Datenschutzrichtlinie einverstanden. Wikipedia® ist eine eingetragene Marke der Wikimedia Foundation Inc.

Information Management in Behörden

Example 1: Infomrrmationmangement IT-AmtBw

Das Bundesamt für Informationsmanagement und Informationstechnik der Bundeswehr (IT-AmtBw) war eine Bundesoberbehörde (Bundeswehrverwaltung)[2] im Organisationsbereich Rüstung mit Hauptsitz in Koblenz. Aufgabe des Amtes war es, Streitkräfte und Wehrverwaltung mit aufgabengerechten, modernen und wirtschaftlichen IT-Verfahren und IT- Systemen auszustatten. Das Amt war eine Ausgründung aus dem Bundesamt für Wehrtechnik und Beschaffung sowie einigen militärischen Ämtern[A 1] (z. B. Amt für Fernmelde- und Informationssysteme der Bundeswehr). Sein Hauptsitz befand sich in Koblenz-Rauental.[A 2] Das Amt unterstand in fachlicher, organisatorischer und personeller Hinsicht der Abteilung Modernisierung[A 3] des BMVg. Zum 30. September 2012 wurde das Amt aufgelöst,[1] die Aufgaben gingen auf das neue Bundesamt für Ausrüst ung, Informationstechnik und Nutzung der Bundeswehr (BAAINBw) sowie auf das ebenfalls neu aufgestellte Betriebszentrum IT-System der Bundeswehr über. Die weiteren Angaben beziehen sich auf den Stand vor der Auflösung.[A 4] Inhaltsverzeichnis

Aufgaben Die Struktur des Amtes orientierte sich an seinem Aufgabenspektrum. Sie war darauf ausgerichtet, die Verfahrensbestimmungen für die Bedarfsermittlung und Bedarfsdeckung in der Bundeswehr (Customer Product Management) effektiv umzusetzen. Die querschnittlichen Aufgaben Informationsmanagement, Konzeption, Vertrag, Haushalt und Wirtschaftlichkeit wurden so eng mit den Aufgaben der Projektierung, der Einführung und des Nutzungsmanagements verzahnt.

Organigramm IT-AmtBw

Leitung Das Amt wurde von einem zivilen Präsidenten geleitet, ein militärischer Vizepräsident vertritt ihn. Die Leitung des Amtes wurde unmittelbar durch den Leitungsstab/Controlling sowie die Zentrale Unterstützung bei der Wahrnehmung administrativer Aufgaben unterstützt.

Nachgeordnete Behörde Dem Amt nachgeordnet war das Zentrum für Informationstechnik der Bundeswehr (IT-ZentrumBw).[A 5] Das IT-ZentrumBw nahm Aufgaben der IT- Sicherheit, der Systemintegration, der Projektunterstützung sowie der konkreten IT-Unterstützung für den Einsatz wahr. Zusätzlich war der Stab Feldversuch Führungsinformationssystem Heer als temporäres Organisationselement des IT-ZentrumBw eingerichtet. Er koordinierte und steuert die Vorbereitung, Durchführung und Nachbereitung von Feldversuchen und Einsatzprüfungen für das Führungsinformationssystem Heer.

Die Abteilungen Abteilung A Die Abteilung A bildete den konzeptionellen Kern des Amtes . Die Aufgaben umfassten Informationsmanagement, Interoperabilität sowie die Festlegung von Standards und Sicherheitsarchitekturen. Ziel war es, die Streitkräfte so auszustatten, das sie im Verbund Aufklärung – Führung – Wirkung zur Vernetzten Operationsführung befähigt wurden. Abteilung B Die Abteilung B war für die vertragliche Umsetzung der Projekte des Amtes zuständig. Sie sicherte, z. B. durch Preisprüfung, die Wirtschaftlichkeit der Beschaffung und führte die Planung, Bewirtschaftung und Abrechnung der Haushaltsmittel durch. Abteilung C Die Abteilung C war für die Projektrealisierung und das Nutzungsmanagement der Systeme zur Informationsversorgung im Einsatz verantwortlich. Hierzu gehörten die Informationssysteme zur Führungsunterstützung und die Kommunikationsplattform Einsatz mit u. a. Funkkommunikationssystemen, Data Link Systemen, Satellitenkommunikationssystemen sowie verlegefähigen Netzen.[A 6] Sonderorganisation „Grundbetrieb IT-SystemBw“ (HERKULES) Die Organisationseinheit bearbeitete das auftraggeberseitige Projektmanagement und -controlling HERKULES. Abteilung G Die Aufgaben „Informationssysteme Unterstützung“ der Abteilung G umfassten die Steuerung der Softwarepflege und -änderung der bestehenden Fachinformationssysteme der Bundeswehr (Systeme in Nutzung) sowie Nutzungs- und Produktmanagement für die aus der Realisierung von SASPF (Standard-Anwendungs-Software-Produkt-Familien) übernommenen Anteile. Realisierungsorganisation SASPF Die Realisierungsorganisation SASPF – ein temporäres Organisationselement – war verantwortlich für die Realisierung von SASPF in der Bundeswehr. Mit Einführung von SASPF für administrative und logistische Aufgaben wurden die bisherigen Systeme in Nutzung so weit wie möglich durch eine SAP R/3- basierte Lösung schrittweise abgelöst.

Anmerkungen ● Mit dem IT-AmtBw versuchte die Bundeswehr erstmals, Aufgaben des Bedarfsträgers (Bedarfsfeststellung, Materialverantwortung) und des Bedarfsdeckers (Entwicklung und Einführung von Informationstechnik) unter einem Dach zusammenzuführen. Um den rechtlichen Vorgaben (Artikel 87a / 87b GG) zu entsprechen, wurde das Amt trotz Aufgabenzusammenführung organisatorisch im Bereich der Wehrverwaltung angesiedelt (nachzulesen im Haushaltsgesetz). Insofern trägt die häufig zu hörende Kritik, die Konstruktion sei nicht im Einklang mit dem Grundgesetz, nicht. Die Aufgabenzusammenführung wurde in der Form auch für die Neugründung BAAINBw übernommen. ● In der Liegenschaft in Rauental war auch das BWB bis zu seiner Auflösung angesiedelt. Heute sitzt hier das Bundesamt für Ausrüstung, Informationstechnik und Nutzung der Bundeswehr. ● Die Abteilung Modernisierung wurde im Rahmen der Neuausrichtung eingespart, erhalten blieb die vormalige Gruppe II (Informationstechnik) als Unterabteilung IV der neuen Abteilung Ausrüstung, Informationstechnik und Nutzung (AIN). ● Das IT-AmtBw wurde während seiner Existenz mehrfach umorganisiert, es gab auch die Abteilungen D, E, und F. Die angegebenen Strukturen waren ab 1. April 2010 bis zur Auflösung gültig. ● Das IT-ZentrumBw war von der Auflösung des IT-AmtBw nur mittelbar betroffen. Es wechselte die Unterstellung zum BAAINBw. ● Ausgenommen davon sind die im Rahmen des HERKULES-Vertrages durch die BWI Informationstechnik zu erbringenden Leistungen der Modernisierung und des Betriebes der administrativen Informationstechnik und der Kommunikationsnetze der Bundeswehr im Inland. Dazu gehören unter anderem feste Netze, der Betrieb der Rechenzentren sowie die Bereitstellung von IT-Diensten.

Nachgeordneter Geschäftsbereich des Bundesministeriums der Verteidigung (BMVg) Gliederung der Bundeswehr

Example 2: OpenText in LifeSciences: Regulated Information Management, Enterprise Information Management

Software Validation ● Clinical Trial Management System (CTMS) ● Digital Asset Management (DARM) ● Electronic Commen Technical Document (eCTD) ● Laboratory Trial Master Fil e(eTMF) ● Laboratory Information Management System (LIMS) ● Learning Management System (LMS) ● Master Device Records (MDR) ● Quality Management System (QMS) ● Records Management (RM) ● Vendor Invoice Management (VIM) Example 3: The Role of Perceived Usefulness and Attitude on Electronic Health Record Acceptance38

Technology Acceptance Research: Perceived Usefulness and EHR Attitude Personally Controlled Electronic Health Record (PCEHR)

H1a. Perceived usefulness is positively related to behavioural intention, such that future HCPs with positive (negative) perceptions of usefulness on EHRs will have high (low) intention to use EHRs in the future.

H1b. EHR Attitude is positively related to behavioural intention, such that future HCPs with positive (negative) attitudes on EHRs will have high (low) intention to use EHRs in the future. 38 Randike Gajanayake, Renato Iannella, Tony Sahama: The Role of Perceived Usefulness and Attitude on Electronic Health Record Acceptance An empirical investigation using response surface analysis, Brisbane, Australia Attitude is also said to mediate the effects of PU on BI. This relationship has been well established in the technology acceptance literature and also in the healthcare domain . Therefore, the following is also hypothesized and tested in this study.

H2. EHR Attitude mediates the impact of perceived usefulness on behavioural intention.

Key Issues in eHealth Identity Management39

The main issues recently identified by an exhaustive thematic analysis of identity management in eHealth [2] were: (a) Pseudonymisation and anonymisation of identity for secondary use; (b) Privacy preserving identity; (c) Identity, authentication and authorization; and (d) Identity management and standardization. The need for a standard methodology for identity and authentication interoperability between different stakeholders in eHealth was identified.

Identity management in the wider context of the general information society has already been the subject of rather large and fruitful research efforts, however very few of these studies and experiences were transposed into the eHealth context. Since eHealth deals with sensitive information there is a need for further research showing evidence that privacy and security of clinical sensitive information can be effectively safeguarded under these schemes and mechanisms. There are very few real eHealth implementations and deployments of identity management schemes described in the literature, showing that this problem is even more complex than it seems at first sight. Future wider adoption thus requires further research on new models and architectures to assure eHealth trust and the main stakeholder’s acceptance. We were expecting to find in the literature, references to legal and security issues related with the topics of availability, integrity and confidentiality within the context of identity in eHealth, however no such themes were found. These 39 Maria João Campos, Manuel E. Correia , Luís Antunes: LEVERAGING IDENTITY MANAGEMENT INTEROPERABILITY IN EHEALTH, Porto, Portugal are important subjects that must be further researched and discussed because they are currently the main barriers for the implementation and deployment of practical identity management mechanisms in the context of eHealth. A wider consensus and acceptance between all stakeholders on policies, processes, an technologies must also be encouraged and promoted, allowing for the building of a circle of trust encompassing patient’s access to eHealth applications and information resources, and the effective protection of confidential and personal information from unauthorized access even when granted from different security and administration domains.

1) Portuguese legal requirements

In Portugal, data protection is regulated by European and national legislation that addresses personal and Health data service provisioning, whose application and compliance is supervised by a national authority commission. This commission is also responsible for some legislation on personal data protection [3] and personal genetic information and health information [4]. However there is currently no legal data protection framework specifically for eHealth, so these issues have to comply and are thus regulated by the more general personal data protection laws. On the other hand, clinical practice is regulated and managed by their professional association authorities. Article 35º of the Portuguese Constitution defines that patients in Portugal have the constitutional right to privacy. Also the national basic law for health care indicates that the citizen/patient has the right to be treated with privacy with strong assurance of personal data confidentiality.

2) European legal requirements

The European Union issued directives such as 36/2005 on professional’s regulation and their recognition [5] and guidelines for patient data protection. Directive 36/2005 [5] determines that the free movement and mutual recognition of qualifications of doctors, nurses responsible for general care, dental practitioners, midwives, pharmacists should be based on the principle of automatic recognition of qualifications, based on the coordination of minimum training conditions. A more recent directive [7] regarding the rights of patients who seek healthcare in another member state also supplements the rights that patients already have at the wider EU level. As a result patient´s will put pressure and demand member states to establish effective national contact points to provide them with information about their rights and entitlements and the more practical aspects about receiving cross border healthcare. This must all be supported by eHealth systems supporting interoperable identity management at the EU level. A simple use case was selected to illustrate in more detail the role played by the proposed identity management framework. It starts when a patient autoenrolls into a health web portal to have access to his electronic health record summary and to his electronic prescription information. Four distinct phases can be identified during the patient auto-enrollment registration process:

1. The presentation of an electronic civil identification or patient identification (card); 2. The selection of a health service delivery entity; 3. The addition of other alternative authentication mechanisms; 4. The patient control exercised over the release of sensitive personal information. National eID cards have high levels of assurance because very strict security rules are followed before they can be issued and are therefore one example of tokens representing a fully trustable digital identity source.

Patients can therefore make use of their national eID card as a reliable source for a unique digital identification. The Portuguese eID Citizen Card is issued with high quality levels for the identification process. The higher the quality of the issuing procedure, the stronger is the binding between the claimant’s claimed identity and his real-life. This way the security of the patient autoenrolment process can safely rely on the security of the eID card.

Survey(s) of Israel (SOI) and at the Technion

● GIS Systems (Parcelation and Settlements)40 ● …

40 Moshe Benhamu, Yerach Doytsher: Toward a spatial 3D cadastre in Israel Department of Civil Engineering (Geodesy), Technion—Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa 32000, Technion—Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa 32000, Israel

1. Low Cost: The resources required to implement the alternative, implementation cost. 2. Feasibility: Existence of technological capabilities for implementing the alternative. 3. Flexibility: Adaptability to local conditions. 4. Lifetime: A long-range solution so that at the end of the process the implementation of the solution will still be relevant. 5. Continuity: Preserving (in part) the existing situation. 6. Advanced: Employing new and advanced technologies. 7. Quality: Providing a solution for all possible situations. 8. Professional aspects: Accuracy, cartographic quality, legal validity, etc.

Business Process Management

Introduction

( - tbd. - Business Process Management Wikipedia) jBPM - Drools jBPM (Java Business Process Model

jBPM (Java Business Process Model) is an open-source workflow engine written in Java that can execute business processes described in BPMN 2.0 (or its own process definition language jPDL in earlier versions). jBPM is a toolkit for building business applications to help automate business processes and decisions. It's sponsored by Red Hat, part of the JBoss community and closely related to the Drools and OptaPlanner projects in the KIE group. It is released under the ASL (or LGPL in earlier versions) by the JBoss company. In essence, jBPM takes graphical process descriptions as input. A process is composed of tasks that are connected with sequence flows. Processes represent an execution flow. The graphical diagram (flow chart) of a process is used as the basis for the communication between non-technical users and developers. Each execution of a process definition is called a "process instance". jBPM manages the process instances. Some activities are automatic like sending an e-mail or invoking a service. Some activities act as wait states, like for example human tasks or waiting for an external service to return results. jBPM will manage and persist the state of the process instances at all times. jBPM is based on the Process Virtual Machine (PVM) which is the JBoss community's foundation to support multiple process languages natively. The JBoss community currently focuses on using the BPMN 2.0 specification for defining business processes. jBPM also provides various tools, both for developers (Eclipse) and end users (web-based) to create, deploy, execute and manage business processes throughout their life cycle. jBPM originates from BPM (Business Process Management) but it has evolved to enable users to pick their own path in business automation. It provides various capabilities that simplify and externalize business logic into reusable assets such as cases, processes, decision tables and more. ● Business processes (BPMN 2.0) ● Case management (BPMN 2.0 and CMMN) ● Decision management (DMN) ● Business rules (DRL) ● Business optimisation (Solver) jBPM can be used as a standalone service or embedded in custom service. It does not mandate any of the frameworks to be used, it can be successfully used in ● Traditional JEE applications - war/ear deployments ● SpringBoot or Thorntail (formerly known as WildFly Swarm) - uberjar deployments ● Standalone java programs Additionally the jBPM offers open source business process execution and management capabilities, including: ● An embeddable, lightweight process engine in Java, supporting native BPMN 2.0 execution ● BPMN 2.0 process modeling, both in Eclipse (developers) and web-based (business users) ● Process authoring, collaboration, monitoring and management through the jBPM console ● An web-based authoring environment capable of managing the many assets that compose a business project, including BPMN models, Rules, Forms, Data Objects and more. ● Human interaction using an independent WS-HT human task service ● Strong and powerful integration with business rules and event processing ● Pluggable persistence and transactions based on JPA / JTA. ● History logging (for querying / monitoring / analysis).

Features

● Persistence and Transactions ● Business Central (General) ● Business Central integration ● Business Central High Availability ● Designer ● Runtime Management ● Process Management ● Forms in Business Central ● Business Activity Monitoring ● KIE Execution Server ● jBPM Eclipse Plugin ● Eclipse BPMN 2.0 Modeler ● Domain Specific Processe ● sException Management ● Flexible Processes ● Concurrency and asynchronous execution

Drools

● drools, ● jbpm, ● optaplanner ● drools, ● jbpm-build-bootstrap, ● droolsjbpm-knowledge, ● droolsjbpm-integration

OpenBIM

Introduction Building Information Modeling for Managing Design and Construction41

41 Berard, Ole Bengt; Vestergaard, Flemming; Karlshøj, Jan: Building Information Modeling for Managing Design and Construction - Assessing Design Information Quality Assessing Design Information Quality, Lyngby, Denmark, 2012 1. Explicit information is apparent and unambiguous. This includes measurements, building products, color, surface covering, and materials requirements. 2. Inferred information must be calculated, measured, counted or inferred, or derived from the design information. A piece of information is transformed and becomes suitable for a certain purpose. Examples include quantities, elevations, some dimensions, and opening direction. 3. Implicit information refers to using product requirements instead of functional requirements. The actual requirement is then implicit in the product type; for example, instead of requiring sun shading, a product that provides sun shading is required. Implicit information adds ambiguity. For example, it is uncertain whether sun shading is a requirement or the product was chosen by mistake.

Functional – represents what process elements are being performed, and what flows of informational entities (such as data, artifacts, products), are relevant to these process elements. Behavioral – represents when process elements are performed (such as sequencing), as well as how they are performed through feedback loops, iteration, complex decision making conditions, entry and exit criteria, and so forth. Organizational – represents where, and by whom (which agents) in the organization process elements are performed, the physical communication mechanisms used for transfer of entities, and the physical media and locations used for storing entities. Informational – represents the informational entities produced or manipulated by a process. These entities include data, artifacts, products (intermediate and end), and objects. This perspective includes both the structure of informational entities and the relationships among them. (Curtis et al. 1992)

● Process map – to document the functional and behavioral perspective in BPMN. ● Exchange requirements – to describe the informational perspective. ● Logical constraints – business rules described by a narrative to elaborate the functional perspective (Karlshoej 2011b) ● Involved actors – narratives describing the roles, for the organizational perspective. 1. Analysis – Says what is. The theory does not extend beyond analysis and description. No causal relationships among phenomena are specified, and no predictions are made. 2. Explanation – Says what is: how, why, when, and where. The theory provides explanations, but does not aim to predict with any precision. There are no testable propositions. 3. Prediction – Says what is and what will be. The theory provides predictions and has testable propositions, but does not have well-developed justificatory causal explanations. 4. Explanation and prediction (EP) – Says what is: how, why, when, where, and what will be. Provides predictions and has both testable propositions and causal explanations. 5. Design and action – Says how to do something. The theory gives explicit prescriptions (for example, methods, techniques, principles of form and function) for constructing an artifact.

● Means of representation – the physical representation ● Constructs – the phenomena of interest ● Statements of relationship – relationships among the constructs ● Scope – the degree of generality of the statements of relationships ● Causal explanations – statements of relationships among phenomena that show causal reasoning ● Testable propositions (hypotheses) – statements of relationships between constructs in a form that enables them to be tested empirically ● Prescriptive statements – specify how people can accomplish something in practice ● Design as an Artifact – Design-science research must produce a viable artifact in the form of a construct, model, method, or instantiation. ● Problem Relevance – The objective of design-science research is to develop technology-based solutions to important and relevant business problems. ● Design Evaluation – The utility, quality, and efficacy of a design artifact must be rigorously demonstrated via well-executed evaluation methods. ● Research Contributions – Effective design-science research must provide clear and verifiable contributions in the areas of the design artifact, foundations, and/or methodologies. ● Research Rigor – Design-science research relies upon the application of rigorous methods in both construction and evaluation of the design artifact. ● Design as a Search Process – The search for an effective artifact requires the utilization of available means to reach desired ends while satisfying laws in the problem environment. ● Communication of Research – Design-science research must be effectively presented to both technology and management audiences.

Blockchain

Usability Engineering Process

User Experience Design (UXD, UED, or XD)42

User Experience Design (UXD, UED, or XD) is the process of manipulating user behavior through usability, accessibility, and desirability provided in the interaction with a product. User experience design encompasses traditional human–computer interaction (HCI) design and extends it by addressing all aspects of a product or service as perceived by users. Experience design (XD) is the practice of designing products, processes, services, events, omnichannel journeys, and environments with a focus placed on the quality of the user experience and culturally relevant solutions. Experience design is not driven by a single design discipline. Instead, it requires a cross-discipline perspective that considers multiple aspects of the brand/ business/ environment/ experience from product, packaging, and retail environment to the clothing and attitude of employees. Experience design seeks to develop the experience of a product, service, or event along any or all of the following dimensions:

● Duration (initiation, immersion, conclusion, and continuation) ● Intensity (reflex, habit, engagement) ● Breadth (products, services, brands, nomenclatures channels/environment /promotion, and price) ● Interaction (passive < > active < > interactive) ● Triggers (all human senses, concepts, and symbols) ● Significance (meaning, status, emotion, price, and function) 42 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User_experience_design Visual Design

Visual design, also commonly known as graphic design, user interface design, communication design, and visual communication, represents the aesthetics or look-and-feel of the front end of any user interface. Graphic treatment of interface elements is often perceived as the visual design. The purpose of visual design is to use visual elements like colors, images, and symbols to convey a message to its audience. Fundamentals of Gestalt psychology and visual perception give a cognitive perspective on how to create effective visual communication.

Information architecture

Information architecture is the art and science of structuring and organizing the information in products and services to support usability and findability.

Graphic designers focus on the aesthetic appeal of the design. Information is communicated to the users through text and images. Much importance is given to how the text and images look and attract the users. Graphic designers have to make stylistic choices about things like font color, font type, and image locations. Graphic designers focus on grabbing the user's attention with the way the design looks. Graphic designers create visual concepts, using computer software or by hand, to communicate ideas that inspire, inform, and captivate consumers. They develop the overall layout and production design for various applications such as advertisements, brochures, magazines, and corporate reports.

The visual designer (VisD) ensures that the visual representation of the design effectively communicates the data and hints at the expected behavior of the product. At the same time, the visual designer is responsible for conveying the brand ideals in the product and for creating a positive first impression; this responsibility is shared with the industrial designer if the product involves hardware. In essence, a visual designer must aim for maximum usability combined with maximum desirability.

Interaction designers (IxD) are responsible for understanding and specifying how the product should behave. This work overlaps with the work of both visual and industrial designers in a couple of important ways. When designing physical products, interaction designers must work with industrial designers early on to specify the requirements for physical inputs and to understand the behavioral impacts of the mechanisms behind them. Interaction designers cross paths with visual designers throughout the project. Visual designers guide the discussions of the brand and emotive aspects of the experience, Interaction designers communicate the priority of information, flow, and functionality in the interface.

Usability testing is the most common method used by designers to test their designs. The basic idea behind conducting a usability test is to check whether the design of a product or brand works well with the target users. While carrying out usability testing, two things are being tested for: Whether the design of the product is successful and if it is not successful, how can it be improved. While designers are testing, they are testing the design and not the user. Also, every design is evolving. The designers carry out usability testing at every stage of the design process.

● Customer experience ● Design thinking ● Paper prototyping ● Participatory design ● Process-centered design ● User experience evaluation

User interface design (UI)

User interface design (UI)43 or user interface engineering is the design of user interfaces for machines and software, such as computers, home appliances, mobile devices, and other electronic devices, with the focus on maximizing usability and the user experience. The goal of user interface design is to make the user's interaction as simple and efficient as possible, in terms of accomplishing user goals (user-centered design).

Good user interface design facilitates finishing the task at hand without drawing unnecessary attention to itself. Graphic design and typography are utilized to support its usability, influencing how the user performs certain interactions and improving the aesthetic appeal of the design; design 43 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User_interface_design aesthetics may enhance or detract from the ability of users to use the functions of the interface. The design process must balance technical functionality and visual elements (e.g., mental model) to create a system that is not only operational but also usable and adaptable to changing user needs.

Interface design is involved in a wide range of projects from computer systems, to cars, to commercial planes; all of these projects involve much of the same basic human interactions yet also require some unique skills and knowledge. As a result, designers tend to specialize in certain types of projects and have skills centered on their expertise, whether it is a software design, user research, web design, or industrial design.

User interface design requires a good understanding of user needs. There are several phases and processes in the user interface design, some of which are more demanded upon than others, depending on the project. (Note: for the remainder of this section, the word system is used to denote any project whether it is a website, application, or device.)

Functionality requirements gathering – assembling a list of the functionality required by the system to accomplish the goals of the project and the potential needs of the users. ● User and task analysis – a form of field research, it's the analysis of the potential users of the system by studying how they perform the tasks that the design must support, and conducting interviews to elucidate their goals. ● Typical questions involve: What would the user want the system to do? ● How would the system fit in with the user's normal workflow or daily activities? ● How technically savvy is the user and what similar systems does the user already use? ● What interface look & feel styles appeal to the user?

Printable template for mobile and desktop app design (pdf). Information architecture – development of the process and/or information flow of the system (i.e. for phone tree systems, this would be an option tree flowchart and for web sites this would be a site flow that shows the hierarchy of the pages). Prototyping – development of wire-frames, either in the form of paper prototypes or simple interactive screens. These prototypes are stripped of all look & feel elements and most content in order to concentrate on the interface. Usability inspection – letting an evaluator inspect a user interface. This is generally considered to be cheaper to implement than usability testing (see step below), and can be used early on in the development process since it can be used to evaluate prototypes or specifications for the system, which usually cannot be tested on users. Some common usability inspection methods include cognitive walkthrough, which focuses the simplicity to accomplish tasks with the system for new users, heuristic evaluation, in which a set of heuristics are used to identify usability problems in the UI design, and pluralistic walkthrough, in which a selected group of people step through a task scenario and discuss usability issues.

● Usability testing – testing of the prototypes on an actual user—often using a technique called think aloud protocol where you ask the user to talk about their thoughts during the experience. ● User interface design testing allows the designer to understand the reception of the design from the viewer's standpoint, and thus facilitates creating successful applications. ● Graphical user interface design – actual look and feel design of the final graphical user interface (GUI). These are design’s control panels and faces; voice-controlled interfaces involve oral-auditory interaction, while gesture-based interfaces witness users engaging with 3D design spaces via bodily motions. It may be based on the findings developed during the user research, and refined to fix any usability problems found through the results of testing. Depending on the type of interface being created, this process typically involves some computer programming in order to validate forms, establish links or perform a desired action.

Software Maintenance - After the deployment of a new interface, occasional maintenance may be required to fix software bugs, change features, or completely upgrade the system. Once a decision is made to upgrade the interface, the legacy system will undergo another version of the design process, and will begin to repeat the stages of the interface life cycle.

The dynamic characteristics of a system are described in terms of the dialogue requirements contained in seven principles of part 10 of the ergonomics standard, the ISO 9241. This standard establishes a framework of ergonomic "principles" for the dialogue techniques with high-level definitions and illustrative applications and examples of the principles. The principles of the dialogue represent the dynamic aspects of the interface and can be mostly regarded as the "feel" of the interface. The seven dialogue principles are:

● Suitability for the task: the dialogue is suitable for a task when it supports the user in the effective and efficient completion of the task. ● Self-descriptiveness: the dialogue is self-descriptive when each dialogue step is immediately comprehensible through feedback from the system or is explained to the user on request. ● Controllability: the dialogue is controllable when the user is able to initiate and control the direction and pace of the interaction until the point at which the goal has been met. ● Conformity with user expectations: the dialogue conforms with user expectations when it is consistent and corresponds to the user characteristics, such as task knowledge, education, experience, and to commonly accepted conventions. ● Error tolerance: the dialogue is error tolerant if despite evident errors in input, the intended result may be achieved with either no or minimal action by the user. Suitability for individualization: the dialogue is capable of individualization when the interface software can be modified to suit the task needs, individual preferences, and skills of the user. Suitability for learning: the dialogue is suitable for learning when it supports and guides the user in learning to use the system.

The concept of usability is defined of the ISO 9241 standard by effectiveness, efficiency, and satisfaction of the user. Part 11 gives the following definition of usability: Usability is measured by the extent to which the intended goals of use of the overall system are achieved (effectiveness). The resources that have to be expended to achieve the intended goals (efficiency). The extent to which the user finds the overall system acceptable (satisfaction). Effectiveness, efficiency, and satisfaction can be seen as quality factors of usability. To evaluate these factors, they need to be decomposed into sub- factors, and finally, into usability measures. The information presentation is described in Part 12 of the ISO 9241 standard for the organization of information (arrangement, alignment, grouping, labels, location), for the display of graphical objects, and for the coding of information (abbreviation, color, size, shape, visual cues) by seven attributes. The "attributes of presented information" represent the static aspects of the interface and can be generally regarded as the "look" of the interface. The attributes are detailed in the recommendations given in the standard. Each of the recommendations supports one or more of the seven attributes. The seven presentation attributes are:

● Clarity: the information content is conveyed quickly and accurately. ● Discriminability: the displayed information can be distinguished accurately. ● Conciseness: users are not overloaded with extraneous information. ● Consistency: a unique design, conformity with user's expectation. ● Detectability: the user's attention is directed towards information required. ● Legibility: information is easy to read. ● Comprehensibility: the meaning is clearly understandable, unambiguous, interpretable, and recognizable.

The user guidance in Part 13 of the ISO 9241 standard describes that the user guidance information should be readily distinguishable from other displayed information and should be specific for the current context of use. User guidance can be given by the following five means:

● Prompts indicating explicitly (specific prompts) or implicitly (generic prompts) that the system ism available for input. ● Feedback informing about the user's input timely, perceptible, and non- intrusive. ● Status information indicating the continuing state of the application, the system's hardware and software components, and the user's activities. ● Error management including error prevention, error correction, user support for error management, and error messages. ● On-line help for system-initiated and user initiated requests with specific information for the current context of use.

User interface design has been a topic of considerable research, including on its aesthetics. Standards have been developed as far back as the 1980s for defining the usability of software products. One of the structural bases has become the IFIP user interface reference model. The model proposes four dimensions to structure the user interface:

● The input/output dimension (the look) ● The dialogue dimension (the feel) ● The technical or functional dimension (the access to tools and services) ● The organizational dimension (the communication and co-operation support) ● This model has greatly influenced the development of the international standard ISO 9241 ● describing the interface design requirements for usability. The desire to understand applicationspecific ● UI issues early in software development, even as an application was being developed, led to research on GUI rapid prototyping tools that might offer convincing simulations of how an actual application might behave in production use.

Some of this research has shown that a wide variety of programming tasks for GUI-based software can, in fact, be specified through means other than writing program code:

● Research in recent years is strongly motivated by the increasing variety of devices that can, by virtue of Moore's law, host very complex interfaces. ● Research has also been conducted on generating user interfaces automatically, to match a user's level of ability for different levels of interaction. ● At the moment, in addition to traditional prototypes, the literature proposes new solutions, such as an experimental mixed prototype based on a configurable physical prototype that allow to achieve a complete sense of touch, thanks to the physical mock-up, and a realistic visual experience, thanks to the superimposition of the virtual interface on the physical prototype with Augmented Reality techniques.

Glossary

● Chief experience officer (CXO) ● Cognitive dimensions ● Discoverability ● Experience design ● Gender HCI ● Human interface guidelines ● Human-computer interaction ● Icon design ● Information architecture ● Interaction design ● Interaction design pattern ● Interaction Flow Modeling Language (IFML) ● Interaction technique ● Knowledge visualization ● Look and feel ● Mobile interaction ● Natural mapping (interface design) ● New Interfaces for Musical Expression ● Participatory design ● Principles of user interface design ● Process-centered design ● Progressive disclosure ● User experience design ● User-centered design

Example 1: Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG), WCAG 2.0 and WCAG 2.1

WCAG 2.0 is approved as an ISO standard: ISO/IEC 40500:2012. ISO/IEC 40500 is exactly the same as the original WCAG 2.0, which is introduced above along with supporting resources.

https://www.w3.org/WAI/standards-guidelines/wcag/

The WCAG technical documents are developed by the Accessibility Guidelines Working Group (AG WG (https://www.w3.org/WAI/GL/)) (formerly the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines Working Group), which is part of the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C (http://www.w3.org)) Web Accessibility Initiative (WAI (https://www.w3.org/WAI/)). WAI updates Techniques for WCAG 2 and Understanding WCAG 2 periodically. We welcome comments (https://www.w3.org/WAI/standards guidelines/wcag/commenting/) and submission of new techniques (http://www.w3.org/WAI/GL/WCAG20/TECHS-SUBMIT/).

Design Process

Callcenter

Information Design Contact Center

Information Systems Design44

44 Rui Rijo, João Varajão, Ramiro Gonçalves: Contact center: information systems design. Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010, DOI 10.1007/s10845-010-0389-0

TCO – Analysis

Introduction

The TCO- Analyzis will is a review about ● TCO (summary and objectives) ● Fuels (Autokorsos) ● Vendor Lock (Siemens und Thyssen Krupp) and an argumentation for another ● TBO (Information Design Semitism)

Example (Information Design Semitism – Dynamic Changes)

Coverage reset – as the main argumentation problem!

Total cost of ownership (TCO)

Total cost of ownership (TCO)45 is a financial estimate intended to help buyers and owners determine the direct and indirect costs of a product or system. It is a management accounting concept that can be used in full cost accounting or even ecological economics where it includes social costs. For manufacturing, as TCO is typically compared with doing business overseas, it goes beyond the initial manufacturing cycle time and cost to make parts. TCO includes a variety of cost of doing business items, for example, ship and re-ship, and opportunity costs, while it also considers incentives

45 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Total_cost_of_ownership developed for an alternative approach. Incentives and other variables include tax credits, common language, expedited delivery, and customer-oriented supplier visits.

TCO, when incorporated in any financial benefit analysis, provides a cost basis for determining the total economic value of an investment. Examples include: return on investment, internal rate of return, economic value added, return on information technology, and rapid economic justification. A TCO analysis includes total cost of acquisition and operating costs, as well as costs related to replacement or upgrades at the end of the life cycle. A TCO analysis is used to gauge the viability of any capital investment. An enterprise may use it as a product/process comparison tool. It is also used by credit markets and financing agencies. TCO directly relates to an enterprise's asset and/or related systems total costs across all projects and processes, thus giving a picture of theprofitability over time.

TCO analysis was popularized by the Gartner Group in 1987. The roots of this concept date at least back to the first quarter of the twentieth century. Many different methodologies and software tools have been developed to analyze TCO in various operational contexts. TCO is applied to the analysis of information technology products, seeking to quantify the financial impact of deploying a product over its life cycle. These technologies include software and hardware, and training.

Technology deployment can include the following as part of TCO: ● Computer hardware and programs ● Network hardware and software ● Server hardware and software ● Workstation hardware and software ● Installation and integration of hardware and software ● Purchasing research ● Warranties and licenses ● License tracking/compliance ● Migration expenses ● Risks: susceptibility to vulnerabilities, availability of upgrades, patches and future licensing ● policies, etc. ● Operation expenses ● Infrastructure (floor space) ● Electricity (for related equipment, cooling, backup power) ● Testing costs ● Downtime, outage and failure expenses ● Diminished performance (i.e. users having to wait, diminished money- making ability) ● Security (including breaches, loss of reputation, recovery and prevention) ● Backup and recovery process ● Technology/user training ● Audit (internal and external) ● Insurance ● Information technology personnel ● Corporate management time ● Long term expenses ● Replacement ● Future upgrade or scalability expenses ● Decommissioning

In the case of comparing TCO of existing versus proposed solutions, consideration should be put toward costs required to maintain the existing solution that may not necessarily be required for a proposed solution. Examples include cost of manual processing that are only required to support lack of existing automation, and extended support personnel.

Total cost of ownership can be applied to the structure and systems of a single building or a campus of buildings. Pioneered by Doug Christensen and the facilities department at Brigham Young University starting in the 1980s, the concept gained more traction in educational facilities in the early 21 st century. The application of TCO in facilities goes beyond the predictive cost analysis for a new building’s “first cost” (planning, construction and commissioning), to factor in a variety of critical requirements and costs over the life of the building:

● replacement of energy, utility, and safety systems; ● continual maintenance of the building exterior and interior and replacement of materials; ● updates to design and functionality; ● and recapitalization costs. A key objective of planning, constructing, operating, and managing buildings via TCO principals is for building owners and facility professionals to predict needs and deliver data-driven results. TCO can be applied any time during the life of a facility asset to manage cost inputs for the life of the structure or system into the future.

● APPA, an ANSI Accredited Standards Developer, published APPA 1000-1 – Total Cost of Ownership for Facilities Asset Management (TCO) – Part 1: Key Principles as an American National Standard in December 2017. ● APPA 1000-1 provides financial officers, facility professionals, architects, planners, construction workforce, and operations and maintenance (O&M) personnel the foundation of a standardized and holistic approach to implementing TCO key principles. Implementation of TCO key principles ● can improve decision making, maximizing financial strategies over the life of an asset, starting at the planning and design stage and extends to the end of the asset's life. ● APPA 1000-2, slated for publication in 2019, will focus on implementation and application of key TCO principals in facility management.

The TCO concept is easily applicable to the transportation industry. For example, the TCO defines the cost of owning an automobile from the time of purchase by the owner, through its operation and maintenance to the time it leaves the possession of the owner. Comparative TCO studies between various models help consumers choose a car to fit their needs and budget. Some of the key elements incorporated in the cost of ownership for a vehicle include: ● Depreciation costs ● Fuel costs ● Insurance ● Financing ● Repairs ● Fees and taxes ● Maintenance costs ● Opportunity costs ● Downtime costs

● Cost to company (CTC) ● Capital expenditure (CAPEX) ● Operating expense (OPEX) ● Activity-based costing ● Life cycle cost analysis ● Total benefits of ownership ● Total cost ● Total cost of acquisition ● Vendor lock-in

Fuels

A fuel is any material that can be made to react with other substances so that it releases energy as heat energy or to be used for work. The concept was originally applied solely to those materials capable of releasing chemical energy but has since also been applied to other sources of heat energy such as nuclear energy (via nuclear fission and nuclear fusion). The heat energy released by reactions of fuels is converted into mechanical energy via a heat engine. Other times the heat itself is valued for warmth, cooking, or industrial processes, as well as the illumination that comes with combustion. Fuels are also used in the cells of organisms in a process known as cellular respiration, where organic molecules are oxidized to release usable energy. Hydrocarbons and related oxygen-containing molecules are by far the most common source of fuel used by humans, but other substances, including radioactive metals, are also utilized. Fuels are contrasted with other substances or devices storing potential energy, such as those that directly release electrical energy (such as batteries and capacitors) or mechanical energy (such as flywheels, springs, compressed air, or water in a reservoir).

Vendor Lock-in

In economics, vendor lock-in, also known as proprietary lock-in or customer lock-in, makes a customer dependent on a vendor for products and services, unable to use another vendor without substantial switching costs. Lock-in costs that create barriers to market entry may result in antitrust action against a monopoly. Monopolistic: Whether a single vendor controls the market for the method or technology being locked in to. Distinguishes between being locked to the mere technology, or specifically the vendor of it. This class of lock-in is potentially technologically hard to overcome if the monopoly is held up by barriers to market that are nontrivial to circumvent, such as patents, secrecy, cryptography or other technical hindrances.

Collective: Whether individuals are locked in collectively, in part through each other. Economically, there is a cost to resist the locally dominant choice, as if by friction between individuals. In a mathematical model of differential equations, disregarding discreteness of individuals, this is a distributed parameter system in market share, applicable for modeling by partial differential equations, for example the heat equation. This class of lock-in is potentially inescapable to rational individuals not otherwise motivated, by creating a prisoner's dilemma — if the cost to resist is greater than the cost of joining, then the locally optimal choice is to join – a barrier that takes cooperation to overcome. The distributiveproperty (cost to resist the locally dominant choice) alone is not a network effect, for lack of any positive feedback, however the addition of bistability per individual, such as by a switching cost, qualifies as a network effect, by distributing this instability to the collective as a whole.

As defined by The Independent, this is a non-monopoly (mere technology), collective (on a societylevel) kind of lock-in: Technological lock-in is the idea that the more a society adopts a certain technology, the more unlikely users are to switch.

Examples: ● The continued prevalence of the QWERTY keyboard layout is said to be caused by technological lock-in. ● Carbon lock-in is the theory that society has become reliant on carbon intensive technologies, thereby hindering renewable energy commercialization. ● Converting one lossy file format into another incurs a generation loss that reduces quality. ● This is in effect a switching cost. Therefore, if valuable content is encoded in the format, this creates a need for continued compatibility with it. Personal technology lock-in

Personal technology lock-in: Technology lock-in, as defined, is strictly of the collective kind. However, the personal variant is also a possible permutation of the variations shown in the table, but with no monopoly and no collectivity, would be expected to be the weakest lock-in. Equivalent personal examples: A person who has become proficient on QWERTY keyboards will have an incentive to continue using QWERTY keyboards. A car owner has an incentive to make use of their car, because using it is cheap compared to the total cost of car ownership; the car is said to be a sunk cost. A person who has ripped their CD collection to MP3 will have an incentive to prefer audio equipment that supports this format; and vice versa, for personal investment reasons, has an incentive to continue ripping to this format. A person who has most of their multimedia equipment interconnected with HDMI will tend to seek HDMI compatibility to all their other multimedia-capable equipment (although this is a far.

Collective vendor lock-in46: There exist lock-in situations that are both monopolistic and collective. Having the worst of two worlds, these can be very hard to escape — in many examples, the cost to resist incurs some level of isolation from the (dominating technology in) society, which can be socially costly, yet direct competition with the dominant vendor is hindered by compatibility.

● Closed platform ● Embrace, extend and extinguish ● Format war ● Free software ● Hardware restrictions ● Network effect – the benefit from having a large number of people using an agreed-upon ● format or vendor ● Path dependence ● Proprietary software ● Regional lockout ● Subscription business model ● Razor and blades model ● Tivoization

Total benefits of ownership (TBO)

Total benefits of ownership (TBO) is a calculation that tries to summarise the positive effects of the acquisition of a plan. It is an estimate of all the values that will affect a business. It is a financial estimate intended to help buyers and owners determine the direct and indirect benefits of a product or system. It is used to determine potential Return on Investment (ROI). The usage of TBO may lead to increase in efficiency and productivity of a business, 46 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vendor_lock-in improvements in decisionmaking or improvements in the workforce. It helps to identify important areas which a business should be focusing on, as well as uncovering the hidden aspects of the decisions made by the firm. TBO goes beyond the initial purpose or implementation benefit to consider the full benefit of a decision or an asset over its useful life. A TBO analysis often shows there can be a large difference between the short term benefit to the business and its long term benefit. This can include operational cost savings, productivity improvements, enhancements to a business's ability to compete, greater employee retention, increased brand equity and expanding sales reach. For example, a small company can now have access to the rest of the world's markets without the costs of travel. The decisions made from TBO analysis help adding monetary profit into the company's account. While many companies perform total cost of ownership (TCO) analysis, TBO is considered to be as important as TCO. TCO aims to minimise the total cost of the business, whereas TBO targets the maximum value of the project. Enterprise decision makers often use both methods to estimate the actual value of an investment or strategic venture. When considering a business proposition, the enterprise decision makers always consider other alternatives while deciding whether the original plan is the best. An advantage of using TBO is that it identifies the value of the short term and the long-term benefits of the propositions. This system helps the company to prioritise the importance of each decision. This analysis not only serves as a tool to reduce cost but also as a way to plan the future of the business, in a more detailed and sophisticated way. For example, a company is considering whether to invest in a long-term project, such as infrastructure. TBO will consider whether the long-term benefit may outweigh the short-term benefits of opportunity cost; whether the money spent on investment may have a better alternate purpose, e.g. using the budget to improve training schemes for workers. Portolio Selection and Optimization

Introduction

( - tbd. ) Liste der Geschädigten und angebotene Unterstützungsleistung (Nachbetrachtung – simulativ), vgl. Campaigne Management erfassen und nach einer bekannten Portfolio Theorie mit jBPM Prozessunterstützung darstellen

Modern portfolio theory (MPT), or mean-variance analysis, is a mathematical framework for assembling a portfolio of assets such that the expected return is maximized for a given level of risk. It is a formalization and extension of diversiﬁcation in investing, the idea that owning dfferent kinds of ﬁnancial assets is less risky than owning only one type. Its key insight is that an asset's risk and return should not be assessed by itself, but by how it contributes to a portfolio's overall risk and return. It uses the variance of asset prices as a proxy for risk. Economist Harry Markowitz introduced MPT in a 1952 essay, for which he was later awarded a Nobel Prize in Economics; see Markowitz model.

Risk and expected return

MPT assumes that investors are risk averse, meaning that given two portfolios that off er thsame expected return, investors will prefer the less risky one.  us, an investor will take on increased risk only if compensated by higher expected returns. Conversely, an investor who wants higher expected returns must accept more risk.  e exact trade-off will not be the samfor all investors. Diff erent investors will evaluate the trade- off di ff erently based on individuarisk aversion characteristics. e implication is that a rational investor will not invest in portfolio if a second portfolio exists with a more favorable risk-expected return profile – i.e., for that level of risk an alternative portfolio exists that has be er expected returns. Under the model: Portfolio return is the proportion-weighted combination of the constituent assets' returns. Portfolio volatility is a function of the correlations ρ of the component assets, for all asset pairs (i, j). Diversification

An investor can reduce portfolio risk simply by holding combinations of instruments that are not perfectly positively correlated (correlation coeffi cient ). In other words, investors can reduce their exposure to individual asset risk by holding a diversified portfolio of assets. Diversification may allow for the same portfolio expected return with reduced risk.  e mean-variance framework for constructing optimal investment portfolios was first posited by Markowitz and has since been reinforced and improved by other economists and mathematicians who went on to account for the limitations of the framework. If all the asset pairs have correlations of 0—they are perfectly uncorrelated—the portfolio's return variance is the sum over all assets of the square of the fraction held in the asset times the asset's return variance (and the portfolio standard deviation is the square root of this sum). If all the asset pairs have correlations of 1—they are perfectly positively correlated—then the portfolio return’s standard deviation is the sum of the asset returns’ standard deviations weighted by the fractions held in the portfolio. For given portfolio weights and given standard deviations of asset returns, the case of all correlations being 1 gives the highest possible standard deviation of portfolio return.

Efficient frontier with no risk-free asset

This graph shows expected return (vertical) versus standard deviation.  is is called the 'riskexpected return space.' Every possible combination of risky assets, can be plo ed in this riskexpected return space, and the collection of all such possible portfolios defines a region in this space. The left boundary of this region is parabolic, and the upper part of the parabolic boundary is the effi cient frontier in the absence of a risk-free asset (sometimes called "the Markowitz bullet"). Combinations along this upper edge represent portfolios (including no holdings of the risk-free asset) for which there is lowest risk for a given level of expected return. Equivalently, a portfolio ying on the effi cient frontier represents the combination off ering thbest possible expected return for given risk level. The tangent to the upper part of the parabolic boundary is the capital allocation line (CAL).

Two mutual fund theorem

One key result of the above analysis is the two mutual fund theorem.  is theorem states that any portfolio on the effi cient frontier can be generated by holding a combination of any two given portfolios on the frontier; the la er two given portfolios are the "mutual funds" in the theorem's name. So in the absence of a risk-free asset, an investor can achieve any desired effi cient portfolio even if all that is accessible is a pair of e ffi cient mutual funds. If the location of the desired portfolio on the frontier is between the locations of the two mutual funds, both mutual funds will be held in positive quantities. If the desired portfolio is outside the range spanned by the two mutual funds, then one of the mutual funds must be sold short (held in negative quantity) while the size of the investment in the other mutual fund must be greater than the amount available for investment (the excess being funded by the borrowing from the other fund).

Risk-free asset and the capital allocation line

The risk-free asset is the (hypothetical) asset that pays a risk-free rate. In practice, short-term

government securities (such as US treasury bills) are used as a risk-free asset, because they pay a fixed rate of interest and have exceptionally low default risk.  e risk-free asset has zero variance in returns (hence is risk-free); it is also uncorrelated with any other asset (by definition, since its variance is zero). As a result, when it is combined with any other asset or portfolio of assets, the change in return is linearly related to the change in risk as the proportions in the combination vary. When a risk-free asset is introduced, the half-line shown in the figure is the new effi cient frontier. It is tangent to the hyperbola at the pure risky portfolio with the highest Sharpe ratio. Its vertical intercept represents a portfolio with 100% of holdings in the risk-free asset; the tangency with the hyperbola represents a portfolio with no risk-free holdings and 100% of assets held in the portfolio occurring at the tangency point; points between those points are portfolios containing positive amounts of both the risky tangency portfolio and the risk-free asset; and points on the half-line beyond the tangency point are leveraged portfolios involving negative holdings of the risk-free asset (the la er has been sold short—in other words, the investor has borrowed at the risk-free rate) and an amount invested in the tangency portfolio equal to more than 100% of the investor's initial capital.  is effi cient half-line is called the capital allocation line (CAL), and its formula can be shown to be

In this formula P is the sub-portfolio of risky assets at the tangency with the Markowitz bullet, F is the risk-free asset, and C is a combination of portfolios P and F. By the diagram, the introduction of the risk-free asset as a possible component of the portfolio has improved the range of risk-expected return combinations available, because everywhere except at the tangency portfolio the half-line gives a higher expected return than the hyperbola does at every possible risk level.  e fact that all points on the linear eﬃcient locus can be achieved by a combination of holdings of the risk-free asset and the tangency portfolio is known as the one mutual fund theorem, where the mutual fund referred to is the tangency portfolio.

Systematic risk and speciﬁc risk

Specific risk is the risk associated with individual assets - within a portfolio these risks can be reduced through diversification (specific risks "cancel out"). Specific risk is also called diversifiable, unique, unsystematic, or idiosyncratic risk. Systematic risk (a.k.a. portfolio risk or market risk) refers to the risk common to all securities—except for selling short as noted below, systematic risk cannot be diversified away (within one market). Within the market portfolio, asset specific risk will be diversified away to the extent possible. Systematic risk is therefore equated with the risk (standard deviation) of the market portfolio. Since a security will be purchased only if it improves the risk-expected return characteristics of the market portfolio, the relevant measure of the risk of a security is the risk it adds to the market portfolio, and not its risk in isolation. In this context, the volatility of the asset, and its correlation with the market portfolio, are historically observed and are therefore given. ( ere are several approaches to asset pricing that a empt to price assets by modelling the stochastic properties of the moments of assets' returns - these are broadly referred to as conditional asset pricing models.) Systematic risks within one market can be managed through a strategy of using both long and short positions within one portfolio, creating a "market neutral" portfolio. Market neutral portfolios, therefore, will be uncorrelated with broader market indices.

Capital asset pricing model

The asset return depends on the amount paid for the asset today.  e price paid must ensure that the market portfolio's risk / return characteristics improve when the asset is added to it. Th e CAPM is a model that derives the theoretical required expected return (i.e., discount rate) for an asset in a market, given the risk-free rate available to investors and the risk of the market as a whole.  e CAPM is usually expressed:

Criticisms

Despite its theoretical importance, critics of MPT question whether it is an ideal investment tool, because its model of financial markets does not match the real world in many ways. The risk, return, and correlation measures used by MPT are based on expected values, which means that they are statistical statements about the future (the expected value of returns is explicit in the above equations, and implicit in the definitions of variance and covariance). Such measures o en cannot capture the true statistical features of the risk and return which o en follow highly skewed distributions (e.g. the log-normal distribution) and can give rise to, besides reduced volatility, also inflated growth of return.

In practice, investors must substitute predictions based on historical measurements of asset return and volatility for these values in the equations. Very o en such expected values fail to take account of new circumstances that did not exist when the historical data were generated.

More fundamentally, investors are stuck with estimating key parameters from past market data because MPT a empts to model risk in terms of the likelihood of losses, but says nothing about why those losses might occur. The risk measurements used are probabilistic in nature, not structural. is is a major diﬀerence as compared to many engineering approaches to risk management.

Options theory and MPT have at least one important conceptual diﬀ erence from the probabilistic risk assessment done by nuclear power [plants]. A PRA is what economists would call a structural model.  e components of a system and their relationships are modeled in Monte Carlo simulations. If valve X fails, it causes a loss of back pressure on pump Y, causing a drop in ﬂow to vessel Z, and so on. But in the Black–Scholes equation and MPT, there is no a empt to explain an underlying structure to price changes. Various outcomes are simply given probabilities. And, unlike the PRA, if there is no history of a particular system-levelevent like a liquidity crisis, there is no way to compute the odds of it. If nuclear engineers ran risk management this way, they would never be able to compute the odds of a meltdown at a particular plant until several similar events occurred in the same reactor design.

Mathematical risk measurements are also useful only to the degree that they reﬂect investors' true concerns—there is no point minimizing a variable that nobody cares about in practice. In particular, variance is a symmetric measure that counts abnormally high returns as just as risky as abnormally low returns.  e psychological phenomenon of loss aversion is the idea that investors are more concerned about losses than gains, meaning that our intuitive concept of risk is fundamentally asymmetric in nature.  ere many other risk measures (like coherent risk measures) might be er reﬂect investors' true preferences.

Modern portfolio theory has also been criticized because it assumes that returns follow a Gaussian distribution. Already in the 1960s, Benoit Mandelbrot and Eugene Fama showed the inadequacy of this assumption and proposed the use of stable distributions instead. Stefan Mittnik and Svetlozar Rachev presented strategies for deriving optimal portfolios in such se ings. More recently, ﬁnancial economist Nassim Nicholas Taleb has also criticized modern portfolio theory on this ground, writing:

A er the stock market crash (in 1987), they rewarded two theoreticians, Harry Markowitz and William Sharpe, who built beautifully Platonic models on a Gaussian base, contributing to what is called Modern Portfolio  eory. Simply, if you remove their Gaussian assumptions and treat prices as scalable, you are le with hot air.  e Nobel Commi  ee could have tested the Sharpe and Markowitz models—they work like quack remedies sold on the Internet—but nobody in Stockholm seems to have thought about it.Contrarian/Value investors don't buy into Modern Portfolio  eory as it depends on the Efficient Market Hypothesis and conflates fluctuations in shareprice with "risk".  is risk is only an opportunity to buy or sell assets at a ractive prices inasmuch as it suits one's book.

● Outline of ﬁnance § Portfolio theory ● Bias ratio (ﬁnance) ● Black-Litterman model ● Intertemporal portfolio choice ● Investment theory ● Kelly criterion ● Marginal conditional stochastic dominance ● Markowitz model ● Mutual fund separation theorem ● Omega ratio ● Post-modern portfolio theory ● Sortino ratio ● Treynor ratio ● Two-moment decision models Appendix I

Medienrecht

Medienrecht47 beschäftigt sich mit den Regelungen privater und öffentlicher (universaler) Information und Kommunikation und spielt damit in die juristischen Teilbereiche des öffentlichen Rechts, des Zivilrechts und des Strafrechts hinein. Das Medienrecht ist also eine „Querschnittsmaterie“. Das Medienrecht kann unterteilt werden in die inhaltespezifischen Rechtsgebiete, wie etwa das Urheberrecht, die in der Regel dem Zivilrecht zuzurechnen sind, und die übertragungsspezifischen Rechtsgebiete, wie das Telekommunikationsrecht und das Rundfunkrecht, die überwiegend dem Verwaltungsrecht zuzurechnen sind. Klassische Gegenstände des Medienrechts sind Presse, Rundfunk (Radio und Fernsehen) und Film. Mit dem Aufkommen neuer Medien sind die Bereiche Multimedia und Internet hinzugekommen. Regelungsziele des Medienrechtes sind die Gewährleistung einer allgemein zugänglichen Kommunikationsinfrastruktur, Sicherung der Meinungsvielfalt, Schutz der Mediennutzer (Rezipienten), Daten- und Jugendschutz aber auch der Schutz geistigen Eigentums. Rechtlich geregelt wird also die Nutzung und Nutzbarkeit medial übertragener Inhalte. Dagegen regelt das Telekommunikationsrecht vorwiegend nur die technische Seite der Übermittlung von Inhalten. Beide Bereiche sind jedoch gerade im Multimediabereich eng verzahnt und beeinflussen sich gegenseitig.

Die Europäische Gemeinschaft hatte ursprünglich keine ausdrückliche Kompetenz für den Bereich der Medien. Es hat sich jedoch, gerade unter dem Eindruck der Multimedia- und Internetentwicklung, in den Mitgliedstaaten die Erkenntnis durchgesetzt, dass gerade viele der neuen Medien eine europäische Ordnung des Medienwesens erforderlich machen. Im Dezember 1997 hat die EU-Kommission deshalb ein Grünbuch zur Konvergenz von Telekommunikation, Medien und Informationstechnologien veröffentlicht und darin Rahmenregelungen für die konvergierenden Mediensektoren aufgezeigt. Da die Regelungskompetenz der EG aber nur die Bereiche umfasst, die zur Erreichung der Ziele des EG-Vertrages (Art. 2 und Art. 3 EGV) erforderlich sind, wurden europarechtliche Regelungen im Wesentlichen auf die Dienstleistungsfreiheit (Art. 49 EGV), das Erfordernis der Rechtsangleichung nach Art. 47 und Art. 55 EGV, aber auch auf Art. 86 Abs. 3 EGV (zur Abschaffung der Monopole im Telekommunikationsbereich) gestützt. In Deutschland wurde die Kompetenz der EG für Regelungen im Medienbereich stark kritisiert. Die Haltung der EG gegenüber den Medien wurde, gerade im Bereich des Rundfunks, als zu wirtschaftsorientiert angesehen. Es wurde zum Beispiel im Zusammenhang mit dem sogenannten 9. Rundfunk-Urteil befürchtet, dass die kulturelle Bedeutung der Medien und das deutsche föderale Kompetenzgefüge, das die Kultur den Ländern zuweist,

47 https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Medienrecht&oldid=193021731“ 11.12.2019 von einem EG-Medienrecht, das Medien nur als wirtschaftliche Dienstleistungen ansah, ausgehöhlt werden würde. Der EuGH hat zwischen den Positionen vermittelt, indem er feststellte, die EG sei befugt, Regelungen über grenzüberschreitende Medien-Dienstleistungen zu treffen, die Mitgliedstaaten könnten die Dienstleistungsfreiheit jedoch „aus zwingenden Gründen des Allgemeinwohls“ einschränken. Später wurde mit dem Kulturartikel in Art. 151 EGV die Erhaltung und Förderung der kulturellen Vielfalt auch als europarechtlicher Grundsatz festgeschrieben. Außerdem wird die Bedeutung von Art. 87 EGV, der Schutzvorschrift gegen wettbewerbsverfälschende Beihilfen in Bezug auf die Finanzierung des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks in Deutschland kontrovers diskutiert. Als sekundäres Recht sind in der Folge die Richtlinie 89/552/EWG (Fernsehrichtlinie) (Richtlinie 89/552/EWG, Neufassung: 97/36/EG) und die EG-E-Commerce-Richtlinie (Richtlinie 2000/31/EG) erlassen worden. Die verfassungsrechtliche Grundlage für das Recht der Medien bilden die sogenannten Kommunikationsfreiheiten: Meinungsfreiheit (Art. 5 Abs. 1, S. 1, 1. Hs. GG), Rezipientenfreiheit (Informationsfreiheit) (Art. 5 Abs. 1, S. 1, 2. Hs. GG), Rundfunk- und Pressefreiheit (Art. 5 Abs. 1, S. 2 GG). Hinzu kommen die Kunstfreiheit (Art. 5 Abs. 3 GG) und das Fernmeldegeheimnis (Art. 10 Abs. 1 GG). Zwar sind Grundrechte in erster Linie als subjektive Abwehrrechte der Bürger gegen den Staat zu verstehen, daneben besteht aber auch eine objektive Dimension als Auftrag an den Staat, geeignete Rahmenbedingungen zur Entfaltung der Grundrechte zu schaffen. Für die Kommunikationsfreiheiten bedeutet dies unter anderem, Vorsorge für eine ausreichende Infrastruktur zu tragen, damit die Bürger ihre Kommunikationsgrundrechte tatsächlich verwirklichen können. Die Gesetzgebungskompetenz liegt gemäß Art. 30 GG in Verbindung mit Art. 70 Abs. 1 GG für Rundfunk und Presse grundsätzlich bei den Ländern. Dies wurde durch das 1. Rundfunk-Urteil vom Bundesverfassungsgericht („Deutschland-Fernsehen-GmbH“) bestätigt. Der Bund hatte bis zur Föderalismusreform für den Bereich der Rechtsverhältnisse der Presse eine Rahmengesetzgebungskompetenz aus Art. 75 Abs. 1 Nr. 2 GG, von der allerdings nie Gebrauch gemacht wurde. Nach dem Wegfallen des Art. 75 GG durch Abschaffung der Rahmengesetzgebungskompetenz steht nun den Ländern, wie bereits vorher, das Recht zum Erlass von Gesetzen im Bereich der Presse zu, allerdings kann der Bund seitdem keinen rechtlichen Rahmen mehr dafür vorgeben. Für Telekommunikation, Urheberrecht, gewerblichen Rechtsschutz und Verlagsrecht besteht dagegen eine ausschließliche Gesetzgebungskompetenz des Bundes nach Art. 73 GG.

[..]

Das Internetrecht ist eine übergreifende Rechtsmaterie, die auf verschiedene rechtliche Regelungen des Bundes und der Länder zurückgreift. Zur Einführung einer Multimediagesetzgebung wurde 1997 das Informations- und Kommunikationsdienste-Gesetz (IuKDG) verabschiedet, das drei neue Bundesgesetze einführte: das Teledienstegesetz (TDG), das Teledienstedatenschutzgesetz (TDDSG) und das Signaturgesetz zur Regelung der digitalen Signatur. Neben dem TDG des Bundes, das nur für Teledienste galt, wurde von den Ländern für die Mediendienste der Mediendienste-Staatsvertrag (MDStV) geschlossen. Inhaltlich waren TDG und MDStV relativ ähnlich und die Abgrenzung zwischen Teledienst und Mediendienst daher unscharf. Die zunehmende Medienkonvergenz und das Bestreben, die Rechtssicherheit zu erhöhen, führten im Jahr 2007 zu einer Reform: Das Teledienstegesetz wurde durch das Telemediengesetz des Bundes abgelöst und Regelungen des Mediendienste-Staatsvertrages in den Abschnitt Telemedien (§§ 54–61 RStV) des Staatsvertrages für Rundfunk und Telemedien der Bundesländer überführt. Die bisherigen Mediendienste und Teledienste wurden zu den sogenannten Telemedien zusammengefasst. Der Begriff Telemedien wurde erstmals 2003 im Jugendmedienschutz- Staatsvertrag (JMStV) der Länder verwendet. Dieser Staatsvertrag enthält Nachfolgeregelungen zu früheren Jugendschutzbestimmungen im Rundfunkstaatsvertrag und Mediendienste-Staatsvertrag. Er soll Mindeststandards des Jugendschutzes festlegen, die von der Kommission für Jugendschutz in den Medien (KJM) überwacht werden. Aufgrund der schnellen, teilweise nicht vorhersehbaren technischen und inhaltlichen Weiterentwicklung im Bereich des Medienrechtes sind die bestehenden Gesetze und Staatsverträge oft unzureichend zur Beurteilung neuer Sachverhalte ausgestaltet. Deshalb ist das Medienrecht stark von sogenanntem Fall- oder Richterrecht (case law) geprägt. Eine Übersicht medienrechtlicher Entscheidungen findet sich hier.

Strafprozessrecht

§ 52 Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht der Angehörigen des Beschuldigten

(1) Zur Verweigerung des Zeugnisses sind berechtigt der Verlobte des Beschuldigten; der Ehegatte des Beschuldigten, auch wenn die Ehe nicht mehr besteht; der Lebenspartner des Beschuldigten, auch wenn die Lebenspartnerschaft nicht mehr besteht; wer mit dem Beschuldigten in gerader Linie verwandt oder verschwägert, in der Seitenlinie bis zum dritten Grad verwandt oder bis zum zweiten Grad verschwägert ist oder war. (2) Haben Minderjährige wegen mangelnder Verstandesreife oder haben Minderjährige oder Betreute wegen einer psychischen Krankheit oder einer geistigen oder seelischen Behinderung von der Bedeutung des Zeugnisverweigerungsrechts keine genügende Vorstellung, so dürfen sie nur vernommen werden, wenn sie zur Aussage bereit sind und auch ihr gesetzlicher Vertreter der Vernehmung zustimmt. Ist der gesetzliche Vertreter selbst Beschuldigter, so kann er über die Ausübung des Zeugnisverweigerungsrechts nicht entscheiden; das gleiche gilt für den nicht beschuldigten Elternteil, wenn die gesetzliche Vertretung beiden Eltern zusteht. (3) Die zur Verweigerung des Zeugnisses berechtigten Personen, in den Fällen des Absatzes 2 auch deren zur Entscheidung über die Ausübung des Zeugnisverweigerungsrechts befugte Vertreter, sind vor jeder Vernehmung über ihr Recht zu belehren. Sie können den Verzicht auf dieses Recht auch während der Vernehmung widerrufen.

§ 53 Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht der Berufsgeheimnisträger

(1) Zur Verweigerung des Zeugnisses sind ferner berechtigt Geistliche über das, was ihnen in ihrer Eigenschaft als Seelsorger anvertraut worden oder bekanntgeworden ist; Verteidiger des Beschuldigten über das, was ihnen in dieser Eigenschaft anvertraut worden oder bekanntgeworden ist; Rechtsanwälte und Kammerrechtsbeistände, Patentanwälte, Notare, Wirtschaftsprüfer, vereidigte Buchprüfer, Steuerberater und Steuerbevollmächtigte, Ärzte, Zahnärzte, Psychologische Psychotherapeuten, Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychotherapeuten, Apotheker und Hebammen über das, was ihnen in dieser Eigenschaft anvertraut worden oder bekanntgeworden ist; für Syndikusrechtsanwälte (§ 46 Absatz 2 der Bundesrechtsanwaltsordnung) und Syndikuspatentanwälte (§ 41a Absatz 2 der Patentanwaltsordnung) gilt dies vorbehaltlich des § 53a nicht hinsichtlich dessen, was ihnen in dieser Eigenschaft anvertraut worden oder bekanntgeworden ist; Mitglieder oder Beauftragte einer anerkannten Beratungsstelle nach den §§ 3 und 8 des Schwangerschaftskonfliktgesetzes über das, was ihnen in dieser Eigenschaft anvertraut worden oder bekanntgeworden ist; Berater für Fragen der Betäubungsmittelabhängigkeit in einer Beratungsstelle, die eine Behörde oder eine Körperschaft, Anstalt oder Stiftung des öffentlichen Rechts anerkannt oder bei sich eingerichtet hat, über das, was ihnen in dieser Eigenschaft anvertraut worden oder bekanntgeworden ist; Mitglieder des Deutschen Bundestages, der Bundesversammlung, des Europäischen Parlaments aus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland oder eines Landtages über Personen, die ihnen in ihrer Eigenschaft als Mitglieder dieser Organe oder denen sie in dieser Eigenschaft Tatsachen anvertraut haben, sowie über diese Tatsachen selbst; Personen, die bei der Vorbereitung, Herstellung oder Verbreitung von Druckwerken, Rundfunksendungen, Filmberichten oder der Unterrichtung oder Meinungsbildung dienenden Informations- und Kommunikationsdiensten berufsmäßig mitwirken oder mitgewirkt haben. Die in Satz 1 Nr. 5 genannten Personen dürfen das Zeugnis verweigern über die Person des Verfassers oder Einsenders von Beiträgen und Unterlagen oder des sonstigen Informanten sowie über die ihnen im Hinblick auf ihre Tätigkeit gemachten Mitteilungen, über deren Inhalt sowie über den Inhalt selbst erarbeiteter Materialien und den Gegenstand berufsbezogener Wahrnehmungen. Dies gilt nur, soweit es sich um Beiträge, Unterlagen, Mitteilungen und Materialien für den redaktionellen Teil oder redaktionell aufbereitete Informations- und Kommunikationsdienste handelt. (2) Die in Absatz 1 Satz 1 Nr. 2 bis 3b Genannten dürfen das Zeugnis nicht verweigern, wenn sie von der Verpflichtung zur Verschwiegenheit entbunden sind. Die Berechtigung zur Zeugnisverweigerung der in Absatz 1 Satz 1 Nr. 5 Genannten über den Inhalt selbst erarbeiteter Materialien und den Gegenstand entsprechender Wahrnehmungen entfällt, wenn die Aussage zur Aufklärung eines Verbrechens beitragen soll oder wenn Gegenstand der Untersuchung eine Straftat des Friedensverrats und der Gefährdung des demokratischen Rechtsstaats oder des Landesverrats und der Gefährdung der äußeren Sicherheit (§§ 80a, 85, 87, 88, 95, auch in Verbindung mit § 97b, §§ 97a, 98 bis 100a des Strafgesetzbuches), eine Straftat gegen die sexuelle Selbstbestimmung nach den §§ 174 bis 176, 177 Absatz 2 Nummer 1 des Strafgesetzbuches oder eine Geldwäsche, eine Verschleierung unrechtmäßig erlangter Vermögenswerte nach § 261 Abs. 1 bis 4 des Strafgesetzbuches ist und die Erforschung des Sachverhalts oder die Ermittlung des Aufenthaltsortes des Beschuldigten auf andere Weise aussichtslos oder wesentlich erschwert wäre. Der Zeuge kann jedoch auch in diesen Fällen die Aussage verweigern, soweit sie zur Offenbarung der Person des Verfassers oder Einsenders von Beiträgen und Unterlagen oder des sonstigen Informanten oder der ihm im Hinblick auf seine Tätigkeit nach Absatz 1 Satz 1 Nr. 5 gemachten Mitteilungen oder deren Inhalts führen würde.

Zivilprozessordnung

§ 384 Zeugnisverweigerung aus sachlichen Gründen

Das Zeugnis kann verweigert werden: über Fragen, deren Beantwortung dem Zeugen oder einer Person, zu der er in einem der im § 383 Nr. 1 bis 3 bezeichneten Verhältnisse steht, einen unmittelbaren vermögensrechtlichen Schaden verursachen würde; über Fragen, deren Beantwortung dem Zeugen oder einem seiner im § 383 Nr. 1 bis 3 bezeichneten Angehörigen zur Unehre gereichen oder die Gefahr zuziehen würde, wegen einer Straftat oder einer Ordnungswidrigkeit verfolgt zu werden; über Fragen, die der Zeuge nicht würde beantworten können, ohne ein Kunst- oder Gewerbegeheimnis zu offenbaren.

§ 383 Zeugnisverweigerung aus persönlichen Gründen (1) Zur Verweigerung des Zeugnisses sind berechtigt:

● der Verlobte einer Partei; ● der Ehegatte einer Partei, auch wenn die Ehe nicht mehr besteht; ● der Lebenspartner einer Partei, auch wenn die Lebenspartnerschaft nicht mehr besteht; ● diejenigen, die mit einer Partei in gerader Linie verwandt oder verschwägert, in der Seitenlinie bis zum dritten Grad verwandt oder bis zum zweiten Grad verschwägert sind oder waren;

Geistliche in Ansehung desjenigen, was ihnen bei der Ausübung der Seelsorge anvertraut ist; Personen, die bei der Vorbereitung, Herstellung oder Verbreitung von periodischen Druckwerken oder Rundfunksendungen berufsmäßig mitwirken oder mitgewirkt haben, über die Person des Verfassers, Einsenders oder Gewährsmanns von Beiträgen und Unterlagen sowie über die ihnen im Hinblick auf ihre Tätigkeit gemachten Mitteilungen, soweit es sich um Beiträge, Unterlagen und Mitteilungen für den redaktionellen Teil handelt; Personen, denen kraft ihres Amtes, Standes oder Gewerbes Tatsachen anvertraut sind, deren Geheimhaltung durch ihre Natur oder durch gesetzliche Vorschrift geboten ist, in Betreff der Tatsachen, auf welche die Verpflichtung zur Verschwiegenheit sich bezieht. (2) Die unter Nummern 1 bis 3 bezeichneten Personen sind vor der Vernehmung über ihr Recht zur Verweigerung des Zeugnisses zu belehren. (3) Die Vernehmung der unter Nummern 4 bis 6 bezeichneten Personen ist, auch wenn das Zeugnis nicht verweigert wird, auf Tatsachen nicht zu richten, in Ansehung welcher erhellt, dass ohne Verletzung der Verpflichtung zur Verschwiegenheit ein Zeugnis nicht abgelegt werden kann.

Mediationsgesetz (MediationsG)

§ 1 Begriffsbestimmungen

(1) Mediation ist ein vertrauliches und strukturiertes Verfahren, bei dem Parteien mithilfe eines oder mehrerer Mediatoren freiwillig und eigenverantwortlich eine einvernehmliche Beilegung ihres Konflikts anstreben. (2) Ein Mediator ist eine unabhängige und neutrale Person ohne Entscheidungsbefugnis, die die Parteien durch die Mediation führt. § 2 Verfahren; Aufgaben des Mediators (1) Die Parteien wählen den Mediator aus. (2) Der Mediator vergewissert sich, dass die Parteien die Grundsätze und den Ablauf des Mediationsverfahrens verstanden haben und freiwillig an der Mediation teilnehmen. (3) Der Mediator ist allen Parteien gleichermaßen verpflichtet. Er fördert die Kommunikation der Parteien und gewährleistet, dass die Parteien in angemessener und fairer Weise in die Mediation eingebunden sind. Er kann im allseitigen Einverständnis getrennte Gespräche mit den Parteien führen. (4) Dritte können nur mit Zustimmung aller Parteien in die Mediation einbezogen werden.

§ 3 Offenbarungspflichten; Tätigkeitsbeschränkungen

(1) Der Mediator hat den Parteien alle Umstände offenzulegen, die seine Unabhängigkeit und Neutralität beeinträchtigen können. Er darf bei Vorliegen solcher Umstände nur als Mediator tätig werden, wenn die Parteien dem ausdrücklich zustimmen. (2) Als Mediator darf nicht tätig werden, wer vor der Mediation in derselben Sache für eine Partei tätig gewesen ist. Der Mediator darf auch nicht während oder nach der Mediation für eine Partei in derselben Sache tätig werden. (3) Eine Person darf nicht als Mediator tätig werden, wenn eine mit ihr in derselben Berufsausübungs- oder Bürogemeinschaft verbundene andere Person vor der Mediation in derselben Sache für eine Partei tätig gewesen ist. Eine solche andere Person darf auch nicht während oder nach der Mediation für eine Partei in derselben Sache tätig werden. (4) Die Beschränkungen des Absatzes 3 gelten nicht, wenn sich die betroffenen Parteien im Einzelfall nach umfassender Information damit einverstanden erklärt haben und Belange der Rechtspflege dem nicht entgegenstehen. (5) Der Mediator ist verpflichtet, die Parteien auf deren Verlangen über seinen fachlichen Hintergrund, seine Ausbildung und seine Erfahrung auf dem Gebiet der Mediation zu informieren.

§ 4 Verschwiegenheitspflicht

Der Mediator und die in die Durchführung des Mediationsverfahrens eingebundenen Personen sind zur Verschwiegenheit verpflichtet, soweit gesetzlich nichts anderes geregelt ist. Diese Pflicht bezieht sich auf alles, was ihnen in Ausübung ihrer Tätigkeit bekannt geworden ist. Ungeachtet anderer gesetzlicher Regelungen über die Verschwiegenheitspflicht gilt sie nicht, soweit 1. die Offenlegung des Inhalts der im Mediationsverfahren erzielten Vereinbarung zur Umsetzung oder Vollstreckung dieser Vereinbarung erforderlich ist, 2. die Offenlegung aus vorrangigen Gründen der öffentlichen Ordnung (ordre public) geboten ist, insbesondere um eine Gefährdung des Wohles eines Kindes oder eine schwerwiegende Beeinträchtigung der physischen oder psychischen Integrität einer Person abzuwenden, oder 3. es sich um Tatsachen handelt, die offenkundig sind oder ihrer Bedeutung nach keiner Geheimhaltung bedürfen. Der Mediator hat die Parteien über den Umfang seiner Verschwiegenheitspflicht zu informieren.

§ 7 Wissenschaftliche Forschungsvorhaben; finanzielle Förderung der Mediation

§ 8 Evaluierung

§ 9 Übergangsbestimmung

(1) Die Mediation in Zivilsachen durch einen nicht entscheidungsbefugten Richter während eines Gerichtsverfahrens, die vor dem 26. Juli 2012 an einem Gericht angeboten wird, kann unter Fortführung der bisher verwendeten Bezeichnung (gerichtlicher Mediator) bis zum 1. August 2013 weiterhin durchgeführt werden. (2) Absatz 1 gilt entsprechend für die Mediation in der Verwaltungsgerichtsbarkeit, der Sozialgerichtsbarkeit, der Finanzgerichtsbarkeit und der Arbeitsgerichtsbarkeit. (5) Die Parteien können die Mediation jederzeit beenden. Der Mediator kann die Mediation beenden, insbesondere wenn er der Auffassung ist, dass eine eigenverantwortliche Kommunikation oder eine Einigung der Parteien nicht zu erwarten ist. (6) Der Mediator wirkt im Falle einer Einigung darauf hin, dass die Parteien die Vereinbarung in Kenntnis der Sachlage treffen und ihren Inhalt verstehen. Er hat die Parteien, die ohne fachliche Beratung an der Mediation teilnehmen, auf die Möglichkeit hinzuweisen, die Vereinbarung bei Bedarf durch externe Berater überprüfen zu lassen. Mit Zustimmung der Parteien kann die erzielte Einigung in einer Abschlussvereinbarung dokumentiert werden.

Appendix II

Hebräische Schrift Einführung – Auszüge Wikipedia48, 49, 50, 51

Die hebräische Schrift wird von geschrieben und gelesen. Es gibt keine Unterscheidung von Groß - und Kleinchreibung, jedoch erhalten fünf der Buchstaben am Wortende eine besondere Endform, die in der Tabelle rechts neben der Standardform erscheint. Alle Buchstaben sind ursprünglich reine Konsonanten, allerdings werden vier davon neben ihrer konsonantischen Bedeutung zusätzlich dazu benutzt, um als sogenannte Matres lectionis (Mütter der Lesung) Vokale darzustellen, vor “Tora„ תור allem lange Vokale. So werden etwa die beiden Vokale im Wort ר – Waw ו– Taw ת:Weisung) als Konsonanten Waw und He geschrieben) He. Es werden aber nicht alle Vokale so geschrieben, vor allem ה – Resch kurze Vokale bleiben meist unbezeichnet. In biblischen Texten kommen für dasselbe Wort Schreibungen mit (Plene-Schreibung) und ohne Matres lectionis (defektive Schreibung) vor. Nur bei der Schreibung des Jiddischen ist die hebräische Schrift keine Konsonantenschrift mehr, in diesem Fall werden Alef, sowie א Ajin, a und o als ע alle Vokale als Buchstaben geschrieben: e als .Waw ו Jod und י i, u, ei und oi mit Hilfe von

Im 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr. wurden alte Zahlzeichen von den Buchstaben zugewiesenen Zahlwerten abgelöst, die man mit zwei Schrägstrichen (Geresch und Gerschajim genannt) zwischen den beiden letzten Ziffern als Zahlen markiert. In heiligen Texten werden Zahlen meist in Worten ausgeschrieben, um Lesefehler und Abschreibfehler zu verhindern. Im heutigen Alltag werden Zahlen meist mit den auch in Deutschland üblichen arabischen Ziffern geschrieben, die Buchstabenschreibweise ist aber beispielsweise für Datumsangaben im jüdischen Kalender weiterhin üblich. Biblische unvokalisierte Schreibung: Die älteste Form ist unvokalisierter Text, wie er in alten Bibelhandschriften vorliegt und bis heute für Schriftrollen mit Bibeltext verwendet wird. Er enthält bereits matres lectionis, aber weder Satzzeichen noch diakritische Zeichen aller Art.

Buchstabe

klassische Um- heutige Umschrift Druckschrift schrift Zahlenwer Auss- inter- Name deuts t modern prache national[1] e Hand- ch Stand schrift End- ard- form form

48 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hebräisches_Alphabet 49 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Namenskonventionen/Hebräisch 50 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hebraistik 51 Ludwig Maximilians Universität, Katholisch-Theologische Fakultät: Tastatur auf „Hebräisch“ umstellen, 19.08.2015 ʔ ʾ ʾ Aleph 1 – א

b/v b/v b/w Beth 2 – ב

g g g Gimel 3 – ג

Dalet d d d 4 – ד h

h h h He 5 – ה

v v w Waw 6 – ו

z z s Zajin 7 – ז

χ ẖ ch Chet 8 – ח

t t t Tet 9 – ט

j y j Jod 10 – י

k/χ k/kh k/ch Kaph 20 ך כ Lame l l l 30 – ל d

m m m Mem 40 ם מ

n n n Nun 50 ן נ

Same s s s 60 – ס ch

ʔ (selten ʿ ʿ Ajin 70 – ע er ʕ)

p/f p/f p/f Pe 80 ף פ

Tzad t s ts z 90 ץ צ e

k k k Qoph 100 – ק

Resc ʁ r r 200 – ר h

Sin, s, ʃ s, sh s, sch 300 – ש Schin t t t Taw 40 – ת

Biblische unvokalisierte Schreibung Die älteste Form ist unvokalisierter Text, wie er in alten Bibelhandschriften vorliegt und bis heute für Schriftrollen mit Bibeltext verwendet wird. Er enthält bereits matres lectionis, aber weder Satzzeichen noch diakritische Zeichen aller Art. Masoretische Vokalisation Um die Lesung des Konsonantentextes der Heiligen Schrift für den gottesdienstlichen Vortrag zu fixieren, wurden verschiedene Systeme der Vokalisation (hebräisch Nikud, wörtlich „Punktierung“) entwickelt. Das tiberiensische System ist seit dem 8. Jahrhundert voll ausgebildet und hat sich gegenüber dem palästinischen und babylonischen System durchgesetzt. Der Name leitet sich von dem Ort Tiberia her, an dem dieses System entstand. Dabei sind aus Punkten und kleinen Strichen bestehende Vokalzeichen unter die Konsonanten gesetzt, nach denen sie ausgesprochen werden. Cholam wird jedoch links oberhalb des voranstehenden Konsonanten oder rechts oben auf dem Folgebuchstaben gesetzt, und Schuruq ist ein Punkt links neben dem Waw. Ein Vokal, der im unvokalisierten Text durch eine mater lectionis geschrieben wird, erscheint im vokalisierten Text als ein Vokalzeichen, dem die mater lectionis folgt – diese bleibt also erhalten, und nach Entfernung aller Vokalzeichen liegt wieder die biblische unvokalisierte Schreibung vor. Die Punktierung kommentiert so den Text, ohne ihn zu verändern.

Diese Form hat ein hohes Maß an eindeutiger Lesbarkeit dadurch, dass mit sehr wenigen Ausnahmen immer abwechselnd Konsonanten- und Vokalzeichen stehen, wobei erstere aus genau einem Buchstaben bestehen und letztere entweder nur aus einem Punktierungszeichen oder zusätzlich einer mater lectionis. Sie wird daher auch in modernen Texten verwendet, wenn es auf absolute Eindeutigkeit ankommt, etwa in Wörterbüchern (bei denen man dann auf die Angabe der Aussprache verzichten kann), auch in Gedichten und manchmal in Kinderbüchern zum leichteren Lesen, bei zum Studium vorgesehenen heiligen Schriften und in den meisten Gebetbüchern, nicht aber bei Alltagstexten. Die Vokalisation wird im masoretischen Text auch zur Unterscheidung von Ketib (= wie geschrieben steht) und Qere (= lies) benutzt, um anzuzeigen, dass ein Wort anders zu lesen ist, als der Text darstellt oder dass es alternative Textformen gibt.

Handgeschriebene Tora-Rollen, wie sie im Gottesdienst verwendet werden, sowie gewisse religiöse Texte enthalten keine Vokalisation, da sie die Mehrdeutigkeit einiger Wörter auf einen bestimmten Sinn reduzieren und dadurch den Text einschränken und interpretieren würde, wie es vergleichbar bei der Einteilung des Textes in Kapitel und Verse geschieht. Umschrift Aussprache

Aussehen Name -Neu- Alt-hebräisch Neu (א jeweils nach) Alt- hebräisc (rekon- hebräisc hebräisch h struiert) h kurzes oder Chiriq ein Punkt i i i/iː [i] langes i

Chiriq ein stummes i i iː langes i [i] Magnum Jod nach Chiriq

zwei waagrecht Sere angeordnete ē e eː langes e [ɛɛ ] Punkte

Sere ein stummes ē e eː langes e [ɛɛ ] Magnum Jod nach Sere

drei im Dreieck ɛ/ kurzes oder Seggol angeordnete æ e [ɛɛ ] ɛː langes ä Punkte

ein stummes Seggol Jod nach æ e ɛː langes ä [ɛɛ ] Magnum Seggol

waagrechter Patach a a a kurzes a [a] Unterstrich

Qamäz Patach mit ā a aː langes a [a] gadol Tropfen

Qamäz Patach mit kurzes qatan/ch å o ɔ [ɔɛ ] Tropfen offenes o atuph

Punkt links Choläm ō o oː langes o [ɔɛ ] oberhalb

Choläm Waw mit Punkt langes o; ō o oː [ɔɛ ] Magnum darüber wie Choläm

Qubbuz drei schräg u u u/ kurzes oder [u] angeordnete uː langes u Punkte

Waw mit Punkt Schuruq ū u uː langes u [u] darin

Chataph Schwa und hochgestellte sehr kurzes e ɛɛ [ɛɛ ] -Seggol Seggol s æ ä

Chataph Schwa und hochgestellte sehr kurzes a ă [a] -Patach Patach s a a

Chataph Schwa und hochgestellte sehr kurzes o ɔɛ [ɔɛ ] -Qamäz Qamäz s å offenes o

Schwa [ɛɛ ] oder mobile: ə lautlos flüchtiger e- oder (unabhän Laut hochgestellte gig von s e seiner traditionell e oder en nichts Bezeichnu ng Schwa als quiescens: lautlos zwei senkrecht „quiescen nichts Schwa angeordnete s“ oder Punkte „mobile“)

Im nicht modernen Hebräisch bezeichnet Schwa quiescens Vokallosigkeit in geschlossenen Silben oder an der Silbengrenze (in der Umschrift wird es weggelassen) und Schwa mobile einen kurzen Silbenvorschlag in offenen Silben, gesprochen als flüchtiger e-Laut (je nach Umschriftsystem durch ein hochgestelltes e oder durch ein ə wiedergegeben).

Als Matres lectionis können auftreten:Jod nach Sere oder Chiräq, sehr selten auch nach Qamäz oder Seggol;Waw nach Choläm oder (zwingend) als Aleph nach fast allen א;Bestandteil von Schuruq und Choläm magnum He nur am Wortende. Vokale mit mater lectionis sind ה ;Vokalisationszeichen immer lang; Chiräq und Seggol sind genau dann lang, wenn sie eine mater lectionis haben. Die matres lectionis erscheinen fast nie in lateinischer Umschrift.

Die Begriffe „lang“ und „kurz“ und die Unterscheidung der beiden Schwa sind für die Silbenstruktur wichtig; was die heutige Aussprache betrifft, sind sie allerdings bedeutungslos. Die langen Vokale stehen in den meisten offenen (nicht durch Konsonant abgeschlossenen) Silben und in betonten, mit nur einem Konsonanten abgeschlossenen Endsilben; Schwa wird dabei nicht als Vokal gezählt. Heute werden nur die als Jod geschriebenen Vokale und die in offenen, betonten Endsilben lang gesprochen; beispielsweise wird „Schalom“ ( Schin-Qamäz-Lamed-Choläm magnum-Mem) trotz seiner beiden שָ לום „langen“ Vokale eher wie „Schallomm“ (kurzes, unbetontes a und kurzes, betontes o) statt als „Schahlohm“ (beide Vokale lang) ausgesprochen. Auch das Schwa mobile wird – außer in manchen Vorsilben – weggelassen, wenn der Rest aussprechbar bleibt.

In vokalisierten Texten werden durch diakritische Zeichen nicht nur die Vokale bezeichnet, sondern auch einige Konsonanten in ihrer Aussprache genauer festgelegt:

● Die Aussprache des Buchstabens Sin/Schinals sch-Laut wird durch einen Punkt auf dem rechten, die als s-Laut durch einen Punkt auf dem linken Arm des Buchstaben bezeichnet. ● Die Verdoppelung eines Konsonanten, die bei einigen Konsonanten auch zu einer Ausspracheänderung führt, wird durch einen Punkt im Konsonanten bezeichnet, das Dagesch. am Wortende keine mater lectionis, sondern als Konsonant h ה Ist ein He ● ,ה gebraucht, so wird dieses He durch einen Punkt darin gekennzeichnet den Mappiq. Eine Verwechslung mit einem Dagesch ist ausgeschlossen, da ein He nie ein Dagesch trägt.

Vokalisierter und akzentuierter Text Der masoretische Bibeltext enthält zusätzlich zu den Diakritika des vorangegangenen Abschnitts weitere Zeichen, die Teamim, die die Bibelverse ähnlich wie Satzzeichen gliedern und die beim gesanglichen Rezitieren verwendete Melodie festlegen. Sie werden ausschließlich in Bibeltexten verwendet.

Spätere und moderne unvokalisierte Schreibung

In nachbiblischer Zeit, noch vor der Entwicklung der tiberiensischen Vokalisation, wurden die Buchstaben Jod und Waw häufiger als im biblischen Vorbild als Matres lectionis verwendet, zum Teil auch für kurze Vokale. Kommen diese beiden Buchstaben als Konsonanten vor, wird das in vielen Positionen durch Verdoppelung gekennzeichnet, um sie von Matres lectionis zu unterscheiden. Insgesamt wird dadurch die Lesbarkeit gegenüber dem unvokalisierten Text wie in Bibelhandschriften erhöht. Moderne hebräische Texte sind durchgängig so geschrieben.

Die Regeln zur Anwendung der zusätzlichen Buchstaben sind relativ kompliziert. Man findet einen vollständigen Abriss im Lehrbuch von Simon; im Folgenden werden nur die wichtigsten Unterschiede zur vokalisierten Schreibung zusammengestellt.

An einigen Stellen werden Matres lectionis geschrieben, wo im vokalisierten Text nur ein Vokalzeichen steht:

● Waw für Cholam und Qubbuz in allen Positionen, ● Waw für Qamaz qatan und Chataph-Qamaz, wenn andere Formen desselben Wortes dort Cholam haben, ● Jod für Chiriq, wenn ein Konsonant mit starkem Dagesch folgt, jedoch ,מ, nicht für das Chiriq in der Vorsilbe ● Jod für Zere im Stamm mehrsilbiger Wörter vor der betonten Silbe und ● Jod für Patach oder Qamaz vor einem konsonantischen Jod oder Waw am Wortende. Außerdem werden konsonantisches Jod und Waw im Wortinneren, d. h. nach dem ersten Konsonanten des Wortstamms und vor dem letzten Buchstaben des ganzen Wortes, doppelt geschrieben – Waw immer, Jod nicht vor oder nach matres lectionis.

Diese Regeln werden nicht oder nicht alle angewandt, wenn das zu einer Häufung von Jod und Waw führen würde. Außerdem gibt es Zusatzregeln, die dafür sorgen, dass verschiedene Formen desselben Wortes – und umgekehrt analog gebildete Formen verschiedener Wörter – ähnlicher geschrieben werden als es bei mechanischer Anwendung der obigen Regeln der Fall wäre.

Ein paar Beispiele:

,משוגע wird מֻששָּגגָ (meschuga (verrückt ,תיון wird ת, קו (tiqqun (Reparatur ,תקווה wird ;ת,קֻש וָה(tiqwa (Hoffnung ,עכשיו wirdעַכֻששָ ו(achschaw (jetzt .חודשיים wird חָדֻששַ י,(chodschajim (zwei Monate

Einige kleine häufige Wörter ändern ihr Wortbild gegenüber der vokalisierten Schreibung – und damit dem biblischen Vorbild – nicht. Auch biblische Namen, z.B. ,חוה(Chava(Eva ● ,משה(Mosche (Mose ● ,יהושע (Jehoschua (Josua ● שלמה (Schlomo (Salomo ● werden meist mit dem überlieferten Konsonantenbestand geschrieben, auch wenn sie Namen heutiger Personen sind. Fremdwörter und fremde Namen bekommen in der Tendenz noch mehr matres lectionis als nach den obigen .באלי Bali ,היסטוריה Regeln, z.B.historj

Teilweise Vokalisierung Das Sprachkomitee, später Hebräische Sprachakademie genannt, hat 1949 und 1968 Regeln zur unvokalisierten Schreibung herausgegeben. Nach ihnen soll der Buchstabe Waw punktiert werden, wenn er als mater lectionis verwendet wird, und Punktierungen, die die Aussprache von Konsonanten verändern (Dagesch in Bet, Kaf und Pe; Punkt auf dem Sin; Mappiq im He) sollen ebenfalls gesetzt werden.Durchgesetzt haben sich diese Regeln nicht. Man findet aber gelegentlich Texte, die sich an einzelne oder alle dieser Regeln halten.

Doppelte Vokalisierung In manchen Wörterbüchern findet man bei Wörtern, die eine mater lectionis oder einen doppelt geschriebenen Buchstaben nur in der modernen unvokalisierten Schreibung haben, die gleichzeitige Angabe von Punktierung und zusätzlichem Buchstaben. Man soll daraus dann auf beide Schreibungen und auf die Aussprache schließen können. Das ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn sich die alphabetische Sortierung nach der modernen unvokalisierten Schreibung richtet. Für fortlaufende Texte wird diese Schreibung nicht verwendet.

Vokale, Diphthonge, Halbvokale

In der in Israel üblichen unvokalisierten Schreibweise werden einige Vokale nicht markiert (a, e, manchmal i, o), andere (o, u, i) benutzen meistens die .zur besseren Lesbarkeit י und ו Buchstaben

in der unvokalisierten Schreibung verdoppelt, wenn י und ו Außerdem werden sie die Halbvokale w und j darstellen sollen, jedoch nicht am Anfang oder Bei .י Schluss des Wortes. Vor einem Schwa kommt in der Regel kein .als o) nicht geschrieben) ו Kurzwörtern und wichtigen Ausdrücken wird das

● unmarkierte Vokale (gan (Garten, Park ן ַ ג :a ➢ (ben (Sohn ן ֵ בּ :e ➢ (michtaw (Brief ב ָ ת כֻש , מ :i ➢ (kol (alles, jeder ל ֹכּ :o ➢ (smol (links ל אָ ֹמ ֻש שׂ :o ➢ ● markierte Vokale (schir (Lied רי , ש :i ➢ (malon (Hotel ןול ָ מ :o ➢ (chutz (außerhalb ץוח :u ➢ ● Diphtonge (tikwa (Hoffnung הוָו קֻש , ת :wa ➢ (tajar (Tourist רָ יּ ַ ת :ai ➢ (wered (Rose ד ורו ו :w ➢ (elai (zu mir י ַ ל ֵ א :ai ➢ (achschaw (jetzt וָי שָ ֻש כ ַ ע :aw ➢ Sprachumgebung und Tastatur Josephy IT Rechtsinformatiker GbR Beschaffungsempfehlungen Tastatur (-aufkleber) Kosten: Zwischen 2:50 und 42,- Euro

Internet Help Pages: Questions and Answers52

Vowels

Many Hebrew learners find the topic of nikkud (vowel signs) and spelling confusing. On pealim.com, for many words - for example, this verbal infinitive: dict/1-lichtov/) lichtov, you see two different alternative/) בותכל ~ב ֹת ֻש כ ִל forms - one is with nikkud, and the other one is without nikkud but with an extra letter (and, to make things even more confusing, written in a smaller font). We are often asked - which way of writing is correct? The simple answer is, well, both are correct - we wouldn’t willingly list incorrect forms just to confuse the readers! To give you a more meaningful answer, we will start with a very brief overview of the spelling styles used in Hebrew.

The main ones are the following: ktiv menukad. It is used in Hebrew learning דקונמ ביתכ Vowelled writing, or ● materials (including books and newspapers for Hebrew learners), children’s books, poetry and religious texts that are supposed to be read out loud (e. g., Tanach and sidurim). ktiv hasar nikud. This is the normal and דוקינ רסח ביתכ Vowelless writing, or ● most common style of writing. It is used everywhere else, including books, newspapers, websites, letters, emails, personal notes, text messages, film subtitles, corporate materials, legal documents, wall graffiti, posters and announcements. Whatever you are doing - unless you are learning Hebrew or reading ancient texts - you will most likely encounter vowelless writing. Most of the time, texts without nikkud use extra letters to make reading is added in some cases to י ,easier and reduce ambiguity - in particular 52 https://www.pealim.com/articles/writing-with-and-without-vowels/ ו is added to denote a u or o sound, and consonantal ו ,denote an i sound (i. e. one that is read as y) י i. e. one that is read as v) and consonantal) is sometimes added to א may be doubled. In addition, in foreign words an denote an a sound. Hebrew Academy has a set of rules that determine when extra letters are added (here are the rules in Hebrew (https://hebrewacademy.org.il/topic/hahlatot/missingvocalizationspelling/)) - though these rules are not often observed in practice, and the Academy changes them from time to time. This (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ktiv_hasar_niqqud#Rules_for_spelling_witho ut_niqqud) is a short summary of these rules in English. A lot of proper Shlomo) and Biblical השמ Moshe, דוד David, המלש) names from the Tanach Kohen) retain their original spelling. Often, words that should be ןהכ) words dov בוד) spelled with an extra letter according to the Academy’s rules חכ :koach “power”) are written without one חוכ ,”moach “brain חומ ,”bear“ ima אמא ,especially in older texts. Some words (for example ,,חמ ,בד “Mom”) are almost never written according to the ● Academy rules.In some cases it’s the other way around: a word can be written with an extra letter, even if it is not prescribed by the Academy rules Some .(הילע aliya instead of היילע or ,רורחש shichr`ur instead of רורחיש) dictionaries and textbooks give words both with vowels and with extra .(ו with an added - בות כֻש , ל ,for example) אלמ ביתכ letters that are added in In our website, we give this kind of spelling in some places (to save space and make the words more recognisable), but we give the canonical word form (with nikkud and without extra letters) and ktiv male (if any extra letters are added) in the inflection tables.

Frequently asked questions

So, what is the right way of writing - with or without vowels?

This really depends on the context - as we described above. Please see below for some more specific situations.

Should I use nikkud in my writing?

No, most likely you don’t. Whatever you are writing - unless you have specifically been asked by your Hebrew teacher to write something with nikkud, you should write without vowel signs. Using vowels out of context is strange and unnatural.

Should I learn nikkud signs?

That helps a lot. You will likely need them to understand beginner Hebrew texts. Also, sometimes, nikkud is added to a word in a text to reduce ambiguity (/dict/6146-mechlaf/) ף ָל ְח ֶמ for example, in this road sign to distinguish) dict/6147-machlef/) machlef/) ף ֵ ל ְ ח ַ מ mechlaf "interchange" from "commutator" or to indicate how a product name should be pronounced: Apart from that, looking on the word’s nikkud can help to see how a word is inflected and how it is related to other words - however, this is a much deeper topic

Which spelling is correct - with or without added letters?

Don’t overthink this question. The general rule is that you should use added vowels to avoid ambiguity however, other than that, there is no wrong answer. (dict/5647-tzohorayim/#h-p/) םיירהוצ ~ ם י ַ ר ֳ ה ָ צ For example, take the word tzohorayim “afternoon”: In the original (unvowelled) Tanach text, it was written This spelling is not used in modern Hebrew. The most common spelling .םירהצ - (to distinguish the -ayim ending from the -im ending י with a double) םיירהצ is it was prescribed by the Academy's rules until around 2017 and is still used by most of the people today; Since 2017, the Academy’s rules prescribe to write to denote the o) - however, this ו and an additional י with a double) םיירהוצ spelling has not been adopted by most of the speakers. In your own writing, you can try to stick to the style your textbook is using (or, if you are at an advanced level, to the Academy’s rules). The rules of spelling we are using on pealim.com are quite similar (though not identical) to the Academy’s ones. In general, try to see how people around you write (including people on the internet, as well as writers and journalists), observe their style and try to absorb what you see fit.

Why do you give vowelled and vowelless forms in different font size?

This is simple - since nikkud signs are small, we generally use a larger font when giving nikkud so that you don’t have to constantly increase the font size in your browser to see the dots and then decrease it to read the rest of the text. There is no deeper meaning behind this. If you have any other questions, please let us know!

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Istaufnahme (Companies and Networks) ● Aaronia ● Academia.EDU ● AJC (American Jewish Committee) ● Al Jazeera ● Anritsu ● BBC ● Becks ● BioRadio ● Bitburger ● Bofferding ● Bon Appétit ● Brinkhoffs ● Budweiser ● Carlsberg ● Checkpoint ● Chicago Tribune ● chillout.CROOZE ● Chimay ● Cisco ● CNN ● Commerzbank (Herr Lessing) ● Concertzender Nieuwe Muziek ● Dagens Nyheteter ● Deloitte, Knowlegde Management ● Dierkirch ● Die ZEIT ● Der Spiegel ● directwonen.nl ● Duvel ● EKD ● Esboo, Kivenlahti (Stensvik) ● Everything RF ● Facebook ● FAZ, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung ● Flensburger ● F-Secure ● GE Keysight ● Gartner ● GitHub ● Glassdoor ● Google Search Engine ● Grimbergen ● Grolsch ● Haaretz ● haOlam ● Heinecken ● Heise ● Henninger ● Hoegaarden ● Holsten ● Huffington Post ● Huurwoningen.NL ● IBM: Dr. Watson, Hyperledger, SPSS ● IDF Israel Defense Forces ● IJC, International Jewish Committee ● ILTV.IL ● India Today ● Jever ● Lapin Kulta ● Learning Dutch ● LinkedIn ● Maisel ● KPMG ● Java ● Java Code Geeks ● JBoss, Drools ● Jewcier ● Jewish Journal ● Jewish Journal Roundtable ● Jewish Virtual Library ● Jews for Jesus ● JNS, Jewish Network Syndicate ● jstore.org ● jta.org ● Jüdische Allgemeine ● Kosher Recipes ● Krombacher ● Kveller ● LaTex (Layout - Design, Intellectual Property Rights) ● New York Times ● Markus Büttners Israel Laden ● Maas & Peither - GMP Magazin ● MatLab ● Media Markt ● Medium Daily Digest (Blockchain) ● MicroTool ● MIT Management Executive Education (Blockchain) ● OpenUniversity ● Oracle (Larry Ellison) ● Pinkus ● Postbank (Ombudsbanking) ● Stadtsparkasse Köln (Lehrwerkstatt Blockchain) ● R – Statistic Software ● ResearchGate.NET ● Rafael Defense Systems ● Reform Judaism ● Richard Wolf GmbH ● San Miguel ● Security Insider ● Schneiders ● Schöfferhofer ● Techrepublic ● The Guardian ● The Jerusalem Post ● The Jewish Press ● Saab ● SAS ● Shurat Hadin ● Shofar ● Six Sigma ● Six Sigma Study Guide ● SigmaXL ● SSRN.COM ● Stepstone ● Turborg ● Vattenfall ● Volkskrant ● Volvo ● Veltins ● Washington Post ● WIN, World Israel News ● Windsors (Royal Family) ● XING ● Yad Vashem ● ● … (unvollständig)

Artists and Musicians

● Allmann Brothers Band ● Average White Band ● Nini Archinoam ● Daniel Barenboim ● Avishai Cohen ● Phil Collins ● Peter Gabriel ● Pink Floyd ● Aviv Geffen ● Genesis ● Led Zeppelin ● Henning Mankell (Der Mensch als Firewall und die Meinung gegen Taser) ● Paul McCartney (Reason: Yoko Ono Restaurant) ● Yitzak Perlman ● Doron Salomon ● Sting ● Barbara Streisand ● Yoko Ono (Reason: Yoko Ono Restaurant) ● Roger Waters ● ...

Cities

● Aarhus ● Alkmar ● Amsterdam ● Antwerpen ● Arnhem ● Arolsen ● Basel ● Belgrad ● Bournemouth ● Breda ● Bremen ● Brighton ● Canterbury ● Cambridge ● Charleroi ● Chicago ● Cleveland (Ohio) ● Copenhagen ● Deventer ● Dieppe ● Dinxperloo ● Dordrecht ● Eilat ● Eindhoven ● Gent ● Germering ● Göteborg ● Haiffa ● Hamburg ● Helmond ● Helsinki ● Ibbenbüren ● Jerusalem ● Kaunas ● Kassel ● Kirchheim Teck ● Koblenz ● Krakau ● Montreal ● Lappenranta ● La Rochelle ● Lengerich ● London ● Los Angeles ● Ludwigslust ● Newcastle upon Tyne ● Mariehamm ● Masada ● Naantali (Nanendaal) ● New York ● Nijmwegen ● Osnabrück ● Ottawa ● Oxford ● Penzance ● Portsmouth ● Prag ● Reykjavik ● Rönne ● Rye ● Salisbury ● Savonlinna ● Sternberg ● Stockholm ● Tallina ● Tel Aviv ● Terborg ● Tübingen ● Utrecht ● Warschau ● White Plains ● Winterberg (Sielbach) ● Wiehl ● Wien ● Vancouver ● York ● Ypern Politicians and Partys

● AfD ● George W. Bush ● Bharatiya Janata Party Gujarat ● David Cameron ● Bill and Hillary Clinton ● Jeremy Corbyn ● Die Grünen ● Die Linke ● Die Piraten ● F.D.P. ● Benny Gantz ● Boris Johnson ● Moshe Kachlon ● Jared Kushner ● Labour ● Dalai Lama ● Avigdor Liebermann ● Zipi Livni ● Ed Miliband ● Benjamin Netanjahu ● Narendra Modi ● Barack Obama ● PvV ● Miri Regev ● Tories ● Ajelet Schaked ● Donald Trump ● Geert Wilders ● Tamar Zandberg ● Danah Zohar ● ● … (unvollständig)

Sports

● Ajax Amsterdam ● Arminia Bielefeld ● ASC Anderlecht ● Aston Villa ● Bayer Leverkusen ● Borussia Dortmund ● Borussia Mönchengladbach ● Eintracht Frankfurt ● FC Barcelona ● FC Bayern München ● FC Cartagena ● FC Hoffenheim ● FC Köln ● FC Liverpool ● FC Norwich ● FC Nürnberg ● FC Paderborn ● FC Porto ● FC Schalcke ● FC Southhampton ● FC Twente ● FC Valencia ● Fortuna Düsseldorf ● Fredi Bobic ● FSV Mainz ● Feyenoord Rotterdam ● Hannover 96 ● Hertha Berlin ● HSV Hamburg ● Inter Mailand ● Manchester United ● NEC Nijmwegen ● PSV Eindhoven ● Real Madrid ● Tottenham Hotspurs ● VFL Bochum ● Werder Bremen ● ● … (unvollständig)

● Thomas Müller ● Oliver Khan ● Arjen Robben ● Christiano Ronaldo ● Uwe Seeler ● ● … (unvollständig)

Bibliography

Anti Holocaust

Alexander, Jeffrey C. 2004. "On the Social Construction of Moral Universals: The 'Holocaust' from War Crime to Trauma Drama." Pp. 196-263 in Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity, edited by Jeffrey C. Alexander, Ron Eyerman, Bernhard Giesen, Neil J. Smelser, and Piotr Sztompka. Berkley: University of California Press. Applebaum, Anne. 2006. "Five Germanys I Have Known." Washington Post National Weekly Edition, October 9-15:33. Associated Press. 2006. "Accord Would Allow Researchers Access to Millions of Holocaust Files." USA Today, July 27:6A. Barfod, Jorgen H. 1985. The Holocaust Failed in Denmark. Gylling, Denmark: Forlag. Berger, Ronald J. 1995. "Agency, Structure, and Jewish Survival of the Holocaust: A Life History Study." Sociological Quarterly 36:15-36. Berger, Ronald J., Charles S. Green, lll, and Kristen E. Krieser. 1998. "Altruism Amidst the Holocaust." Pp. 267-291 in Perspectives on Social Problems, Vol.10, edited by J. Holstein and G. Miller. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Bernstein, Richard. 2006. "An Old Political Drama Revived in a New Berlin." International Herald Tribune, July 14:2. Bowden, Mark. 2006. "The Six-Million Person Question." Wall Street Journal, October Chalk, Frank and Kurt Jonassohn, eds. 1990. The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analysis and Case Studies. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Chirot, Daniel and Clark McCauley. 2006. Why Not Kill Them All? The Logic and Prevention of Mass Political Murder. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Cooperrider, David L. and Diana Whitney. 2005. Appreciative Inquiry: A Positive Revolution in Change. San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler. Doorly, Mary Rose. 1994. Hidden Memories: The Personal Recollections of Survivors and Witnesses to the Holocaust Living in Ireland. Dublin: Blackwater Press. Ellis, Justin. 2006. Lonely Planet Guide to Japan. New York: Lonely Planet. Eskin, Blake. 2006. "Letters from Hell." New York Times Book Review, November 12:53. Review of Ann Kirscher, Sala's Gift: My Mother's Story, New York: Free Press, 2006. Fathi, Nazila. 2006. "Iran Invites Scholars to Assess Holocaust as History or Fiction." New York Times, December 6:A5. Ferguson, Niall. 2006. The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of the West 2006. New York: Penguin Press. Fisher, Maria S. 2006. "Museum Shows WWI, Its Legacy." Philadelphia Inquirer, December 2: A2. Freedman, Samuel G. 2000. Jew vs. Jew: The Struggle for the Soul of American Jewry. New York: Touchstone. Grogan, John. 2006. "The Amish Were Faced with Two Choices: Become Bitter or Forgive: They Forgave." Philadelphia Inquirer, October 13:B2. Horowitz, Irving Louis. 1997. Taking Lives; Genocide and State Power. 4th ed., expanded and revised. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction. Huyssen, Andreas. 2003. Present Pasts: Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Insdorf, Annette. 2003. Indelible Shadows: Film and the Holocaust. Third ed. New York: Cambridge University Press. Jordan, Jennifer A. 2006. Structures of Memory: Understanding Urban Change in Berlin and Beyond. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Katz, Joseph. 2006. One Who Came Back: The Diary of a Jewish Survivor. Takoma Park, ND: Dryad Press. Landsberg, Alison. 2004. Prosthetic Memory: The Transformation of American Remembrance in the Age of Mass Culture. New York: Columbia University Press. Langer, Lawrence. 1991. Holocaust Testimonies. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. _____. 1998. Preempting the Holocaust. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. LeCarre, John. 1968. A Small Town in Germany. New York: Coward-McCann. Lehmann-Haupt, Christopher. 2006. "William Styron, 81, Novelist Who Transcended Roots, Dies." New York Times, November 2:B9. Leiter, Robert. 2006. "Pitch Black: Little Light in the Background of a Survivor's Story." Jewish Exponent, November 22:36. Levi, Primo. 1961. Survival in Auschwitz. New York: Collier Books. _____. 1989. The Mirror Maker. New York: Schocken Books. _____. (with Leonardo de Benedetti). 2006. Auschwitz Report. London: Verso (first time in English; written in 1945). Levy, Daniel and Nathan Sznaider. 2006. The Holocaust and Memory in the Global Age. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, Makarova, Elena, Sergei Makarov, and Victor Kuperman. 2004. University Over the Abyss: The Story behind 520 Lecturers and 2,430 Lectures in KZ Theresienstadt, 1941- Mendelsohn, Daniel. 2006. The Lost: A Search for Six of Six Million. New York: Harper Collins. Montefiore, Simon Sebag. 2006. "Century of Rubble." New York Times Book Review, November 12:14. Paulsson, Gunnar S. 2000. Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940- 1945. New Haven, CN: Yale University Press. Ringelblum, Emanuel. 1993. Salvaged from the Warsaw Ghetto. Warsaw: Museum of the Jewish Historical Institute in Poland. Romano, Carlin. 2006. "Is the Crematorium Half-Full or Half-Empty?" Chronicle of Higher Education, September 22:B13. Rosenbaum, Alan S., ed. 1996. Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocide. Boulder, CO: Westview. _____. 1997. Taking Lives; Genocide and State Power. 4th ed., expanded and revised. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction. Rosenbaum, Ron. 2006. "Giving Death a Face." New York Times Book Review, September 24:11. Review of Daniel Mendelsohn, The Lost: A Search for Six of Six Million, New York: Harper Collins, 2006. Satloff, Robert. 2006. Among the Righteous: Lost Stories from the Holocaust's Long Reach into Arab Lands. New York: Public Affairs Press. Scheffer, David. 2006. "Unlock the Door to History's Atrocities." Financial Times, May Segev, Tom. 1993. The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust. New York: Hill and Wang. Shostak, Arthur B., ed. 1996. Private Sociology: Unsparing Reflections, Uncommon Gains. Dix Hill, NY: General Hall. Silverman, Rachel. 2006. "Steadfast Message to Educators: Best to Pinpoint Shoah's 'Key Issues.'" Jewish Exponent, November 30:8. Simic, Charles. 2006. "Back to the Beginning." New York Review of Books, October 5: 49. Skorr, Henry. 2006. Through Blood and Tears: Surviving Hitler and Stalin. London: Valentine Mitchell. Terrance, Marc. 2003. Concentration Camps: A Traveler's Guide to World War II Sites. New York: Universal Publishers. Wiesel, Elie. 2006. Cited in Ecu-Link: An Ecumenical Newsletter. National Council of the Churches of Christ in the USA, Fall: 1. Woodward, Kenneth L. 1975. "Facing Up to the Holocaust." Newsweek, May 26:72. Young, James E. 2000. At Memory's Edge: After-Images of the Holocaust in Contemporary Art and Architecture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Pluralists

● Aristotle ● Montaigne ● James Madison ● Alexis de Tocqueville ● early Harold Laski ● Stuart Hampshire ● Edmund Burke ● Isaiah Berlin ● Adam Smith ● David Hume ● James Fitzjames Stephen ● Charles Sanders Peirce ● William James ● Bernard Williams ● Learned Hand ● later Michael Oakeshott ● Joseph Raz ● John Kekes ● later Paul Feyerabend ● John N. Gray ● Hannah Arendt ● Robert A. Dahl ● William E. Connolly Jewish Anthropologists

● Baruch Arensburg ● Ofer Bar-Yosef ● Ruth Behar ● Eyal Ben-Ari ● Yoram Bilu ● Franz Boas ● Georgina Born ● Norma Diamond ● Stanley Diamond ● Alan Dundes ● Émile Durkheim ● Jacques Faitlovitch ● Meyer Fortes ● Ernestine Friedl ● Judith Friedlander ● Joseph Ginat ● Faye Ginsburg ● Max Gluckman ● Alexander Goldenweiser (anthropologist) ● Esther Schiff Goldfrank ● Irving Goldman ● Walter Goldschmidt ● Melvyn Goldstein ● Ellen Gruenbaum ● Yaakov Havakook ● Melville J. Herskovits ● Erella Hovers ● Steve Kaplan (professor) ● Richard Klein (paleoanthropologist) ● George Lakoff ● Smadar Lavie ● Claude Lévi-Strauss ● Heather Levi ● Lucien Lévy-Bruhl ● Robert I. Levy ● Leonard Lieberman ● Robert Lowie ● Marcel Mauss ● Sidney Mintz ● Tsvi Misinai ● Ashley Montagu ● Barbara Myerhoff ● Sherry Ortner ● Mark Plotkin ● Hortense Powdermaker ● Paul Rabinow ● Roy Rappaport ● David M. Rosen ● Lawrence Rosen (anthrRobert A. Rubinstein ● Steven Rubenstein ● Gayle Rubin ● Vera D. Rubin ● Galia Sabar ● Marshall Sahlins ● Edward Sapir ● J. David Sapir ● Isaac Schapera ● Tobias Schneebaum ● Charles Gabriel Seligman ● Harry L. Shapiro ● Judith Shapiro ● Moshe Shokeid ● Marjorie Shostak ● Sydel Silverman ● Milton Singer ● Annette Weiner ● Matthew Wolf-Meyer ● Eric Wolf ● Mark Zborowski ● Ezra B. W. Zubrow

Jewish Sociologists

● Mark Abrams ● Raymond Aron ● Zygmunt Bauman ● Daniel Bell ● Pedro Brieger ● Julius Carlebach ● Stanley Cohen (sociologist) ● Lewis A. Coser ● Arnold Dashefsky ● Émile Durkheim ● Shmuel Eisenstadt ● Norbert Elias ● Amitai Etzioni ● Andre Gunder Frank ● Benedict Friedlaender ● Norman L. Friedman ● Zelda F. Gamson ● Harold Garﬁnkel ● George Gerbner ● Morris Ginsberg ● Nathan Glazer ● Ludwig Gumplowicz ● Georges Gurvitch ● Will Herberg ● Robert Hertz ● Max Horkheimer ● Eva Kahana ● Keith Kahn-Harris ● Elihu Katz ● Mirra Komarovsky ● Siegfried Kracauer ● Paul Lazarsfeld ● Lucien Lévy-Bruhl ● Seymour Martin Lipset ● Adolph Lowe ● Leo Löwenthal ● Karl Mannheim ● Herbert Marcuse ● Marcel Mauss ● Robert K. Merton ● Ralph Miliband ● Edgar Morin ● Franz Oppenheimer ● Neil Postman ● Gérard Rabinovitch ● Eugen Relgis ● William I. Robinson ● Arthur Ruppin ● Albert Salomon ● Leonard Saxe ● Leopold Schwarzschild ● Yehouda Shenhav ● Alphons Silbermann ● Georg Simmel ● Marshall Sklare ● Elana Maryles Sztokman ● Jacob Taubes ● Mervin F. Verbit ● Jacques Wallage ● Immanuel Wallerstein ● Chaim I. Waxman ● Hilda Weiss ● Louis Wirth ● George S. Wise ● Kurt Heinrich Wolﬀ ● René Worms ● Erik Olin Wright ● Frieda Wunderlich ● Eviatar Zerubavel

History of the Ancient and Modern Hebrew Language

Biblical Hebrew Poetry and Word Play - Reconstructing the Original Oral, Aural and Visual Experience53

TERMS, ABBREVIATIONS AND LINGUISTIC SYMBOLS 1. Survey of the Semitic languages Box 1 - What is a Semitic √Root? 2. History of Hebrew from its pre-history to the present 2.1 Pre-Exilic Hebrew (PreExH) a) Varieties of Pre-Exilic Hebrew b) Social Base of Pre-Exilic Hebrew c) Time, Aspect and Volition in Biblical Hebrew Box 2 - Joϋon-Muraoka on Time, Aspect and Volition in Biblical Hebrew Table 1 - What Time does the Biblical Hebrew Participle Refer to when Used Verbally? Box 3 - What is the “waw conversive"? Box 4 - The Origin of the “waw conversive" Table 2 - Time/Tense in Biblical Poetry d) Changes Pending in Biblical Hebrew 2.2 Post-Exilic Hebrew (PostExH) - Written/Oral Diglossia Box 5 - Some Factors in the Rise of Late Biblical Hebrew Background to Dialect, Koine and Diglossia in Ancient Hebrew Clarification from Colloquial Arabic a. Development of Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew (c. 586 BCE-c. 70 BC). b. The Impact of Aramaic Box 6 - Influence of Aramaic on Post-Exilic Hebrew c. Mishnaic, Middle or Rabbinic Hebrew Table 3 - Deriving the Construct State from the Absolute State is More Complex in TH than in EBHP 2.3 Changes in the Pronunciation of Biblical Hebrew Between the Early 6th Century BCE and that Recorded in the Tiberian Masoretic Tradition (early 10th century CE) o Changes in Pronunciation Between the First Temple Period, Tiberian Biblical Vocalization and Modern Hebrew most of which Alter the Syllabic Structure 53 David Steinber: History of the Ancient and Modern Hebrew Language http://www.houseofdavid.ca/, http://www.adath-shalom.ca/history_of_hebrewtoc.html o Consonants that Were Distinct and Phonemic in the First Temple Period that Have Merged in Modern Pronunciation o Consonants that Exist in Modern Pronunciation but were absent in Hebrew of the First Temple Period o Linguistic Changes Affecting the Pronunciation of Biblical Hebrew 2000 B.C.E. - 850 C.E. According to Various Scholars o Dialect, Koine and Diglossia in Ancient Hebrew: Clarification from Colloquial Arabic o Words Significantly Different in Pronunciation in Pre-Exilic Hebrew o Syllables Ending in Doubled Consonants in Pre-Exilic Hebrew 2.4 Between the Mishnah and the Revival of Hebrew in the Late 19th Century 2.5 Modern or Israeli Hebrew 2.6 Major Changes Between Ancient Hebrew and Israeli Hebrew 2.7 Israeli Hebrew and Modern Arabic – a Few Differences and Many Parallels Table 4 - Western-type Compound Nouns and Adjectives in Israeli Hebrew and MSA Table 5 . Modern Hebrew and MSA Common Noun Patterns 3. Select Bibliography 1. Survey of the Semitic Languages (See for details Sáenz-Badillos chapt. 1) The Semitic family[1] consists of a group of about 70 distinct language forms closely related to each other and more distantly related to the rest of the AfroAsiatic group which includes Ancient Egyptian, Berber and the Cushitic languages[2]. The Semitic languages, as far back as can be traced (2nd and, in some cases, 3rd millennium BCE), have occupied part of present day Iraq and all of present day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and the Arabian peninsula. Maps of the Ancient Near East http://ancienthistory.about.com/library/bl/bl_maps_asia_neareast.htm A good, simple outline of the relations of the Semitic languages to each other is at http://phoenicia.org/semlang.html Since the Semitic languages are clearly closely related[3], it is a reasonable and long-held assumption that they are all derived from an original undifferentiated, though rather variable language called Proto-Semitic. Although no records of Proto-Semitic exist, through the comparative study of the various languages it is possible to deduce, in outline, Proto-Semitic’s phonology, much of its vocabulary and its grammar including some of its probable syntax. In general, it can be said that each Semitic language preserved some Proto-Semitic features whereas while diverging from Proto- Semitic in other features. For instance, Akkadian, the language of the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians [4] in present day Iraq, has alone preserved the Proto-Semitic verbal system while its sound system, influenced by the non- Semitic Sumerian language, was greatly simplified. Classical Arabic[5] has most faithfully preserved the Proto-Semitic system of case endings of nouns and adjectives [6] and mood endings of the verb and the Proto-Semitic sound system[7] though in its syntax and use of tenses it is more removed from Proto-Semitic than is Biblical Hebrew. It is probable that Proto-Semitic was spoken over most of the territory earlier mentioned until 3500-3000 BCE. At about that time Akkadian split off. This language, which was spoken until the first century BCE, has left written records from about 2600 BCE. Box 1 - What is a Semitic √ Root?

In any discussion of Semitic languages frequent mention will be made of “roots”. The term refers to three, less often two[8], and occasionally four consonants that form the basis of Semitic verbs and most nouns when combined with patterns of vowels and sometimes consonants. These patterns are referred to as stems, themes, stirpes or in Hebrew binyanim. Roots are also the basis of most nouns. E.g. From the root √ŠBR} (š = sh) we get in [TH] – [šɔː'vɐːr] – he broke [šɔː'vɐːrtiː] – I broke [ši b 'bẹːr] - he smashed [šub'bɐːr]– it was smashed [šә'voːr] - breaking [miš'bɔːr] – breaking waves

The non-Akkadian[9] part of the Semitic family, called West Semitic, divided prior to 2000 BCE into South Semitic, whose major descendants are Arabic and the Semitic languages of Ethiopia [10], and Northwest Semitic which includes Aramaic [11] and the Canaanite languages of which Biblical Hebrew was one. Shortly after this split, the initial /w/ sound in Northwest Semitic became /y/[12]. Thus we have the equivalence such as the root √whb in in Hebrew and Aramaic. Thus also, the word יהב Arabic corresponds to √yhb for child in Arabic is /walad/ while in Pre-Exilic biblical Hebrew (/EBHP/) .[yld> now pronounced ['yɛlɛd> ילד /Hebrew it was */'yald Probably even as late as 2000 BCE one can picture a dialect continuum where, from the desert fringes of Iraq through south-eastern Anatolia, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan and the Arabian Peninsula a traveler could have passed from tribe to tribe and village to village noticing only very slight and gradual dialectical changes as he progressed. Although people at the opposite extremes of this language area might have been unable to understand each other, at no point would a language frontier like those, say, between French and German occur. This situation is quite similar to that pertaining to the various dialects of spoken Arabic over the same area (and beyond in North Africa), today[13]. It is from this period i.e. the third millennium BCE, that we receive our first records of the Semitic languages. These records comprehend 3 languages: Akkadian (East Semitic) – both in Akkadian texts and Akkadian words preserved in Sumerian texts; Eblaite (intermediate between East Semitic and West Semitic) – preserved in Early Bronze Age (2500 BCE) tablets amounting to about 3000 tablets in all; Amorite [14] – this West-Semitic language is preserved mainly in proper names in Sumerian and Akkadian texts. Fortunately, as Semitic names are frequently short sentences – e.g. Hebrew ’eli'yah = 'my God is YH' – the language can be partly reconstructed even from such meager data. The situation outlined ended with the rise of political-cultural centers in the Northwest Semitic areas. By about 1000 BCE, the dialect of Damascus had established itself as normative Aramaic and started a spread, helped by its use as a lingua franca, which would enable it, by 100 BCE to completely replace Akkadian in the North-East and, by 200 CE to displace Hebrew in the south.

2. History of Hebrew from its Pre-history[15] to the Present (See for details Sáenz-Badillos) While Damascus Aramaic was becoming a standard language in and upper , the situation in what is now , and remained one of a series of dialects none of which was able, through conquest or prestige, to become a linguistic standard. We have only fragments of most of the various Canaanite dialects, of the period 1000-500 BCE. However, it would seem that they were mutually intelligible[16]. Two dialects, from opposite ends of the Canaanite spectrum, have left literary remains. In the extreme north, on the Lebanese coast, was Phoenician [17] and its North African Carthaginian offshoot Punic, have left inscriptions[18] dating from 10th-1st centuries BCE and 9th C BCE to 2nd CE respectively. This tended to be a rapidly developing language very open to foreign influences as we would expect for a language of a sea-faring people. In the extreme South we have the literary dialect of Jerusalem i.e. CBH. Before we leave the other languages, we could point out one of the many benefits to the understanding of Hebrew gained through the comparative study of Semitic languages. As I said before, the Semitic languages are closely related. For example “A survey of the first 100 Phoenician words in the dictionary shows that 82 percent have the same meaning in Hebrew. Between Ugaritic [19] and Hebrew the figure is about 79 percent.” Thus it not infrequently occurs that a root or word may be common in say Aramaic, while it may occur only once or twice in Hebrew. A knowledge of Aramaic may then lead to an understanding of the Hebrew word. Thus the root √yhb occurs only in the imperative of the basic stem of the verb (qal or pa’al) sometimes in the same context as the normal Hebrew root √ntn meaning “to give”. In Aramaic, the root {YHB} is routinely used meaning “to give” and it is clear that the meaning in Hebrew is the same. Table - Proto-Semitic Phonemes (Consonants) Exhibiting Sound Shifts in Hebrew and Their Equivalents in Aramaic and Classical Arabic Table - Biblical Hebrew Phonemes (Consonants) of Multiple Origin and their Equivalents in Proto-Semitic, Classical Arabic, Aramaic and Ugaritic You may be familiar with Psalm 137:5 אם אשכח ירושלם תשכח ימיני The King James Bible translates this as “If I forget thee O Jerusalem let my right hand forget her cunning. The last two words are printed in italics. In the King James Bible this indicates that the words are not found in the Hebrew. We can see the problem of the early translators. What they read was “If I forget thee Jerusalem let my right hand forget”. Clearly this is problematic. Hence they added their guess of what it might forget – i.e. its cunning. The is used twice in the same stem in the שככח problem is that the same root same verse. This root, in this stem, is the normal way to say “forget” in .שכח Hebrew. There are 6 possible Proto-Semitic origins of the Hebrew root 1. š-k-ḫ 2. š-k-ḥ 3. th-k-ḫ 4. th-k-ḥ 5. causative š+k-ḫ 6. causative š+k-ḥ Ugaritic has a root th-k-ḥ = shrivel which fills the bill (see Barr p. 336 Select Bibliography below and GRAY, JOHN, THE LEGACY OF CANAAN: THE RAS SHAMRA TEXTS AND THEIR RELEVANCE TO THE OLD TESTAMENT, SECOND, REVISED EDITION, E. J. BRILL, LEIDEN 1965 pp 283-4) Thus, the New Revised Standard Version translates our verse as – “If I forget you O Jerusalem, let my right hand wither” It makes sense! We can explain the course of event as follows: 1. Around 2000 BCE Proto-Hebrew had two distinct roots: (1) θ-k-ḥ or θ–k-ḫ depending on its proto-Semitic origin meaning “shrivel”; and, (2) š-k-ḥ “forget”; 2. Prior to 1000 BCE all instances of the fricative /θ/ in Hebrew shifted to /š/ =sh /ʃ/[20] hence the roots became indistinguishable leading to the shrivel” except in the conservative poetic dialect in“ שכח abandonment of situations where it was not likely to be confused and could be used for a pleasing poetic effect such as in our verse; ,shrivel” was completely lost due to its rare use“ שכח In time the meaning of .3 destruction of scribal schools etc... It should be noted that comparative philology is difficult to use credibly and can easily be abused. See B arr.

2.1 Pre-Exilic Hebrew (PreExH) (See also Sáenz-Badillos chapt. 3-5) a) Varieties of Pre-Exilic Hebrew See - Diglossia and Dialect in PExH: What Do We Mean by Judahite and Israelian Hebrew? Ø Proto-Hebrew (PH). The Canaanite dialects (c.1200-1000 B.C.E.) that would develop into Hebrew with the loss of the case endings. For details see BHA phase 2. Sources - see Harris 1939, Hendel-Lambdin-Huehnergard, Sáenz-Badillos. Ø Pre-exilic Classical Biblical Hebrew (CBH). The literary dialect of Jerusalem c.950-586 B.C.E (First Temple Period). This is the only widely attested form of Judahite Hebrew. It developed out of PH. See: Establishment of Jerusalem Written and Spoken Dialects (c. 1000-c. 900 BCE). Ø Israelian Hebrew - This is a catchall term for all the dialects spoken in the villages and towns of the Kingdom of Israel c. 1000 BCE until at least the seventh century BCE. We have very little evidence of Israelian Hebrew. The use of this term does not imply that these dialects had more in common with each other than many of them had to some of the dialects spoken in the Kingdom of Judah and hence classed under the rubric Judahite Hebrew. Ø Judahite Hebrew (BHA phase 3). This is a catchall term for all the dialects spoken in the villages and towns of the Kingdom of Judah during the First Temple Period. Use of the term Judahite Hebrew does not imply that these presumably variable dialects had more in common with each other than many of them had to some of the dialects spoken in the Kingdom of Israel and hence classed under the rubric Israelian Hebrew. As stated earlier, Biblical Hebrew (see Steiner and Encyclopedia Judaica) is the literary form of the very conservative dialect of Jerusalem. CBH crystallized in Jerusalem about 900 BCE and showed little change until the Babylonian Exile in the 6th century BCE. From then on, Post-Classical Biblical Hebrew (PCBH) became more and more an archaic literary vehicle radically different from the (presumed) spoken Hebrew[21]. As a literary dialect it was used until the fall of the Second Temple in 70 CE. Biblical Hebrew can be divided into a number of registers including: Ø Poetic Biblical Hebrew - This is divided into an archaizing poetic form (ABH) and a standard poetic form (e.g. Job, Psalms). The archaizing poetic form used a special vocabulary and the poetry written in it is highly stylized. The date of origin of the earliest poems is in dispute. They may date from as early as the eleventh century BCE or as late as the nineth. The latest poems in the Hebrew Bible may date from about 450 BCE. Ø Prophetic Hebrew[22] - This is a semi-poetic form of rhythmic speech used in e.g. Isaiah which may be compared to blank verse[23]. The use of verb forms in prophetic poetry and in the minor poems scattered through the Hebrew Bible is more similar to their use in BH prose than to their use in psalmic poetry; and, Ø Prose Biblical Hebrew[24] It is clear that PCBH developed in the exilic and post-exilic period. However, there is actually no reason to believe that CBH did not continue to be used in some circles well after 500 BCE alongside PCBH.[25] b) Social Base of Pre-Exilic Hebrew Ø The similarity of Biblical poetry to Ugaritic poetry clearly indicates continuity in the literary tradition between pre-Israelite and biblical poetry. The Canaanite glosses in the El-Amarna Letters (See for details Sáenz-Badillos pp. 33-34) and Phoenician inscriptions are compelling evidence of the origin of Biblical Hebrew out of the Canaanite linguistic matrix. However, the development of Biblical Hebrew out of this matrix had a context: Ø Continuance of the Canaanite Israelite Literary Tradition. This tradition was likely oral in its early phases and mixed oral and written through much of its history. In this connection it may be interesting to quote Dever[26] One of the revisionists' principal objections to 's having been a centralized state in the 10th century is that writing would have been a bureaucratic necessity, but we have little if any 10th-century evidence. I have mentioned that the few early Hebrew texts that we do happen to have, however, include an abcedary, or list of the letters of the alphabet (cizbet Ṣarṭah; 12th-11th century), and a poem giving the agricultural seasons (, 10th century). Both are almost certainly schoolboys' practice texts. Students and others were now learning to write, adapting the Old Canaanite alphabet and script as Hebrew developed into a national language and instrument of cultural expression. We may assume that writing, and even what we may call "functional" literacy, was reasonably widespread by the 10th century, and certainly by the 9th century when even the revisionists must concede that an Israelite state did exist”[27] Ø Transition from Iron I to Iron II - “The considerable archaeological evidence that I have summarized here regarding centralized planning and administration reflects what is regarded in the literature as the principal trait of state-level organization.... I would stress ... that the city defenses and all the rest are part of a dramatic, large-scale process of organization and centralization that utterly transformed the landscape of most of Palestine in the period from the early 10th to early 9th century. It is such shifts in settlement type and distributions together with marked demographic changes that signal most clearly a new archaeological and thus new cultural phase, in this case the transition from Iron I to Iron II.[28] Ø Dialects - We do not have any information on the dialects of the Shephelah[29]. The only direct information that we have on the Samarian dialect(s) is derived from the Ostraca. As summarized by Gibson[30] - “In the sphere of language, the ostraca tell us little of the northern dialect beyond the likelihood that the process of diphthongal reduction had gone יין yēn], passim, as against] = ין further in Israelite than in Judean Hebrew; thus = [yayn] in the biblical orthography….” See - Dialect, Koine and Diglossia in Ancient Hebrew and the table - Some Political, Social and Linguistic Developments in the Pre-Exilic Period c. 1000- 586 BCE. Ø The Separation of Israel and Judah – This would have reduced the wealth of the government in Jerusalem and lessened its need for scribal services and also led to an exodus of Samarian, Galilean and Gileadite nobles or officials that had established themselves in the capital. Among other impacts, this would have diminished the influence in Jerusalem of Israelite dialects from Samaria, Galilee and Gilead all of which were now included in the kingdom of Israel. Ø Samarian Refugees Inundate and - A huge demographic change occurred with the Assyrian destruction of the Kingdom of Israel (722 BCE) which led to a massive transfer of population from into the towns and countryside of . Much of the archeological evidence of this change has been gathered by Broshi and Finkelstein[31] and is neatly summarized by Finkelstein and Silberman[32] . As pointed out by these authors[33] - “The royal citadel of Jerusalem was transformed in a single generation from the seat of a rather insignificant local dynasty into the political and religious nerve center of a regional power—both because of dramatic internal developments and because thousands of refugees from the conquered kingdom of Israel fled to the south. Here archaeology has been invaluable in charting the pace and scale of 's sudden expansion. As first suggested by Israeli archaeologist Magen Broshi, excavations conducted there in recent decades have shown that suddenly, at the end of the eighth century BCE, Jerusalem underwent an unprecedented population explosion, with its residential areas expanding from its former narrow ridge—the city of David—to cover the entire western hill …. A formidable defensive wall was constructed to include the new suburbs. In a matter of a few decades—surely within a single generation— was transformed from a modest highland town of about ten or twelve acres to a huge urban area of 150 acres of closely packed houses, workshops, and public buildings. In demographic terms, the city's population may have increased as much as fifteen times, from about one thousand to fifteen thousand inhabitants. A similar picture of tremendous population growth emerges from the archaeological surveys in 's agricultural hinterland. Not only were many farmsteads built at this time in the immediate environs of the city, but in the districts south of the capital, the formerly relatively empty countryside was flooded with new farming settlements, both large and small. Sleepy old villages grew in size and became, for the first time, real towns. In the Shephelah too, the great leap forward came in the eighth century, with a dramatic growth in the number and size of sites…. Likewise, the Beersheba in the far south witnessed the establishment of a number of new towns in the late eighth century. All in all, the expansion was astounding; by the late eighth century there were about three hundred settlements of all sizes in , from the metropolis of to small farmsteads, where one there were only a few villages and modest towns. The population, which had long hovered at a few tens of thousands, now grew to around 120,000. …(W)ith the influx of refugees from the north after the fall of , the reorganization of the countryside under Hezekiah, and the second torrent of refugees from the desolation of the Shephelah by Sennacherib, many of the traditional clan attachments to particular territories had been forever destroyed.” It is likely that the flood of Samarian refugees brought with them Northern (Samarian and, to a lesser extent Galilean and Gileadite) traditions such as the hero-stories included in the Book of Judges, and traditions relating to the Northern Israelite heroes – Jacob, Joseph, Joshua, Elijah and Elisha. They may also have brought documents reflecting the E tradition and the core of Dueteronomy Regarding the linguistic impact of the Samarian refugees see Development of Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew (c. 586 BCE-c. 70 BC). c) Time, Aspect and Volition in Biblical Hebrew See Background on Biblical Hebrew Prefix Conjugation; Background on Biblical Hebrew Suffix Conjugation (traditional "perfect") Proto-Semitic Tense System – basically as in Akkadian see Encyclopedia Judaica article Hebrew Language vol. 16 col. 1566-1568

Biblical Prose - The exact range of meanings of the Biblical Hebrew SC and PC verbal forms has long been subject to debate. As put by Greenstein[34] - The language of the Hebrew Bible constitutes in the Masoretic Text a self- contained system. Put differently, the Masoretic shaping of the biblical text levels all phenomena within it into one language.... No area of BH grammar has so little succumbed to satisfactory analysis as that of gthe diverse forms and functions of the verb. No analysis has come close to encompassing the gamut of large and minute phenomena that inhabit this most mystifying demain. Among the most perennially perplexing topics concerning the BH verb is the fact that different forms of the verb serve similar functions and that diverse functions may be fulfilled by one and the same form.... How is it that the prefixed form of the BH verb expresses the present-future here and the past there? Why does biblical verse ... use either a prefixed or suffixed form of the verb to represent the narrated past? Rainey's answer[35]... is that early Canaanite posessed two sets of prefixed verb forms, both defined by their mood: the "indicative" yaqtulu and the "injunctive" yaqtul. The "indicative" yaqtulu, however, had a preterite to represent the narrated past, the shorter form yaqtul. Accordingly, early Canaanite spawned two potentially confusing overlaps. With respect to form, the yaqtul pattern could homonymously represent either a jussive or a past tense. One could only interpret the verb's semantic reference on the basis of context. With regard to function, the narrated past could be expressed by either the suffix form of the verb, *qatala, or by the preterite form of the yaqtulu indicative, yaqtul. Useful descriptions of the complex biblical Hebrew verbal system are found in: Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 Part Two chapter II; Waltke-O’Connor chapters 30-34; and, Naude-Kroeze- Merwe chapter 4. As presented by Naude-Kroeze- Merwe (p. 144) - It is not clear whether in BH it is time that assumes aspect, or aspect that asssumes time.... BH speakers and narrators had a choice of describing either the aspect or the time of an action. They apparantly also had a choice with respect to the perspective from which they described an action. This could be done from the perspective of the narrator or the narrator could present the action from the perspective of his characters. In the latter case it is sometimes difficult to translate the ...(SC) with the past tense and the imperfect with the present or future tense Box 2 - Joϋon-Muraoka on Time, Aspect and Volition in BH “… to express (without Waw) the present, Hebrew has three forms available: qatal for state and instantaneous action, yiqtol for repeated or durative action, qotel for durative or (secondarily) repeated action. The value of each verbal form (qatal, yiqtol, qotel) is multiple and relative. In each of the two verb categories (active verbs and stative verbs), and, what is more, in each particular verb, the value of a verbal form is brought out by its contrast with the other two forms. In Hebrew, as in any other language, verbal forms "limit each other reciprocally" [36]. Thus in order to be fully aware of the value of a qatal in a given context, we must ask ourselves what a yiqtol or a qotel would mean. The system of Hebrew temporal forms, simplistic and even primitive in certain features, is in other respects complex and subtle. If Hebrew neglects the expression of some modalities which our languages habitually express, it expresses, on the other hand, nuances which we usually neglect. By way of conclusion some deficiencies of the Hebrew temporal forms will now be noted: 1) They express both time and aspect, but only imperfectly. Thus, in the yiqtol used for a future action the aspect of the action is not shown. There is no single form for each of the three temporal spheres. Thus the forms express time not as perfectly as our languages do. After an initial form which situates the action in a temporal sphere, there is fairly often a certain freedom as to what form must be taken by the following verb, which sometimes seems to be used in an atemporal way and to take the value of the preceding form. 2) The nuance of succession and the volitive cannot be expressed at the same time. Thus it is not possible to render the following literally: "I want to go and I (then) want to glean"; either the expression of succession or that of will must be sacrificed, to give either: "I want to go and to glean" (Ru 2.2) or "I want to go and (then) I shall glean" (cf. Ru 2.7). 3) When a second action is negative, neither succession nor purpose-consecution can be expressed, seeing that the negation is .(cf. § 116 j ;ואל for purpose sometimes) ולא usually are ambiguous. The waw may be purely ו Volitive forms with (4 juxtaposing (direct volitive) or modal (indirect volitive: purpose/consecution). 5) Finally, morphological deficiency must be mentioned. In many can be used as cohortative אוגֻשלו ה cases the form is ambiguous. Thus as jussive as well as indicative. And :י,קטֹל, יָש, יבו ,as well as indicative likewise the forms with suffixes. Finally, the form marked specifically as cohortative (§ 114 b, n.) and jussive (§ 114 g, n.) is sometimes Box 2 - Joϋon-Muraoka on Time, Aspect and Volition in BH non-existent.”[37] The situation is further complicated in that: § The active participle, when used as a verb, can cover the range of meanings of the PC imperfect and thus, depending on circumstances, can be used in relation to the past, present or future[38]; § The SC can indicate actions, facts or events which are not time- bound[39]; and, § The infinitive absolute, infinitive construct and nominal clauses[40] can be used to substitute for any verbal forms referring to the past, present or future.

Table 1 What Time does the Biblical Hebrew Participle Refer to When Used Verbally?

Time Language Type Percentage of Reference Occurrences Concurrent CBH 11.6% time PCBH 25.9% Preceding CBH 58.9% time PCBH 27.3%

Subsequent CBH 10% time PCBH 2% General time CBH 36.4% PCBH 62.9%

In BH prose: - Actions in the past that are seen as completed are normally expressed, ,/šmr> (/EBHP/) */ša'mar>) שמר (depending on context, by either SC (SCpast + (/TH/) /šå'mar/ (/TH/ ) *[šɔː'mɐːr]) or PC preterite (PCpret). The preterite, in ) וישמר PCpretWC), taking the form) ו prose, is usually prefixed by (/EBHP/) */(way)'yišmur/; (/TH/) /(way)yiš'mor/ (/TH/+) *[(wɐy)yiš'moːr]). שמר (Actions in the future are occasionally expressed using SC (SCprof - (<šmr> (/EBHP/) */ša'mar/, (/TH/+) /šå'mar/) if they are seen as certain to happen, as good as completed[41]; - Actions in the present and future and ongoing actions in the past[42] are normally expressed, depending on context[43], by either PC (PCimp_prfut; EBHP/) */yiš'mur/ or the waw conversive form of/)) ישמר PCimp_pdur ) imperfect + ( /wšmr> (/EBHP/) */waša'mar/, (/TH/) /wәšå'mar/ (/TH>) ושמר (the SC (SCwc *[wәšɔː'mɐːr]). - States in the present are seen as being complete so the SC forms are used "in the Bible means "I know or knew ידעתי .for the past and present e.g means "I am or was small". The PCimp קטונתי depending on context. Similarly is used for the future. Nb. Disappearance of Formal Distinctions between PC Imperfect (PCimp) and Jussive (PCjus) in Strong Verb Except for Hiphil Box 3 What is the “waw conversive"? .is a defining feature of Biblical Hebrew (ההיפוך ו The “waw conversive" (Hebrew and doubling of the following prefix) added) וַ Superficially it appears that a prefix and where it exists, the shorter form יקטל) (to the preterite (PCpret)-jussive (PCjus converts the meaning of the verb into that of the (יבן/יבך .of the imperfect[44] e.g and sometimes accompanied by a shift of) וֻש while adding (קטל perfect (SCpast stress) to the perfect, converts the meaning of the verb into that of the imperfect. verbal major is also known as the “waw consecutive" since it is normally used in sequential narrative. Box 4 The Origin of the “waw conversive" Most scholars would agree regarding the Biblical Hebrew “waw conversive" that: a) the PC waw conversive is a remnant of an Akkadian-like preterite; b) the SC waw conversive was a later analylogical formation.[45] However, there is a wide range of views on the details[46]. Smith 1991 reviews many of these. In addition, those of Hezron[47] and Blau[48] should be noted. Biblical Poetry As correctly stated by Niccacci 2006: Ø "... it was and still is a fairly common opinion among scholars, although not always openly declared, that the verbal forms in poetry, more than in prose, can be taken to mean everything the interpreter thinks appropriate according to his understanding and context.... (In reality) the functions of verbal forms in (BH) poetry are basically the same as in (BH) prose, more precisely in direct speech." (p. 247) Ø "The main difference is that direct speech, as prose in genral, consists of pieces of information conveyed in a sequence, while poetry communicates segments of information in parallelism. The result is linear vs. segmental communication. As a consequence, poetry is able to switch from one temporal axis to another even more freely than direct speech. This results in a greater variety of, and more abrupt transition from, one verbal form to another." (p. 248) In addition to its segmental nature, the system of parallelism which pervades and largely defines BH poetics draws heavily on the ability of the language to allow the use of synonyms, near synonyms and, at times, on the availability of multiple verb forms for identical, similar or related meanings. Table 2 Time/Tense in Biblical Poetry[49]

Temporal Reconstructed Comments Axis /EBHP/ (See above and Comments on Verbal Forms in Psalms.)

Perfective SCpast - *qaˈtal Meanings of SC and Past PCpret_sim/PCpretWC are PCpret_sim - * usually identical. ˈyiqtul or PCpretWC *way ˈyiqtul

Durative PCimp_pdur - *yiq See above. E.gs. Dt 32:16- Past ˈtul 17a.; Ju 5:29. Present Non-verbal E.gs.Gen 49:3, 5, 12, 14, sentence 21; Nu 23:22; Nu 24:16; Dt with/without 32:4-9, 28, 31-34; Dt 33:13- participle 16b, 20, 25, 26; Ps 48:2-3; 127:3-4; 128:3; 145:13 SC of stative See Table B - Present quasi-stative Tense Indicated by the use verb and PCimp of of the SC of a Stative or action verb Quasi-stative Verb and the sometimes PCimp of an Action Verb in combined clearly the Same Verse indicating that reference is to present.

Present/F PCimp_prfut - *yiq Usual form. uture ˈtul

SCwc Occassionally used probably for literary effect. Nb. although SCwc is usually identical. in meaning to the PCimp, it sometimes has a jussive sense.

Future PCjus - *ˈyiqtul Jussive can be, and Volitive PC - *ʾiqˈtula(ː); frequently is, used as coh substitute for the *niqˈtula(ː) imperative. E.g. Ps. 10:15, Imperative - */q 17:8, 43:1, 51:14; 54:3. ˈtul/ or */quˈtul/

Until late in the reading tradition of BH, in most cases, the PCjus, PCpret_sim and PCpretWC were distinguished from the PCimp by the position of the word stress. The disappearance of this distinction has created doubt regarding the time (future/present/past durative vs. perfective aspect of the past tense) in many lines of biblical poetry. See Observations on Some Aspects of the Use of Tenses in Psalms Table A - Tense Implications of SC and PC in the Same Verse Table B - Present Tense Indicated by the use of the SC of a Stative or Quasi- stative Verb and the PCimp of an Action Verb in the Same Verse Table C - PCpret_sim and PCpretWC in the Same Verse Referring to the Past Table D - PCpret_sim and SC in the Same Verse Referring to the Past Table E - PCpretWC and SC in the Same Verse Referring to the Past Table F - PCpret_sim without PCpretWC or SC in the Same Verse Referring to the Past Table G - PCpretWC Should be Revocalized as PCimp Table H - Substitutes for PCimp PCpret_sim in Prophetic Poetry d) Changes Pending in Biblical Hebrew (BH) All synchronic views of a language (descriptions of the language at a single point in time), when viewed diachronically (i.e. within the context of the language's growth in time), are snapshots of changes completed, in mid-stride or incipient. However, in some periods these changes are more far-reaching then in others. The Hebrew language was at such a period in the years of pre- exilic Biblical Hebrew (c. 900-600 BCE). We do not know how Biblical Hebrew would have developed had the of not been destroyed by the Babylonians. In actuality the next stage of Hebrew, Mishnaic Hebrew, developed in circumstances of great pressure from Aramaic and Greek which influenced it pervasively. Major changes pending were: i. Tenses Kutscher (1976 p. 41) wrote “The tense system of the verb in Biblical Hebrew is more complicated than in any other Semitic dialect.” In fact the “consecutive tenses” (see Box 2 - What is the “waw conversive"? and Box 3 - The Origin of the “waw conversive" ) were the dying remnants of an Akkadian-like tense system about to give way to some sort of simplified verbal system. Use of the consecutive tenses required that verbs precede subject and object in utterances. Thus the disappearance of the consecutive tenses opened up the possibility of other sentence orders. Similarly the modal imperfects (jussive, cohortative), increasingly became indistinguishable from the normal imperfect, also were anachronisms waiting to be replaced by clearer and more consistent indications of volition etc.. ii. Place of Stress With the loss of the final short vowels, Hebrew (and Aramaic) was left with a mixed system of ultimate and penultimate syllabic stress which only made sense in the context of its structure before the loss of the final short vowels[50]. Although languages such as Spanish and Italian have more complex stress patterns, it is likely that the pattern would again become more uniform. Two obvious possibilities present themselves: Ø Scenario (a) - Stress could become uniformly penultimate, as it was before the loss of case endings etc., or uniformly ultimate; or, Ø Scenario (b) - Stress could revert to being mechanically fixed by vowel or consonant length as in most varieties of Arabic. In BH both vowel length and place of stress were phonemic though neither carried a heavy load. Scenario (a) maintains the irrelevance of vowel and consonant length to the placement of stress keeping the road open to the disappearance of phonemic vowel and consonant length. Scenario (b) would reestablish the centrality of vowel and consonant length thus reestablishing paradigmatic resistance to long vowel and consonant reduction. iii. Place of Stress Replacing Vowel and Consonant Length as Phonemic Consonant and vowel quality had always been most important in establishing phonemic distinctions. In Biblical Hebrew both place of stress and consonant and vowel quantity was phonemic. However, there was a tendency, due to sound shifts, for vowel length distinctions to be replaced by quality distinctions (see Vowel and Consonant Length). Looking back and ahead, we can picture the developments as follows: a) C. 2000 BCE phonemic distinction /a/:/ā/; /i/:/ῑ/; /u/:/ū/ were fully operative; b) C. 1400 BCE ā>ō leaving i:ῑ; u:ū still phonemic; c) After C. 700-500 BCE development of allophones of short vowels meant that most of the Biblical Hebrew vowel minimal pairs were no longer valid in the tradition of the Tiberian Masoretes. However, we should note that distinct long and short vowels and consonants, though no longer phonemic probably did still exist in Tiberian Hebrew; In Israeli Hebrew distinct long and short vowels do not exist (see Vowel System - Modern Israeli Hebrew). iv. Long Unstressed Vowel Followed by Short Stressed Vowel Perhaps in forms such as /EBHP/+ /qō'teːl/ (qal a.p.) and /EBHP/+ /cō'laːm/ 'eternity' there might have been a tendency to lengthen the stressed vowel and shorten the historically long unstressed vowel. 2.2 Post-Exilic Hebrew (PostExH) - Written/Oral Diglossia Box 5 Some Factors in the Rise of Post-Exilic Hebrew (PostExH) "The notion that spoken dialects provided the catalyst for the changes in late biblical Hebrew is consistent with what has been previously stated about linguistic change. Saussure, for example, noted that language change always has its locus at the point of interaction of the speaker with his speech community.[51] The clearest impetus for the linguistic change of late biblical Hebrew is the backdrop of the Babylonian exile. During the exile, no doubt, the language changed more rapidly. Blount and Sanches have noted that external factors such as invasions, conquests, contact, migrations, institutional changes, restructuring, and social movements produce language change.[52] It is striking that the nation of was subject to every one of these experiences in connection with the Babylonian exile. Also with the return of the exiles from , a new Aramaic-speaking element was introduced. Imperial Aramaic became an administrative language and was surely learned by the local upper classes. In historical terms, then, the borderline between these two successive stages of biblical Hebrew is clearly and conveniently demarcated by the Babylonian exile of the early sixth century BCE—the decisive turning point in the whole of Israelite history. It was then that late biblical Hebrew came into being. Thus in the fifth-sixth century BCE a deep wedge was inserted in the Hebrew language, which divided the language as it divided the history of the people of —in two.[53] Quoted from Rooker p. 143. a. Development of Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew (c. 586 BCE-c. 70 BC). b. The Impact of Aramaic Hebrew and Aramaic developed out of local varieties of Proto-Northwest Semitic They diverged for about 1000 years - from the time of the Canaanite shift until the exile in the early 7th century BCE - and converged from the early 7th century BCE until the extinction of MH as a spoken language in the mid second century CE when its population base was destroyed with the suppression of the Bar Kochba rebellion. Their convergence during this latter period was due to the overwhelming influence of Western Aramaic on MH. The greatest expert on Jewish Aramaic and Mishnaic Hebrew of the mid-twentieth century, E. Y. Kutscher wrote[54] - "There is room for investigation as to whether MH was a Hebrew-Aramaic mixed language. The question may be posed owing to the fact that Aramaic had a pervading influence in all spheres of the language, including inflection, which is generally considered to be inpenetrable to foreign influence." Though pre-exilic Judean Hebrew was to some extent influenced by occasional waves of linguistic innovations, originating in other closely related Canaanite languages (See the table Linguistic Influences on the Regions of Judah and Israel, and Harris 1939 and 1941), only in border areas of Gilead and eastern and northern Galilee was Hebrew exposed to a non-Canaanite language viz. Aramaic. An example, in the northern and very early Song of let them recount” using the Aramaic version of the“ יֻשתַ נו Deborah, is the verb Until the late eighth century BCE it would .שנה in place of the Hebrew תנה root be true to say that there was no significant potion of the Judean population who were bilingual and Jerusalemites could probably pass their lives without ever having to speak or understand a foreign tongue. This began to change with the fall of in the late 8th century BCE as Judah became integrated into the wide-ranging Assyrian trading system[55]. The lingua franca of Assyrian rule and international trade at the time was Aramaic. From this period on it is unlikely that there was ever a period when Hebrew speaking international traders, high-level government officials or government scribes would have been ignorant of Aramaic. Starting in the early sixth century BCE all Hebrew speakers would have been exposed to Aramaic. Indeed, from early in the 6th century B.C.E. until the extinction of Hebrew as a spoken language in the 2nd century C.E. Hebrew was under continuous pressure from Aramaic, a language as closely related to Hebrew as Spanish is to Italian. In addition, from the late fourth century Greek was widely spoken in . Although Greek directly influenced Hebrew, its greatest influence was from its massive impact on Aramaic which then passed these innovations on to Hebrew. Aramaic was the language of their non-Jewish neighbors (except for some Hellenized Syrians), the normal spoken language of the Jews of , the and of many Jews in . Aramaic was a language spoken in from the late 6th century B.C.E. and may have been its majority tongue. Many Hebrew speaking Jews in would have had various levels of competence in Aramaic as a second language. Since at least the mid-second century C.E. the transmitters of the reading/pronunciation traditions for both Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew were speakers of Aramaic. By the time of the Masoretes, Hebrew had not been a spoken language for 700 years and the tradition(s) of Hebrew pronunciation had been subject to overwhelming Aramaic linguistic pressure for over a millennium and a half. The linguistic pressure from Aramaic not only increased the impetus for change but determined its nature. Box 6 Influence of Aramaic on Post-Exilic Hebrew (PostExH)

… Aramaic had a far-reaching impact and left its mark on all facets of the language, namely, orthography, phonetics and phonology, morphology including inflection, syntax, and vocabulary. There is room for investigation as to whether Mishnaic Hebrew was a Hebrew-Aramaic mixed language. This question may be posed owing to the fact that A had a pervading influence in all spheres of the language, including inflection, which is generally considered to be impenetrable to foreign influence…. Orthography. All of the peculiarities mentioned above as being in MH are found, more or less, in the Palestinian Aramaic dialects as well, especially Galilean and Christian-Palestinian Aramaic, and even in the eastern dialects. Phonetics and Phonology. The fact that the consonantal phonemes (according to biblical Aramaic also the vocalic phonemes) are from a synchronic point of view identical in both languages—a phenomenon without parallel often even in different dialects of the same language—is כפ״ת noteworthy…. Common to H and Aramaic are: the double realization b g d k p t); the weakening of the gutturals to a greater or lesser extent) בג״ד in most of the Aramaic dialects; and common assimilation and dissimilation .(especially in Galilean Aramaic ,… ר phenomena (with regard to you" masc.) and the") אתת Inflection. The independent personal pronoun .are clear indications of Aramaic influence … .־ָך ,.יך possessive pronouns With regard to the verb, the influence was weaker…. The loss of the puccal is paralleled in Aramaic, whereas the hopcal still exists as opposed to the Aramaic dialects where it disappeared ….Aramaic influence was less felt in the noun patterns. Tenses and Syntax. The tense system completely parallels that of Galilean Aramaic and is close to that of Christian-Palestinian and Samaritan Aramaic. It is also similar to that of Eastern Aramaic. The assumption that the whole tense system is influenced by Aramaic seems to be inescapable…. Even though there still is no real comprehensive study on the syntax of Mishnaic Hebrew and the Western Aramaic dialects, there seems to be a far-reaching parallelism between them. Vocabulary. It is clear that Aramaic influence is considerable in this ש תו תָ ,.category…. Even in the numerals there are Aramaic elements, e.g an eighth"). As is well known also the numerals are") תומןן a sixth") and") most resistant to penetration of foreign elements…. he closed"). Similarly") אחתז = סגתר ,There are also many calques, such as field") is feminine") שדןה goblet") is masculine and") כ וס the fact that in MH goes back to Aramaic influence. Quoted from Kutcher 1971 col. 1605-6 c. Mishnaic, Middle or Rabbinic Hebrew (MH - see for details Sáenz-Badillos chapt. 6. For the relation between BH and MH see Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 chapt. 9.) With the destruction of the First Temple (587 BCE) the scribal schools and royal patronage of writers ended, Jerusalem was depopulated, the country was ruined and much of the population was exiled to Babylonia where the common language was Aramaic. Later, a small number of Babylonian Jews, probably mainly either Aramaic speaking or Hebrew-Aramaic bilingual, returned to Judah where they provided the leadership, under Persian imperial patronage, for a slow restoration of Jerusalem and a much reduced Judah known as the province of Yahud. When written[56] sources again give us a look in, the linguistic situation of the country was[57]: Ø Greek was widely spoken in (see map of Hellenistic and Herodian Cities): · Coastal plain; · Decapolis (Jordan Valley north of Parea, the main Jewish area in Trans- Jordan); · Greek cities within Jewish areas in Galilee; · Greek cities within Samaritan populated areas of central and northern Samaria; · Greek cities within Idumean areas in the northern Negev i.e. what was formerly the southern section of the territory of the tribe of Judah. Ø Aramaic was the majority language of the country. Probably it was the only language, other than Greek, spoken throughout the country except for some areas of Judea between Lod and Jericho. It seems to have been the language of the upper classes in Jerusalem; and, Ø A Proto-Mishnaic or Proto-Rabbinic Hebrew (PMH) was probably spoken, along with Aramaic in some areas of between Lod and Jericho; and, Ø Late Biblical Hebrew which was a literary language, along side Greek and Aramaic for the Jewish population. There were no speakers of this artificial tongue. This is not dissimilar to the situation of Modern Literary Arabic today or Church Latin in the middle ages. PMH was undoubtedly the descendent of a koine spoken Hebrew developed when speakers of different Hebrew dialects were thrown together by the events surrounding the Babylonian conquest. Quantatively the large majority of these Hebrew speaking Judeans lived outside Jerusalem and many would have had roots in southern Samaria. This koine underwent major changes due to three causes: Ø natural developments internal to the language (see Segal, Kutscher 1982, Bendavid); Ø the profound influence of spoken Aramaic in vocabulary, semantics and grammar including inflection; and Ø the lesser influence of Greek, and perhaps after the conversion of the Idumeans, the Edomite language. Due to the influence of Aramaic, the following changes occurred - Ø Tenses As noted above, the Hebrew tense system was clearly headed for a rationalization. We do not know how the system would have developed in the absence of overwhelming Aramaic pressure. Perhaps, instead of being reduced to the modal form we see in Mishnaic Hebrew, the prefix-form (imperfect) might have developed into something like the modern spoken Arabic imperfect in which prefixes separate the present, future, imperfect and modal forms with clarity[58]. However, the Aramaic verbal system drastically changed, perhaps under Greek influence, and the Mishnaic Hebrew verbal system changed in close parallel due to Aramaic influence[59]. Ø Word order As mentioned above, the demise of the consecutive tenses freed Hebrew from the necessity of starting most narrative clauses with a verb. This could have resulted in any number of new patterns such as a predominant subject-verb- object order such as is found in Israeli Hebrew and most modern spoken Arabic dialects. Due to the influence of Aramaic speech habits, Mishnaic Hebrew developed a sentence syntax mirroring that of Western Aramaic which, among other things, frequently began utterances with the verb. Ø Stress As noted above, with the loss of the final short vowels, Hebrew and Aramaic were left with mixed systems of ultimate and penultimate syllabic stress which were likely to become more uniform in time. Under the sustained influence of Western Aramaic, Mishnaic Hebrew became predominantly penultimately stressed[60]. In the absence of Aramaic influence, a shift to a general ultimate stress, or a stress pattern similar to Classical Arabic, might have been other possible outcomes. Scholars have, at times, claimed that Hebrew was completely replaced by Aramaic during this period. However, Segal, Greenfield and Levine have demonstrated that this was not the case. Modern linguistic study, research on contemporary sources, the Bar Kochba letters in a popular spoken Hebrew all show that Hebrew was a spoken language of southern Palestine until at least 135 CE when, in the wake of the Bar Kochba rebellion, the Romans evicted or killed the Jewish population in the areas in which Hebrew was still spoken. At that point, Aramaic and Greek became virtually the only spoken languages of the whole of what is now Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel. An early form of Arabic was already spoken on the desert fringes of this area. The Roman suppression of the first Jewish revolt against Rome (67-70 CE), including the destruction of Jerusalem led to a social-cultural-religious collapse. This included the disappearance of the priestly aristocracy and Jewish groups such as the Sadducees and Essenes. The earliest Rabbinic literature dates from the period 70-200 CE and it is written in the spoken Hebrew of the time, often called, after the most famous literary product of the time, Mishnaic Hebrew. I will say a few words about Mishnaic Hebrew. In 1st century BCE-first century CE Judea many native Hebrew speakers would have been able to speak, or at least understand, Aramaic. It must be remembered, that Aramaic and Hebrew are about as different as Spanish and Italian. As I mentioned, Mishnaic Hebrew is very different from Biblical Hebrew - certainly more different than present day English is from the language of Shakespeare though less different than that of our language from that of Chaucer. Mishnaic Hebrew differed from Biblical Hebrew in: Ø stress - predominantly penultimate[61]; Ø syntax and the use of tenses – both greatly simplified and restructured on the model of contemporary Western Aramaic. Particularly noteworthy is the expression of modality. As noted above, the modal imperfects (jussive (PCjus), cohortative (PCcoh)), were increasingly indistinguishable from the normal (indicative) imperfect. In Mishnaic Hebrew this problem was solved by using as the present/future tense, in place of the biblical (קוטֵ ל) the active participle (indicative) imperfect, while the prefix conjugation ("imperfect") served in the words of Pérez (p. 124; see also p. 108) - ... the imperfect can be used for expressing the future. Through it, an action that has not yet taken place can be represented or a series of future events narrated.... In the main, or independent, clause, clause, the imperfect almost inevitably has a modal aspect, cohortative (expressing volition), optative (expressing a wish), jussive (expressing a command), for example: (וימחה יבוא ) If he is God, let him come and destroy ... ?( אעשה מה) What can I do... (נברך ) If they are three, he says, Let us bless ...... (י גתל ןה מי ) Who could wipe the dust ... of' to replace the construct in many uses - this was' של Ø the use of probably influnced by the simiular construction. As Kapeliuk[62] wrote - ... replacing the possesive construction of the construct state by an analytic construction, often including the same particle which is used in creating relative clauses. It is not impossible that the difficulty inherent in deriving the correct forms of the construct state from the basic form of the noun, especially in languages with such unstable vocalism as Syriac or Hebrew. The difficulty that Kapeliuk hinted at really only arose in the post-exilic period as shown (using TH as a proxy for earlier, but unrecorded forms of Hebrew) in the following table. Table 3 Deriving the Construct State from the Absolute State More Complex in TH than in EBHP English */EBHP/+[63] TH (c. 850-550 /TH/+ *[TH] BCE) (c. 850 CE) 'word' /daˈbaːr/ /dɔˈbɔr/ [dɔːˈvɔːɾ] 'word of' /dạˌbar/ /dәˌbar/ (construct) [dәˌvɐːɾ] 'words' /dạbaˈrîm/ /dәbɔˈrim/ [dәvɔːˈɾiːm] 'words of' /dabạˌray/ /dibˌrẹ/ (construct) [divˌɾẹː] 'righteousness /ṣạdaˈqâ/ /ṣәdɔˈqɔ/ ' [ṣәðɔːˈqɔː] righteousness /ṣadạˌqat/ /ṣidˌqat/ of' [ṣiðˌqɐːθ] (construct) 'acts of /ṣạdaˈqôt/ /ṣәdɔˈqot/ righteousness' [ṣәðɔːˈqoːθ] 'acts of /ṣadạˌqôt/ /ṣidˌqot/ righteousness [ṣiðˌqoːθ] of' (construct)

Ø morphology – standard verbal nouns as well as Aramaic noun forms; Ø pronunciation - on the model of contemporary Western Aramaic; and, Ø vocabulary – probably preserves many words for work-a-day objects and activities that were never mentioned in the Bible due to the subjects discussed in the Bible or, more accurately, not discussed. Examples might include keveš (preserves); gaḥar (jetty) and zol (cheapness). It also includes a vast number of Aramaic and Greek words. Mishnaic Hebrew does not seem to have been used for poetry, prophecy or high prose. However, what it lacked in grandeur, grace and dignity it made up in precision. See - Changes in Pronunciation Between the First Temple Period, Tiberian Biblical Vocalization and Modern Hebrew most of which Alter the Syllabic Structure Consonants that Were Distinct and Phonemic in the First Temple Period that Have Merged in Modern Pronunciation Consonants that Exist in Modern Pronunciation but were absent in Hebrew of the First Temple Period Linguistic Changes Affecting the Pronunciation of Biblical Hebrew 2000 B.C.E. - 850 C.E. According to Various Scholars Some Political, Social and Linguistic Developments in the Pre-Exilic Period c. 1000-586 BCE 2.3 Changes in the Pronunciation Tradition of Biblical Hebrew Between the Early 6th Century BCE and that Recorded in the Tiberian Masoretic Tradition (c. 850 CE) 2.4 Medieval Hebrew - Between the Mishnah and the Revival of Hebrew in the Late 19th Century (See for details Sáenz-Badillos chapt. 7) All forms of Hebrew used in this period consisted, in varying portions, of 4 elements: Ø Biblical Hebrew Ø Mishnaic Hebrew Ø The writer's native language Ø Literary models that the writer was imitating consciously or unconsciously

2.5 Modern (Israeli) Hebrew (IH)[64] (a) Foundation Process Modern Israeli Hebrew (see Berman), generally called either Modern Hebrew or Israeli Hebrew, started life, in the late 19th century, in the same way as all forms of Hebrew since the mid-first century CE i.e. a combination of Tiberian pointed Biblical Hebrew, Mishnaic Hebrew, the influence of the native languages of the speakers and, for the written form, their literary models. This last element was of the least importance in fashioning the language. In the case of Israeli Hebrew, “the influence of the native languages of the speakers” translated into a profound impact on IH (see below), of the sentence structure and semantics of Yiddish, Russian and German in that order of importance. Another way of looking at the process is in terms of a pidginization - creolization - decreolization process. I.e. - 1. The first generation of Hebrew speakers, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, spoke a pidgin combining: Ø relexified Yiddish[65] with the resulting Hebrew vocabulary mostly conforming to the semantics of the Yiddish words calqued; and, Ø elements of literary Hebrew pronounced within the phonetic limitations of Yiddish. 2. The first generation of native speakers spoke a Hebrew creole. However, they are educated in earlier forms of literary Hebrew which results in some decreolization.[66]

Box 7 Koineization, Creole and Decreolization in the Formation of IH The modern (Hebrew) language is a "revived" classical language which now performs all the functions of a community vernacular. Contact was ENTIRELY between L2 (second language Hebrew) speakers, yet developments followed a pattern familiar from koineization (indeed Blanc 1968:238, in his account of the development of Israeli Hebrew, refers to the language as a "koine,"...). As pointed out by Glinert (1989...), there has been considerable reduction in the phonological inventory, as compared to the liturgical language. Like many other Semitic languages, Biblical Hebrew distinguished the pharyngeal consonants /ħ/ and /ʕ/ and the velar /x/. Neither /ħ/ nor /ʕ/ was acquired by the majority of the (adult) Ashkenazi immigrants, whose first languages were European. Instead, they merged /ħ/ with /x/, a phone widely found in European languages, and deleted /ʕ/ altogether.... The Sephardic Jews, who had an Arabic substrate, used the pharyngeals in their Hebrew vernacular. In the majority, high-status vernacular, the pharyngeals have been leveled out, despite being widely regarded as correct. Unlike Glinert, Ravid 1995 investigates some of the processes behind these changes. Her study of language acquisition in Hebrew is extremely revealing in that it examines the role of children in the establishment of new spoken norms. She claims that Modern Hebrew is morphologically more opaque (irregular) than its antecedents because of the "phonological erosion" which followed its being "revived as a spoken medium using a new phonological system only loosely related to that of Classical Hebrew, with entire phonological classes being obliterated" (1995:133). Thus she finds, among child learners, the development of non-standard reanalyses of morphological classes which are promoted by the principles of "Transparency, Simplicity, and Consistency," but are constrained by literacy and the "literate propensity towards marked structures" (1995:162). In the immediate post-1945 period, adult L2 (second language) Hebrew speakers transmitted the language to children, who nativized the input (doubtless according to a route similar to that suggested by Ravid). Significantly ... this stabilization is evidently still not complete, even though the majority of Israeli children now have native Hebrew-speaking parents. Quoted from Kerswill and Williams 2000 pp. 70-71

We can tackle our discussion of Israeli Hebrew under three heads: § Morphology and Syntax § Phonology i.e. sound system § Semantics i.e. the range of meanings and associations of words The relative importance of Biblical Hebrew, Mishnaic Hebrew, the influence of the native languages of the speakers differs in each of these issues. (b) Morphology and Syntax The word grammar comprehends both morphology (i.e. study and description of word formation (as inflection, derivation, and compounding) in language) and syntax i.e. the way in which linguistic elements (as words) are put together to form constituents (as phrases or clauses). The morphology of Israeli Hebrew has been little influenced by the native languages of its early speakers[67]. One can generalize and say that: Ø in the morphology i.e. the forms of verbs and nouns Biblical Hebrew predominates (see Tene); Ø in the radical simplification of grammar and a concomitant movement to becoming a more analytical language Israeli Hebrew follows Mishnaic Hebrew; Ø In the use of tenses and the development of rigid rules of subordination in sentence structure the influence of Standard Average European [68] (see Rosen) was predominant[69]. Of interest is the with בוא - or bo) (ש) development of new modal forms by prefixing šɛ \šә \š the first person )- to the prefix conjugation[70]. Egs. (from Gilnert § 28.3, 28.6) - '!Don't you forget' תשכח שלא - emphatic imperative * יזכרו שהם ;'He should remember / let him remember' שיזכור - jussive * 'They'd better remember' זה את שנזכו ;'Let me give you' ש - לך יתן שאני cohortative with prefix * 'Let's bear it in mind' רגע נחשוב בוא ;'Let me give you' בוא - לך אתן בוא cohortative with prefix * 'Let me think for a moment' Modern Hebrew has regularized the use of inherited forms in a way that makes it extremely easy to create new lexemes as loan-translations from European languages. These include: Ø Relational Adjectives (Arabic term nisba, also written nisbe(h)) i.e. any word, native or foreign, can be changed into an adjective by adding the vowel ī represented by the letter yod*; Ø perfect participles, really adjectives, are regularly formed out of any active verbal stem i.e.: qal - pa'ul; piel - mefu'al; hiphil - muf'al; Ø verbal action nouns are regularly formed out of any verbal stem i.e.: qal - pe'ila; piel - pi'ul; hiphil-haphala; niphal - hipa'lut; hitpael - hitpa'alut Ø any word can be changed into an abstract noun by adding the ;( út) ות suffix Ø many foreign words can be changed into Hebrew verbs in the asa' עשה piel – pual - hitpael stems or analytically through the use of the verb garam גרם to make or do). An analytical causative has formed using the verb) (see Berman.); Ø wide use is made of a range of methods to allow adjectives and nouns to be used adverbially; Ø also widely created are western type compound adjectives (see Table 6 - Western-type Compound Nouns and Adjectives in Israeli Hebrew and Arabic (MSA) [71]; Ø nouns formed from the contraction of two words e.g. kolnoa = "cinema" ( kol =voice, noa =movement). Ø Use of inherited forms to form neologisms (For a native speaker coining a new word) The semantic factors determining pattern choice are varied. Speakers .tend to look for the most prominent and the most-readily-available pattern they observe in the recent everyday lexicon. A derivation pattern may be used widely enough to function as the default pattern for some category, but even then is still associated with some broad semantic (or at least syntactic) feature. Generally, the broader the semantic category, the more likely is the default pattern to be selected: pucal for passive verbs, hitpacel for all other non-agentive verbs, pi'el for agentive ones; + i for attributive adjectives, meCuCaC for verb related ones; CiCuC for verb-related abstract nominalizations, + ut for other nominalizations; + on for diminutives, + an for agentives/instrumentals, + iya for locatives. There are other patterns, ranked below the default ones on the productivity scale, but nevertheless significantly productive: + ay/ + a'i for agents and agent attributes, CaCiC for + able-type adjectives, etc. Beyond these primary choices, a number of general semantic factors may also play a role, resulting in additional adjustments and shifts. Such modifications usually do not upset the basic semantic classification, at least not at the highest level. Maintaining a degree of transparency for the base within the neologism is one such factor. It is often manifest in preservation of the original consonant clustering of the base. The prominence of a pattern in the new lexicon is determined not only by size, but also by semantic saliency and coherence, as well as by pattern transparency. Often, pattern transparency is enhanced by transparent suffixation. If it is evident that additional suffixation would be semantically redundant, the most economical representation (i.e. minimal suffixation) is chosen. Minor shifts between partially-similar patterns may also be caused by semantic considerations, such as preference for the semantically more salient (or more transparent) pattern, or for the pattern which speakers regard as semantically unmarked. Frequency of commonly used alternates". (Bolozky p. 193) (c) Phonology The founding speakers of Israeli Hebrew were native speakers of Yiddish a language [72]: Ø which lacks the distinction, maintained in German, between long and short vowels [73], Ø in which gemination is not phonemic, Ø in which the only glottal phoneme is [h], Ø which (like German but unlike English) had undergone the shift /w/> /v/ Ø which lacks the Semitic "emphatic" consonants. If the founding speakers had been native Arabic, Australian English or German speakers the distinction between long and short vowels might have been revived in Hebrew. If they had been Arabic speakers gemination and the Semitic system of gutturals (particularly c /ʕ/, ġ /ɣ/, ḥ /ħ/, and final h /h/ ), w/ might have been restored. As it/ = ו emphatic" consonants (/ţ/, /ṣ/, /q/) and" was, the resulting phonological system of Israeli Hebrew can be described as partly desemitized (Tene). The combination, in order of importance, of the: Ø disappearance of both phonemic and phonetic vowel and consonant length (gemination); Ø reduction of the original typical Semitic 3 way opposition in Biblical Hebrew (voiced, voiceless, emphatic) to 2 way (voiced, voiceless) in Israeli Hebrew ; Ø loss of gutturals except for the occasional /h/[74]; Ø commencement of syllables with vowels; and Ø formation of consonantal clusters at the beginning of words will probably have far-ranging effects on the structure. We should note, however, that except for the loss of the emphatics, all of these phenomena are paralleled by developments in earlier stages of Hebrew or in other Semitic languages[75]. Some examples of the nature of these changes – o Excursus 1 - Phonemic Structure of Hebrew shows examples of the impacts of loss of gemination and of gutturals; o the quiescing of consonantal value of the letter yod before /i/ at the beginning of a word results in syllables beginning with vowels – a rather /pronounced as [iš'mor] (TH /yiš'mor ישמור .unsemitic phenomenon e.g ;[pronounced as [is.ra.'ɛl] (TH /yiś.rå.'ẹl/ [yisrɔː'ẹːl])[76 ישׂראל ;([yiš'moːr] As an aside, I would suggest that care should be taken to read Biblical Hebrew poetry as Biblical Hebrew, not as if it were a Modern Hebrew text.

(d) Semantics It is in semantics that Israeli Hebrew can be said to break radically with the past and semantically and hence culturally become a European language. (See Rosen, Tene and Izre'el) The process worked as follows. When reviving Hebrew, the revivers asked the “fatal question” i.e. “what is the Hebrew word for X” with X being a Yiddish, Russian or German (and more recently English) word. He would: a) select a Hebrew word (verb, adjective, noun etc.) with a historical semantic range that overlapped the particular meaning of the foreign word he was trying to translate. Then, the Hebrew word would come to mirror the semantic range of word X. I.e. it would take the range of meanings of X and lose all of its original meanings not included in the semantic range of X. This is a development with huge cultural implications. For example - The biblical Hebrew taḥana (Israeli Hebrew takhana) was originally a fairly rare word, from a root meaning “bending down” used meaning a stop for camping. It was used for describing the Israelites camping places in the wilderness. The root being similar in meaning to se stationer in French, takhana was chosen as the Hebrew calque (a compound, derivative, or phrase that is introduced into a language through translation of the constituents of a term in another language (as superman from German Übermensch) of the word “station”. It is now used to translate any English use of station without any connection, any longer, with the root meaning. In fact, since “station” is not used in European languages to denote a camping place, it can no longer be used in its original meaning! Arabic used a more “authentic” approach i.e. the Arabic word for bus stop is related to the word “to stop”; for police station Arabic uses a word meaning center of diffusion. What this means is that Hebrew has accepted an idiosyncratic development of this vocabulary item which stems from internal developments in another, historically unrelated, language. Similar developments have taken place for sherut to translate all senses of service and tenu’a (Biblical Hebrew tenu c a) for all senses of “eg. English) “movement” e.g. scout movement! b) use one of the other approaches described by Tene. For Israeli slang see. One important impact of the Europeanization of Hebrew semantics was to move Hebrew from an "objective" language emphasizing what is being described in a narrative, and its state of completeness, to a "subjective" language more concerned with the place, and to a certain extent, time of the narrator (see Rosén). The net result is that while the grammar and vocabulary of Israeli Hebrew are overwhelmingly Hebrew, the range of meanings and associations of the words are overwhelmingly European. This combined with the differing implications of the tenses in Biblical, Mishnaic and Israeli Hebrew makes Israelis, unless specially trained, poor choices for teaching Biblical Hebrew. Zuckermann (pp. 64-65) wrote - Frequently, new research emerges allegedly demonstrating how “bad” Israelis are at reading comprehension vis-à-vis pupils in other countries. I would like to explore whether these examinations test reading comprehension in (Old) Hebrew rather than in Israeli Hebrew. The Mutual Intelligibility Assumption posits that Israel's main language is Hebrew because Israelis can understand Hebrew. Edward Ullendorff ... has claimed that the biblical Isaiah could have understood Israeli Hebrew. I am not convinced that this would have been the case. The reason Israelis can be expected to understand the Book of Isaiah - albeit still with difficulty - is surely because they study the Old Testament at school for eleven years, rather than because it is familiar to them from their daily conversation. Furthermore, Israelis read the Bible as if it were Israeli Hebrew and often therefore misunderstand it[77]. When an Israeli reads “yéled sha'ashu'ím” in Jeremiah 31: 19 (King James 20), she or he does not understand it as “pleasant child” but rather as “ playboy.” “Bá'u baním 'ad mashbér” in Isaiah 37: 3 is interpreted by Israelis as “children arrived at a crisis” rather than as “children arrived at the mouth of the womb, to be born.” “Kol ha'anashím hayyod'ím ki meqaṭṭrót neshehém le'elohím 'aḥerím” in Jeremiah 44: 15 is understood by many Israelis as “all the men who know that their wives are complaining to other gods” rather than “all the men who knew that their wives had burned incense unto other gods.” Most importantly, the available examples are far from being only lexical (as in the above faux amis): Israelis are often incapable of recognizing moods, aspects and tenses in the Bible. Ask an Israeli what “avaním shaaqú máyim” (Job 14: 19) means and she or he will most likely tell you that the stones eroded the water. On second thought, she or he would guess that semantically this is impossible and that it must be the water which eroded the stones. Yet such an object-verb-subject (of a transitive verb) constituent order is impossible in Israeli Hebrew. “Nappíla goralót wened'á'” (Jonah 1: 7) is thought to be rhetorical future rather than cohortative. By and large, Israelis are the worst students in advanced studies of the Bible.... Yet, Israeli children are told that the Hebrew Bible was written in their mother tongue. An additional complication for Israelis learning or teaching Biblical or Mishnaic Hebrew is caused by the fact that it is quite frequent for Biblical Hebrew prose to use one noun or verb for an object or action, while Biblical Hebrew poetry may have one or more synonyms for the prose word while Mishnaic Hebrew might use a different word, which might well be one of the thousands borrowed from Greek and Aramaic, or use the biblical word in a different sense. Bendavid has published a whole glossary for words in Biblical Hebrew automatically replaced by different words in Mishnaic Hebrew.

2.6 Major Changes Between Ancient Hebrew and Israeli Hebrew Were the Prophet Jeremiah to visit the Old City of Jerusalem today what would he notice linguistically? Firstly he would not be able to read a word on the Hebrew-Arabic-English signs. His own paleo-hebrew script would be no where to be found. He may have been familiar with the Aramaic script of his day but it was so different from the modern script that it might as well have been written in Greek. He would have probably found that the sound system of Palestinian Arabic may well have been familiar with its long and short vowels and consonants, 3- way consonantal opposition and full range of gutturals, and wide use of the prefix conjugation for the present and future all of which are lacking in IH. However, even so he would be hard pressed to understand more than the odd word of Palestinian Arabic. Also familiar to him would be the widespread suffixing of pronominal endings to nouns in contrast to the ubiquitous use of analytic genitive constructions in spoken IH. Turning to IH, once his ear was trained, he would be able to understand most of the grammatical forms and many of the words. However, the meaning and associations of the words and forms would be full of faux-amis[78]. In addition the "feel" of the language would strike him as strange. His own BH had been a language dominated by verbs and nouns that was sparing in the use of adjectives[79]. In contrast IH would seem to him smothered under adjectives, adverbials and compound neologisms such as ramzor or kolnoa.

2.7 Israeli Hebrew and Modern Arabic [80] – a Few Differences and Many Parallels There are at least four major differences between the situation of Modern Arabic and Israeli Hebrew: a) All the major varieties of Modern Arabic are spoken and written by populations who have been speaking Arabic for centuries whereas Israeli Hebrew was revived by people thinking and speaking modern European languages. b) Israeli Hebrew is a uniform language though there are, as in other modern languages, differences in levels and between the written and spoken varities. However, there is no parallel in Israeli Hebrew to the profound problems caused by Arabic diglossia [81] i.e. using MSA for writing and formal speech and the numerous Arabic "dialects" for normal conversation. To clarify, Modern Arabic exists in many forms which can be subdivided as follows: Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) – this is the written language throughout the Arab world. MSA is closely based on Classical Arabic (CA) in grammar and phonology but highly Europeanized in semantics and sentence structure. MSA is used orally, in a simplified form, for formal speeches, broadcasts etc. but is not the normal spoken language of any population, educated or uneducated, anywhere. Varieties of spoken Arabic which, in some cases, may be mutually unintelligible. The grammar and vocabulary of the varieties of spoken Arabic is as different from MSA as that of the Romance languages from Latin. However, as is the case with the Romance languages, the varieties of spoken Arabic developed in parallel ways. Egyptian Arabic is understood across the Arab world due to the predominance of Egyptian media. c) The Israeli population is overwhelmingly literate and largely bilingual often with English as the second language whereas the Arabic speaking population includes a large illiterate element. d) The Israeli population lives in a highly modernized/Westernized social- cultural-economic context whereas many Arabic speakers live in traditional social-cultural contexts where traditional, religious based, value systems and norms are dominant. In spite of these differences in context, four major factors have combined to create an amazing degree of parallelism in the modern developments in the two languages: a) They started out as closely related languages as similar as, say, French and Italian; b) In the Middle Ages Arabic developed the capacity to deal with the abstractions of Greek philosophy, science, medicine and mathematics as texts in these subjects were translated either directly from Greek to Arabic or via Syriac. Many of these texts were then translated in a somewhat Arabized Hebrew to be accessible to European Jewry. This language of translation narrowed the distance between the two languages. Some of its fundamental features remain vibrant in Israeli Hebrew, such as the wide use of nisba, and and such ( ות calques of many verbal nouns (in Hebrew with the suffix coinages as: how?”; calqued from Arabic“ = אֵ יך abstract quality” from Hebrew“ = אֵ יכות Ø kayfiyya from kayf = “how.” how much?” similarly calqued“ = כַּ ָ מה quantity” from Hebrew“ = כַּמות Ø from Arabic kamiyya . c) They have both been influenced in modern period by modern cultural concepts and their linguistic vehicle Standard Average European. However, in the case of Arabic this influence came from the outside (translations, learning European languages, modern education) whereas in Hebrew it initially come from the culture and linguistic habits of the revivers of Hebrew, i.e. the first generations of speakers and later from the outside as in Arabic and, d) They, of course, shared the normal linguistic processes of change common to all languages. These four major factors have combined to create an amazing degree of similarity in the direction and nature of change. This is particularly extraordinary in that Israeli Hebrew and modern spoken and written Arabic developed in virtually total isolation from each other. In almost every case change has been accomplished by the widespread application of language resources historically present in the languages but systematically extended in order to calque Standard Average European modes of expression. Among these parallels are: i. Westernization of sentence structure [82] ii. Analytical formation that together with nisba replaces the construct my'). = 'of', in' =שלי) šel שול case in many situations. In IH (and ) the particle is spoken Arabic (bita:c (bita: cti = “my”), ma:l etc.)[83]. iii. Wide use of nisba adjective formation partly replacing construct formations. Similarly suffixes are routinely used to form abstract nouns [ut ; Arabic iyya[84]). Arabic uses the suffix an to form adverbs[85 ות Hebrew) with Hebrew using a wide range of means[86] to the same end. Each language uses vacant stems to develop new nuances from existing roots and use the piel stem (form II in Arabic) to form denominative (often quadriliteral) verbs. iv. nouns formed from the contraction of two words e.g. kol.'noa = רַמֻש זור .cinema" (kol 'voice', noa ' movement') often with contraction e.g" or 'light' (Arabic term naht אור + ”'remez 'signal רומוז ramzor 'traffic light' from .(النحت v. Use of inherited forms for neologisms (Arabic ishtiqa:q). 1. Purist, rarely successful, attempts to form neologisms out of obsolete roots (Arabic istinba:t). vi. Wide use of calques, semantic loans and lexical borrowing (Arabic tacri:b). vii. Use of standard words in construct to calque western expressions e.g. torat to calque 'study of', 'science of', the תורַ ת Arabic cilm [87] and Hebrew suffix 'ology' etc. viii. In some formal styles both languages use verbal action nouns to partially replace verbs.[88] ix. Both languages tend to use internal agent passives[89] to literally translate English news reports in journalistic style. On the spoken level IH and at least some dialects of spoken Arabic use plural verb forms as the equivalent of 'one' in British English, 'on' in French or 'Mann' in German. E.g. IH bonim kan 'they are building here' = 'here is being built'; LA passive yuqa:l 'it is said', as opposed to the Iraqi spoken Arabic using the 3rd person plural ygu:lu:n 'they say'[90]; x. The speakers of both languages tend to reject neologisms that are semantically opaque i.e. where the meaning of the formation or root is not familiar from ordinary usage. xi. Western-type compound nouns and adjectives[91]. Table 4 - Western-type Compound Nouns and Adjectives in IH and MSA Meaning Israeli Hebrew[92] Arabic (MSA)[93] Compound Example Compound Example Adjective Noun-Adjective (occasionally Prefix noun) Prefix[94] -klal-europi , kol כלל - Pan. All- klal Congnate to europi "pan- ”European כל־ - kol כלל־ - all” klal-olami“ -world" עולמי כל־ - Kol wide” עולם - olami) “world”) al-koli faw- fawbašariyy על - Super- al upon” “supersonic" fawqa "superhuma“ = על - al ”sound”) n“ קול - kol) taḥ taḥjildiyy תת־ - tat-makle’a תת־ - sub- tat from taḥta “subcutaneo מקלע contracted from ”sub- us“ תחת - takhat “under” machinegun” du: du:šamsiyy ”from du:na “subsolar מקלע - makle’a) "machinegun”) (šams “sun”) תת־ - tat-karka’i קרקעי "subterranean” קרקע - karka) “ground, soil”) kdam-tsva’i - qab- qabmada:riy קדם - Pre- kdam pre- from qabla y" = קדם־צבאי contracted from kedem “fore” army” “preorbital” צבא - tsava) “army”) - trom-histori טרום - trom טרום־היסטורי contracted from ”prehistoric" טרם terem “before” batar-mikra’i - ġib- ġibḥarbiyy בתר - Post- batar ”post- from ġibba “postwar" בתר־מקראי from Aramaic batar “in the Biblical” ḥarb “war” xal xal’anfiyy מקרא - place of”, (mikra “after” “scripture”) from xalfa “postnasal” anf “nose” beyn-kokhavi - bay contracted baykawkabi בין - Inter- beyn from bayna yy = בין־כוכבי = beyn “between” "interstellar” "between” "interplaneta ”ry = כוכב - kokhav) “star”) kawkab Table 4 - Western-type Compound Nouns and Adjectives in IH and MSA Meaning Israeli Hebrew[92] Arabic (MSA)[93] Compound Example Compound Example Adjective Noun-Adjective (occasionally Prefix noun) Prefix[94] “planet” khutz-rakhmi - kha: khamadrasy חוץ - Extra- khutz from kha:rija y חוץ־רחמי ”khutz “outside "extrauterine” "extrascholar ”ly רחם - rekhem) “womb”) - pnim-yabashti פנים - Intra- pnim פנים־יבשתי pnim “inside of” “inland” יבשת - yabeshet) “dry land”) ḍim contracted ḍimnafsiyy תוך־ - tokh-vridi תוך - tokh from ḍimna "intrapsychic ורידי ”tokh “midst of "intravenous” " nafsiyy = וריד – varid) “vein”) “psychic” Circum- ḥaw contracted ḥawšamsiyy from ḥawla "circumsolar” šams “sun” Pro-/anti- pro-/anti- pro-/anti- פרו־ - milkhamti מלחמתי אנטי־ מלחמתי "pro-/anti-war” (milkhama - (”war“ = מלחמה tacaddudi:ya tacaddudi:ya רב־לשוני -- rav רב - Multi-, rav poly- rav “many” “multilingual” tacaddud siya:siyy[95] (lašon = "multiplicity” = “political “language”) pluralism” siya:sa = “politics” חד־ from khad-tsdadi חד - Uni-, khad ,”one-sided“ צדדי = mono- Aramaic ḥad “one” “unilateral” = צד - tsad) “side”) דו־ - from du-lšoni דו - Bi- du "bilingual" לשוני Greek or Latin לשון - lašon) “language”) תלת־ - from tlat-šnati תלת - Tri- tlat Table 4 - Western-type Compound Nouns and Adjectives in IH and MSA Meaning Israeli Hebrew[92] Arabic (MSA)[93] Compound Example Compound Example Adjective Noun-Adjective (occasionally Prefix noun) Prefix[94] ”triennial" = שנתי = Aramaic tlat = שנה - šana) ”3” “year”) Quadra- ‘arbac - ‘arbayad ‘arba c “four” “quadruman e” yad “hand” Negation bil.ti-khu.'ki - la: - la:’na:niyyah = בלתי - Un- bilti = illegal” la: is negative“ =בלתי־חקי un-“. Negates“ particle "unselfishne = חקי־ - an adjective (khu.'ki particularly a “legal”) ss” nisba adjective ’na:niyyah selfishnes" = אי־דיוק - in-“, ῑ-di.'yuk“ = אי - In-“, ῑ“ “non-“, “non-“, etc. "inaccuracy"” s" la:jana: ḥiyy דיוק - etc. Negates a (di.'yuk noun. “accuracy”) “apteral” אל־חוט - al-'khut אל - al al “don’t”, “not” = “wireless” noun אל־חוטי - al-khu.'ti = “wireless” adjective = חוט - khut') “thread”)

.pakhot ; Arabic e.g פָּ חות xii. Analytical formation for “less” (Hebrew .yoter; Arabic e.g. ’akthar ) for comparatives יותֵ ר ʾaqall ) and “more” (Hebrew xiii. An analytical causative has formed in both languages. In Hebrew it uses [garam[96 גרם using the verb xiv. The usage of the independent subject pronoun has increased in both languages[97] xv. Movement to a tense system from a predominantly aspect system[98]. xvi. Movement from a predominantly VSO to predominantly SVO word order. Table 5 Israeli Hebrew and MSA Common Noun Patterns Meaning Israeli Hebrew [99] Arabic (MSA)[100] Noun Pattern Example Noun Pattern Example Instrumen (among mag.'hetz "iron (for mifcal mibrad "file" t others) clothes)" mifca:l c maf el mifcalah mafcela Diseases pacelet da.'le.ket fuca:l suca:l "cough" "infalammation" Physical picel i.'ve.ret "blind" facal xaras Defects "dumbness" 3. Select Bibliography (Full Bibliography) (see also, http://www.bible-researcher.com/ot-bibliography.html, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hebrew_language) 1. A History of the Hebrew Language by A.Sáenz-Badillos, Cambridge 1993. (This is very highly recommended). Extensive, nearly exhaustive, bibliography. 2. "Hebrew Language" Encyclopedia Judaica 16, Jerusalem 1971, 1560-1662 (Ch. Brovender: Pre-Biblical; Y. Blau: Biblical; E.Y. Kutscher: The Dead Sea Scrolls; E.Y. Kutscher: Mishnaic; E. Goldenberg: Medieval; E. Eitan: Modern Period) 3. A History of the Hebrew Language by Eduard Y. Kutscher; edited by Raphael Kutscher Published by The Magnes Press, 1982 4. A Short History of the Hebrew Language by Chaim Rabin, Jewish Agency, 1973. 5. In the Beginning: A Short History of the Hebrew Language by Joel M Hoffman, New York University Press 2004 (Interesting, but rather idiosyncratic see review in Jerusalem Post Oct. 24, 2004) 6. Words and their History by E. Y. Kutscher – – Ariel vol. 25 (1969) pp. 64-74 7. Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew (in Hebrew) by Abba Bendavid, Dvir 1967 (2 volumes) 8. The Languages of Palestine, 200 B.C.E.-200 C.E. by Jonas C. Greenfield in Al Kanfei Yonah: Collected Studies of Jonas C. Greenfield on Semitic Philology, ed. Shalom M. Paul et. al. 9. Languages of Jerusalem in Levine, Lee I. Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity : Conflict or Confluence?, Hendrickson Publishers, 1998. Paul, Michael E. Stone, and Avital Pinnick. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2001. II Biblical Hebrew 1. Grammar Modern Biblical Hebrew Grammarians since 1960 Since the 1920s the historical-comparative method has been superseded by a structuralist approach. According to this approach language is a structural system. It is the relationship between its various components at a particular period in history-the so-called synchronic level—that must be studied separately from the historical development of the language the so-called diachronic level. Although the structuralist approach to the description of language revolutionized linguistics and led to a host of new theories on language, it did not have an immediate influence on BH grammar. Works such as those by Francis Andersen, The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew (1974), and Wolfgang Richter, Grundlagen einer althe-bräischen Grammatik 1978-1980), only relatively recently paved the way in this regard. The recent grammar by Bruce Waltke and Murphy O'Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (1990), describes a large variety of BH syntactic constructions. They use not only broad structural principles for this purpose, but also draw on the more traditional descriptions of BH. In the process of doing so, this work also provides a useful taxonomy of BH constructions, as well as a sound view of current BH grammatical research. Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 is a revision of a grammar published in 1923 by Paul Joϋon. It is cast in the form of a traditional grammar and explains some BH syntactic instructions psychologically. However, Muraoka specifically tempts to incorporate the insights of grammarians who had published their research results in Modern Hebrew. Some of the categories that he uses, as well as some of the arguments he presents in his grammar, dictate that aspects of the structuralist approach have been adopted in Joϋon–Muraoka. The works of Waltke and O’Connor and of Joϋon–Muraoka are regarded as the standard reference works for the 1990s.This reference grammar draws on both these studies. It must be borne in mind, however, that neither of these grammars utilizes the insights of one of the major trends in structuralist linguistics, the so-called generative approach. Furthermore, both grammars deal with the sentence as the largest unit of linguistic description. This implies a narrow view of the knowledge of a language. Since the 1980s the following have also been regarded as part of the knowledge of a language: the way in which sentences are used to create texts (text linguistic conventions), the conventions relating to the ways people use utterances to execute matters (pragmatic conventions) and the conventions that determine which linguistic constructions are adopted by which role-playing members of a particular society and when they are adopted (sociolinguistic conventions), the conventions relating to the way people use utterances to execute matters (pragmatic conventions) and conventions that determine which linguistic conventions are adopted by which role-playing members of a particular society and when they are adopted (sociolinguistic conventions). Quoted from Naude-Kroeze- Merwe pp. 20-21

Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar by William Gesenius, Emil Kautzsch (Editor) – thorough reference grammar. Not a text book. Free online at http://www.biblecentre.net/ot/ges/gr/hegr-Index.html . A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar by Jackie A. Naude, Jan H. Kroeze, Christo H. Van Der Merwe (Compiler); 1999. A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew: Vol 1: Part One: Orthography and Phonetics; Part Two: Morphology. Vol II; Part Three: Syntax by Paul Jouon, T. Muraoka; Paperback N.b. – I have found this grammar to be of great use and fully recommend it. A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew by J Blau, Porta Linguarum Orientalium 1976 (Second amended edition. The body of the text is identical to the 1976 edition but a number of updating comments are added as pp. 211-220. Harrassowitz Verlag, 1993 ISBN 3-447-03362-2) This is a basic text book containing a great deal of historical information. The author is a distinguished Hebraist and Arabist. Biblical Hebrew for Students of Modern Israeli Hebrew by Brettler, Marc Zvi, Yale Language Series, 2004 see review Ancient Hebrew by R. C. Steiner in The Semitic Languages ed. R. Hetzron, Routledge, 1997 Biblical Hebrew Poetry - Reconstructing the Original Oral, Aural and Visual Experience An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax by B. K. Waltke and M. O’Connor, Eisenbrauns 1990 Hebrew Syntax An Outline by R. J. Williams, of Press 1967;

2. Dictionaries (Do NOT use a Modern Hebrew/Israeli Hebrew dictionary for Biblical Hebrew)

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (universally called “BDB”) by William Gesenius, Edward Robinson (Translator), Francis Brown (Editor), S. R. Driver (Editor), Charles A. Briggs (Editor) – very good, not user friendly, represents the state of Hebrew lexicography at the end of the 19th century, affordable and free online at http://www.biblecentre.net/ot/bdb/main.htm; The Hebrew and Aramaic lexicon of the Old Testament by Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner ; subsequently revised by Walter Baumgartner and Johann Jakob Stamm ; with assistance from Benedikt Hartmann ... [et al.]. Leiden ; New York : E.J. Brill, 1994 -This is in the tradition of BDB but brings it up to date integrating twentieth century research in Mishnaic Hebrew, Aramaic, Ugaritic and even Eblaite etc. I find it more user-friendly. It will certainly succeed BDB, together with the following dictionary, among scholars who can afford them. It is available in electronic form e.g. http://www.gramcord.org/mac/kb.htm http://www.logos.com/products/product.asp?item=1676 and http://www.bibleworks.com/.

The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew / David J.A. Clines, editor, Sheffield Academic Press, 1993 – four volumes so far going up to letter Lamed – claims to be the first Biblical Hebrew based on linguistic theory not on philology (it omits information on other Semitic languages). It includes all known Hebrew up to 200 CE i.e. the Bible, Ben Sira, non-Biblical Dead Sea Scrolls and inscriptions. The non-Biblical material is equivalent to 15 percent of the Biblical. It treats all of this linguistic corpus synchronically i.e. a corpus coverint c. 1200 years as if it were uniform linguistically! It is user-friendly, impressive and expensive. http://www.shef.ac.uk/uni/academic/A- C/biblst/DJACcurrres/Postmodern2/Dictionary.html

Theological dictionary of the Old Testament / ed. by G. Johannes Botterweck and Helmer Ringgren ; translator, John T. Willis, Publisher W. B. Eerdmans, 1974 – this 12 volume+ series is an in-depth resource of the large selection of words covered ) – highly recommended

3. Text Books – there are many with varying approaches. The student should look for one that deals seriously with syntax. One that I could recommend is Introduction to Biblical Hebrew by Thomas Oden Lambdin III Hebrew of the Scrolls Hebrew of the Scrolls by , Harvard Semitic Studies 29, Scholars Press 1986. The Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll by E. Y. Kutscher, Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah, No 6., Brill Leiden, 1974.

IV Mishnaic or Rabbinic Hebrew 1. Reference Grammar - Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew by M. H. Segal, 1958, Paperback 1980 2. Dictionary - Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Babli, Yerushalmi, and Midrashic Literature by Marcus Jastrow. 3. Text Books – Very few. The only one I know of is An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew by M.Pérez Fernández, (translated by J.Elwolde), 1997. Paperback 1999. It is pretty thorough and well organized and has a major bibliography.

A good approach to learning Mishnaic Hebrew would be to sequentially: a. Go through Segal (above); and b. then with Segal and Jastrow as constant companions to - Ø Read Pirke Avot which is found in prayer books and in many independent translations. Ø Get a Hebrew copy, and English translation, of Sefer Ha-aggadah (The Book of Legends Sefer Ha-Aggadah: Legends from the Talmud and Midrash by Hayyim Nahman Bialik (Editor), et al) and to use the English translation as a study aid Ø study selected Mishnah texts in a bilingual edition such as Mishnayoth Translated and annotated by Rabbi Philip Blackman http://www.judaicapress.com/blackman_mishnayoth.asp

V Israeli Hebrew (see also A Basic Bibliography for the Study of Modern Hebrew) 1. Grammar The Grammar of Modern Hebrew by Lewis Glinert – Cambridge University Press (n.b. the bibliography) 1989 – this is only serious Israeli Hebrew reference grammar in either English or Hebrew that I have seen. It is good but very expensive. It is in university libraries and can be borrowed through inter- library loans. The same author’s Modern Hebrew: An Essential Grammar is a small reference work for reference by students in the first 2-3 years of serious study of Israeli Hebrew. Modern Hebrew Structure by Ruth A. Berman, Tel Aviv Universities Publishing 1978 Modern Hebrew by Ruth A. Berman in The Semitic Languages ed. R. Hetzron, Routledge, 1997 Contemporary Hebrew by H. B. Rosén, 1977, : Mouton 2. Textbooks – There are many bad textbooks. One pretty good one is Textbook of Israeli Hebrew by Haiim B. Rosén University of Chicago Press 1962 3. On the Nature and Development of Modern Hebrew: i. Israeli Hebrew by David Tene – Ariel vol. 25 pp. 48-63 (particularly pp. 51-63) ii. Israel Language Policy and Linguistics by Haiim B Rosén – Ariel vol. 25 pp. 92-110 iii. The Languages of Israel: Policy, Ideology, and Practice (Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 17) by Bernard Spolsky, Elana Goldberg Shohamy, Multilingual Matters 1999 iv. Contemporary Hebrew by Haiim B. Rosén, Mouton, 1977. v. "Israeli Hebrew Phonology" by Samuel Bolozky in Phonologies of Asia and Africa vol. 1 edited by Alan S. Kaye, technical advisor, Peter T. Daniels, Winona Lake, Ind., Eisenbrauns, 1997. pp. 287-311. vi. "Israeli Hebrew Morphology" by Samuel Bolozky in Morphologies of Asia and Africa vol. 1 edited by Alan S. Kaye, Winona Lake, Ind., Eisenbrauns, 2007, pp. 283-308. vii. "The Emergence of Spoken Israeli Hebrew" by Shlomo Izre'el viii. "A New Vision for 'Israeli Hebrew': Theoretical and Practical Implications of Analysing Israel's Main Language as a Semi-Engineered Semito-European Hybrid Language" by Zuckermann, Ghil'ad (2006), Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 5 (1), pp. 57-71. ix. Grammatical Blending: Creative and Schematic Aspects by Nili Mandelbli. Contents: A Grammatical Blending Account of Hebrew Binyanim; Blending analysis of the Hebrew causitive stem Hif’il; Blending analysis of the Hebrew transitive binyanim; Blending analysis of the Hebrew transitive binyanim; Summary of Results; Bibliography x. Words and stones: the politics of language and identity in Israel by Daniel Lefkowitz. Publisher New York, Oxford University Press, 2004. xi. TE‘UDA XVIII - SPEAKING HEBREW: Studies in the Spoken Language and in Linguistic Variation in Israel Editor SHLOMO IZRE’EL With the Assistance of MARGALIT MENDELSON - ABSTRACTS xii. The World Dictionary of Hebrew Slang by Dahn Ben-Amotz and Netiva Ben-Yehuda, Lewin-Epstein 1972 xiii. Comprehensive Slang Dictionary (Hebrew-Hebrew) (Hebrew Edition), Ruvik Rosenthal, Keter Publishing, 2007. ISBN-10: 9650714014; ISBN-13: 978-9650714017 xiv. Hebrew Slang and Foreign Loan Words by Raphael Sappan – – Ariel vol. 25 (1969) pp. 75-80 xv. Word Formation in Modern Hebrew (Hebrew), Nir, Raphael, Open University, 1993 xvi. Language Contact and Lexical Enrichment in Israeli Hebrew (Palgrave Studies in Language History and Language Change) by Ghil'ad Zuckermann (Hardcover, 2004. xvii. Measuring Productivity in Word Formation: The Case of Israeli Hebrew, Bolozky, Shmuel, Brill 1999 xviii. Lexical Decomposition and Lexical Unity in the Expression of Derived Verbal Categories in Modern Hebrew, R A Berman, Afroasiatic Linguistics, 1979 xix. "Imperative and Jussive Formations in Contemporary Hebrew" by Aaron Bar-Adon, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 86, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1966), pp. 410- 413. Return to Table of Contents

[1] See sect 1.1 in Lipinski 1997. [2] For a more detailed description see pp. 21-89 in Lipinski 1997. [3] See Genetic Subgrouping of the Semitic Languages by Alice Faber in Hetzron 1997. [4] It is interesting that some aspects of Akkadian are very similar to Modern Hebrew e.g. the denominal affirmatives (ut to form abstracts; an to form adjectives from nouns; i to form adjectives from a noun, pronoun or proper name; and, the forming of the Akkadian desiderative using a prefix l is similar (sheyeshalem) שישלם .before the imperfect eg ש to the Modern Hebrew use of = let him pay! see Akkadian by G. Buccellati in Hetzron 1997. [5] See Classical Arabic by W. Fischer in Hetzron 1997. [6] Semitic adjectives are a subset of nouns see sect 34.1 in Lipinski 1997 [7] sect. 21.26 in Lipinski 1997 [8] Note that a number of tri-literal Hebrew roots were clearly of bi-literal origin. E.g. 1. From the biliteral root PR = “split, separate, divide” we get PRD, PRH, PRZ, PRK, PRM, PRS, PR`, PRŞ, PRR, PRQ, PRSH, PRT, PRR, PWR all of which are variations on those basic meaning. 2. The causative prefixes š and s and nominal prefix t are used to form new roots e.g. · √srb to refuse from √ryb to contend · √šḥrr to free from √ḥr · √šqş to detest or make detestable from √qwş to loathe √šcbd to enslave from √cbd to serve · √tḥl to begin from √ḥll with the same meaning. [9] See Akkadian by G. Buccellati in Hetzron 1997. [10] See various papers in Hetzron 1997. [11] See Aramaic by S. A. Kaufman in Hetzron 1997. [12] See sect 11.13 in Lipinski 1997. [13] The following is adapted from Interdialectal lexical compatibility in Arabic: an analytical study of the lexical relationships among the major Syro- Lebanese varieties by F. J. Cadora, (Brill, Leiden, 1979) pp. 32-33. One measure of linguistic closeness is that of interdialectal lexical compatibility expressed as percentages of non-contrastive relationships (100% = identity; > 70% separate languages). E.g. using the Arabic of Tyre (Lebanon) as the basis of comparison, we get the following percentages of non-contrastive relationships: Cairo 86.5; Baghdad 84.9; Jidda 80.0; Casablanca 68.0. Thus, using this measure, all of these varieties of Eastern Arabic can be described as dialects of the same language whereas the Arabic of Casablanca could be described as a separate, those closely related language. [14] See Amorite and Eblaite by C. H. Gordon in Hetzron 1997. [15] Pre-history a term often used to describe the period before written records. [16] See the chapter The Dialectal Continuum in Garr p. 229 ff. [17] For further information see Phoenician and the Eastern Canaanite Languages by S Segert in Hetzron 1997. [18] Epigraph = inscription = “a sequence of words or letters written, printed, or engraved on a surface”. [19] See Ugaritic by D. Pardee in Hetzron 1997. [20] See Harris 1939 pp. 40-41. [21] For the relation between BH and QH see Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 chapt. 10. [22] Robertson 1972 distinguishes between "psalmodic" and "prophetic" poetic gendres. [23] The following is quoted from Wikipedia - Can the prophetic books be considered as poetry? Setting aside the many modern exegetes of the Old Testament who have gone so far as to discuss the meters and verse of the several prophets, it may be noted here merely that Sievers says (l.c. p. 374) that the prophecies, aside from a few exceptions to be mentioned, are eo ipso poetic, i.e., in verse. But the fact must be noted, which no one has so far brought forward, namely, that every single utterance of Balaam is called a sentence ("mashal"; Numbers 23:7, 23:18, 24:3, 24:15, 24:20, 24:23), while in the prophetic books this term is not applied to the prophecies. There "mashal" is used only in the Book of Ezekiel, and in an entirely different sense, namely, that of figurative speech or allegory (Ezekiel 17:2, 21:5, 24:3). This fact seems to show that in earlier times prophecies were uttered more often in shorter sentences, while subsequently, in keeping with the development of Hebrew literature, they were uttered more in detail, and the sentence was naturally amplified into the discourse. This view is supported by Isaiah 1, the first prophecy being as follows: "Banim giddalti we- romamti," etc. There is here certainly such a symmetry in the single sentences that the rhythm which has been designated above as the poetic rhythm must be ascribed to them. But in the same chapter there occur also sentences like the following: "Arẓekém shemamáh 'arekém serufot-ésh; admatekém le- negdekém zarím okelím otáh" (verse 7), or this, "When ye come to appear before me, who hath required this at your hand, to tread my courts?" (verse 12). In the last pair of lines even the translation sufficiently shows that each line does not contain three stresses merely, as does each line of the words of God (verses 2b, 3a, b). Although the prophets of Israel inserted poems in their prophecies, or adopted occasionally the rhythm of the dirge, which was well known to their readers, their utterances, aside from the exceptions to be noted, were in the freer rhythm of prose. This view is confirmed by a sentence of Jerome that deserves attention. He says in his preface to his translation of Isaiah: "Let no one think that the prophets among the Hebrews were bound by meter similar to that of the Psalms." [24] We could also note that the Wisdom Books, such as Proverbs, are written with a special vocabulary where ordinary words may have special meanings. [25] See Young 2004 p. 276 ff.. [26] What Did the Biblical Writers Know & When Did They Know It? by W. G. Dever p. 203.Eerdmans, 2001. [27] See Aaron Demsky and Moshe Kochavi, BAR 4/3 (1978): 23-30; Daniel Sivan, "The Gezer Calendar and Northwest Semitic Linguistics," IEJ 48 (1998): 101-05 and literature cited there. For an excellent argument for widespread literary in early Israel, see Alan R. Millard, "The Question of Israelite Literacy," BR 3/3 (1987): 22-31; "The Knowledge of Writing in Iron Age Palestine," TynBul 46 (1995): 207-17 and literature cited there. See also Ian M. Young, "Israelite Literacy: Interpreting the Evidence, Parts I-II," VT 48 (1998): 239-53, 408-22. In addition, see the fundamental study of Susan Niditch, Oral World and Written Word: Ancient Israelite Literature (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1996). [28] What Did the Biblical Writers Know & When Did They Know It? by W. G. Dever p. 137. [29] See Gibson 1971 p. 16. [30] See Gibson 1971 pp. 7-8. [31] The Population of Palestine in Iron Age II by M. Broshi and I. Finkelstein, BASOR 28:47-60 and Estimating the Population of Ancient Jerusalem by M. Broshi BAR IV no. 2 June 1978. [32] The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology's New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of Its Sacred Texts by Israel Finkelstein and Neil Asher Silberman, Free Press, 2001 pp. 223, 243, 273. See also van der Toorn 2009 p. 167. “ Had Israel survived, we might have received a parallel, competing, and very different history. But with the Assyrian destruction of Samaria and the dismantling of its institutions of royal power, any such competing histories were silenced. Though prophets and priests from the north very likely joined the flow of refugees to find shelter in the cities and towns of Judah, biblical history would henceforth be written by the winners—or at least the survivors— and it would be fashioned exclusively according to the late Judahite Deuteronomistic beliefs…. Through most of the two hundred years of the era of the divided monarchy, Judah remained in the shadows. Its limited economic potential, its relative geographical isolation, and the tradition-bound conservatism of its clans made it far less attractive for imperial exploitation by the Assyrians than the larger, richer kingdom of Israel. But with the rise of the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 BCE) and Ahaz's decision to become his vassal, Judah entered a game with enormous stakes. After 720, with the conquest of Samaria and the fall of Israel, Judah was surrounded by Assyrian provinces and Assyrian vassals. And that new situation would have implications for the future almost too vast to contemplate. The royal citadel of Jerusalem was transformed in a single generation from the seat of a rather insignificant local dynasty into the political and religious nerve center of a regional power—both because of dramatic internal developments and because thousands of refugees from the conquered kingdom of Israel fled to the south. Here archaeology has been invaluable in charting the pace and scale of Jerusalem's sudden expansion. As first suggested by Israeli archaeologist Magen Broshi, excavations conducted there in recent decades have shown that suddenly, at the end of the eighth century BCE, Jerusalem underwent an unprecedented population explosion, with its residential areas expanding from its former narrow ridge—the city of David—to cover the entire western hill …. A formidable defensive wall was constructed to include the new suburbs. In a matter of a few decades—surely within a single generation—Jerusalem was transformed from a modest highland town of about ten or twelve acres to a huge urban area of 150 acres of closely packed houses, workshops, and public buildings. In demographic terms, the city's population may have increased as much as fifteen times, from about one thousand to fifteen thousand inhabitants. A similar picture of tremendous population growth emerges from the archaeological surveys in Jerusalem's agricultural hinterland. Not only were many farmsteads built at this time in the immediate environs of the city, but in the districts south of the capital, the formerly relatively empty countryside was flooded with new farming settlements, both large and small. Sleepy old villages grew in size and became, for the first time, real towns. In the Shephelah too, the great leap forward came in the eighth century, with a dramatic growth in the number and size of sites…. Likewise, the Beersheba Valley in the far south witnessed the establishment of a number of new towns in the late eighth century. All in all, the expansion was astounding; by the late eighth century there were about three hundred settlements of all sizes in Judah, from the metropolis of Jerusalem to small farmsteads, where one there were only a few villages and modest towns. The population, which had long hovered at a few tens of thousands, now grew to around 120,000. In the wake of Assyria's campaigns in the north, Judah experienced not only sudden demographic growth but also real social evolution. In a word, it became a full-fledged state. Starting in the late eighth century, the archaological indications of mature state formation appear in the southern kingdom: monumental inscriptions, seals and seal impressions, and ostraca for royal administration; the sporadic use of ashlar masonry and stone capitals in public buildings; the mass production of pottery vessels and other crafts in central workshops, and their distribution throughout the countryside. No less important was the appearance of middle-sized towns serving as regional capitals and the development of large-scale industries of oil and wine pressing, which shifted from local, private production to state industry. The evidence of new burial customs—mainly but not exclusively in Jerusalem —suggests that a national elite emerged at this time. In the eighth century some of the inhabitants of Jerusalem began to cut elaborate Tombs in the rock of the ridges surrounding the city. …. …(W)ith the influx of refugees from the north after the fall of Samaria, the reorganization of the countryside under Hezekiah, and the second torrent of refugees from the desolation of the Shephelah by Sennacherib, many of the traditional clan attachments to particular territories had been forever destroyed. In the countryside, economies of scale—needed to produce the enormous quantities of olives for pressing and grain for distribution—benefited those who could organize the machinery of trade and agricultural production far more than those who labored in the fields. To whatever extent the surviving clans could claim an unbroken chain of inheritance on their fields, villages, and hilltops, the effects of war, population change, and intensified royal economic planning may have encouraged many to dream of a past golden age—real or imagined—when their ancestors were settled securely in well-defined territories and enjoyed the divine promise of eternal peace and prosperity on their land.” [33] In a more recent paper the authors wrote - This article deals with the momentous events that took place in Judah in the short period of time between 732 (and mainly 722) and 701 BCE. A torrent of refugees from the North, mostly from the areas bordering on Judah, dramatically changed the demographic structure in the Southern Kingdom. The population seems to have at least doubled and included significant north Israelite communities. ... during the Lachish III phase in the history of Judah, the socio-economic character of the Southern Kingdom was utterly revolutionized. Jerusalem grew to be the largest city in the entire country, covering an area of c. 60 hectares ... with an estimated population of up to 10–12,000 inhabitants. ... To sum-up, in a very short period in the second half of the eighth century BCE Judah developed into a highly bureaucratic state with a rapidly developing economy.... A key phenomenon—which cannot be explained against the background of economic prosperity alone—is the sudden growth of the population of Jerusalem in particular and Judah in general in the late eighth century.... in a few decades in the late eighth century Jerusalem grew in size from c. 6 to c. 60 hectares and in population from around 1000 inhabitants to over 10,000 (estimated according to 200 inhabitants per hectare). The population of the Judahite countryside also grew dramatically.... All in all, the assumption that in the late eighth century, in a matter of a few decades, the population of Judah doubled would be a modest—and probably underestimated—evaluation. This dramatic increase in the population of Judah ... cannot be explained as the result of natural demographic growth or of a gradual and peaceful migration into Judah from neighboring areas.... The only reasonable way to explain this sudden and unprecedented demographic growth is as a result of a flow of refugees from the North into Judah following the conquest of Israel by Assyria.... No less important, the population dramatically changed from ‘purely’ Judahite to a mix of Judahites and ex-Israelites, who had apparently fled from the direct Assyrian control that was now imposed on the territories of the conquered Kingdom of Israel. Indeed, in light of the extent of the population growth in this short period, an assumption that up to half of the Judahite population in the late eighth/early seventh century BCE was of North Israelite origin cannot be too far from reality. Likewise in Jerusalem a substantial proportion of the population—though not necessarily the ruling groups—may well have been ex-Israelite.... (From archaeological evidence) it is clear that southern Samaria suffered a major, long-term demographic blow in the wake of the conquest of the Northern Kingdom. In short, it is reasonable to suggest that many (though certainly not all) of the North Israelite refugees who settled in Judah after 722 BCE came from southern Samaria. These people must have come to Judah with their own local traditions. Most significantly, the Bethel sanctuary must have played an important role in their cult practices, and the memories and myths of the Saulide dynasty—which originated in this area—could have played an essential role in their understanding of their history and identity. The presence of substantial numbers of northern immigrants in Judah —and the new demographic situation it created—must have presented a challenge to the southern leadership and created an urgent need to unite the two segments of the new Judahite society—Judahites and Israelites— into a single national entity. In other words, there must have been a necessity to re-format Judah into a new nation. And the main problems that needed to be addressed were ideological: particularly the different— not to say alien and hostile—cult and royal traditions of the northerners who came to settle in Judah. [34] Greenstein 1988 p. 7. [35] Rainey 1985. [36] Cf. F. de Saussure, Cours de linguistique générale (Paris, 1916), p. 168. [37] From Joϋon-Muraoka 1991. [38] In Mishnaic Hebrew, the active participle takes over the non-modal functions of the PC. [39] See van der Merwe et al. §19.2.3. [40] See Andersen 1970 and Hoftijzer73. [41] See Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 §112g. [42] A good example of the past durative is Exodus 19:19 .וַיֻשה, י הקֹול הַ ש רֹופָ ר הֹולֵךך וֻשחָזֵהק מֻש דאֹד מֹשו ה ה יֻשדַ רבֵּ ר וֻשהָ אללה, ך ים ניַענו ננו בֻש וקֹול The NRSV translates this as As the blast of the trumpet grew louder and louder, Moses would speak and God would answer him in thunder. However, a more literal translation would be - As the blast of the trumpet grew louder and louder, Moses was speaking and God was answering him in/through thunder. [43] Nb. PC, not prefixed by waw at the head of a sentence is almost invariably jussive, not imperfect (see Niccacci 2006 pp. 251-252). [44] “From a diachronic perspective …. At least as far as Biblical Hebrew is concerned, we need to distinguish three distinct kinds of imperfect forms: 1. Free-standing *yaqtul, a punctiliar-preterite found chiefly in poetic texts, 2. waw-yaqtul, the unique form of the *yaqtul preterite which is not confined to poetic passages, and 3. *yaqtulu (with or without a simple waw), the so-called "long imperfect", which can have a durative, iterative, habitual, or frequentative meaning when used in the past tense, or even a punctiliar-preterital meaning when used with temporal adverbials such as ’āz or ţerem.” From The waw Consecutive in Old Aramaic? A Rejoinder to Victor Sasson by T. Muraoka; M. Rogland, Vetus Testamentum, Vol. 48, Fasc. 1. (Jan., 1998), pp. 99-104. [45] See Blau 2010 §3.5.12.2.13. [46] Complete agreement has not been reached, and perhaps never will be achieved in a field where there are gaps in our knowledge and in which conjectural emendation theories usually contain a conjectural element. Nevertheless, some views command wide acceptance. … Among them is the view that a form of the prefix conjugation was used at an early stage of development to narrate events in past time, and that it underlies both the preterite in Accadian and phenomena in West Semitic languages, including the waw consecutive with the imperfect and also certain other examples of the imperfect, especially in poetry, in Hebrew. The term "preterite" is often used of the relevant uses of the imperfect in Hebrew. From Further Comments on the Use of Tenses in the Aramaic Inscription from Tel Dan by J. A. Emerton in Vetus Testamentum, Vol. 47, Fasc. 4. (Oct., 1997), pp. 435-436. [47] Following is from Hetzron 1969 - The waw conversive before prefix-forms, namely. waC:-, has nothing to do with the conjunction *wa- "and" . First of all, it is not legitimate to represent the forms with waw conversive as essentially non-initial and depending on a preceding verb. They occur in speech-initial positions quite often. The form is not a consecutive one with no tense-implication, like the ka- forms in Swahili or the converbs in Ethiopian. It does have a tense-connotation, that of perfect. It is the normal expression of the sentence-initial perfect, while the suffix-perfect qātal is, with very few exceptions, reserved to non-initial positions. Furthermore, the conjunction *wa- "and", if not reduced to *wə - as it normally is, becomes *wā- in Hebrew, e.g. yōmām wā-laylā "day and nigh:'', and never waC:- like the waw of the "converted" prefix-forms. In my opinion, the best theory about the origin of the waw conversive is still that of J. D. Michaelis, long forgotten by Semitists. Michaelis thought (in 1745) that waC:- had come from the verbal form *hawaya "it was", first reduced, like all the suffix-perfect sg. 3 m. forms, to *haway and, as a prefix, to a monosyllabic form *way- > waC:-. The independent use of the same verbal form underwent other changes and became hāyā. It is possible that, when the prefix-perfect began to decline and to yield to the suffix-perfect, in the still remaining expressive use of the former, which in most verb-classes had also become homonymous with the jussive, there was a need to reinforce the past-tense meaning:- and this was done by adding a past-tense copula of the formation *hawaya Two related points - a) In Modern Hebrew we have a similar case. Classical Hebrew yākōl is both a present "he can" and a past "he could". In order to avoid ambiguity, Modern Hebrew uses yaxol as "he can" and the corresponding past is augmented by the past-tense copula: haya yaxol "he could". The analogy is so strong that although there is no ambiguity in the feminine singular: yəxola "she can" and yaxla "she could", the compound forms are gaining ground: hayta yəxola “she could", and so on in other persons. b) Perhaps an analogy is the Arabic usage of KWN (= Hebrew HWY/HYH) as an auxiliary verb. The following is quoted from Hetzron sect 38.19-38.20 38.19. While the "classical" verbal system of the Semitic languages is based on aspect, modern speech tends to found the verb inflection on the notion of time and to express it by means of "tenses". If we now turn to the tense formations which have been developed in some modem Semitic languages to express time relations in imitation of the western Indo-European tense scheme, we can see that these compound tenses are partly based an old formations which were used in the past to express particular aspects or situations and not time relations. 38.20. The pluperfect "he had written", etc., can be expressed in modern Arabic by using the perfect kān, "he was", with the perfect of another verb, e.g. kān katab, "he had written". This tense is related to Classical Arabic kāna qad or qad kāna followed by the perfect of another verb; e.g. qad kāna ra'ā minka mitla mā ra'aynā, "he had already seen through you, just as we have seen". As a matter of fact, kāna is a stative expressing a situation existing at the moment when "we saw" it and it does not shift the tense of the clause automatically to the pluperfect; thus: "he was already seeing through you, just as we saw". A similar analysis explains the modern use of the perfect kān … with the imperfect of another verb to express the European imperfect or past continuous "he was writing", kān yaktub (cf. §58.5). This compound tense goes back to Classical kāna yafcalu which denotes a stable situation consisting in doing something; e.g. kāna n-nabῑ yu yacūdu l-mariḍa, "the prophet used to visit sick people". The duration in the past (past continuous) can be expressed also by the perfect of kān with the active participle, e.g. kān kātib, "he was writing" (§42.24). By using the imperfect yəkūn with the perfect of another verb, modern Arabic can express the future perfect "he will have written", yəkūn (qad) katab. This construction is used in Classical Arabic to signify a situation resulting from an action which will be accomplished in the future: e.g. fa- nakūnu qad 'aḫadnā 'iwaḍan, "then we shall already be in the situation of having taken an equivalent". The future sense can be expressed also by the participle rāyiḥ, "going", with the imperfect; e.g. ana rāyiḥ asma', "I am going to hear". [48] In Blau's view the conversive and coordinative waw were historically identical. The differences in vocalization, and the gemination of the prefix in the conversive form of the PC are accounted for by the history of changes due to stress. Blau 2010 §3.5.12.2, 4.7. [49] A more sophistocated presentation is made by see Niccacci 2006 whose summary table (p. 248) is below -

Tempora Main Level of Communication Secondary Level of l Axis (Foreground) Communication (Background) Past (X-) → continuation wayyiqtol → x- qatal, non-verbal sentence, (coordination, main level) x-yiqtol, weqatal cf. Deut 1:6 ff.; 5:2 ff. (background) Present Non-verbal sentence → Non-verbal sentence with/without participle - cf. with/without participle Gen 42:10-11 Future Non-verbal sentence (esp. Indicativ with participle) → e continuation weqatal → x-yiqtol cf. Exod 7:17-18; 7:27-29 (background) or Initial x-yiqtol → continuation weqatal (in a chain) Future Imperative → weyiqtol volative (foreground) - cf. Num 6:24- 26 → x-imperative (background) or → x-yiqtol (background) x-yiqtol cohortative/jussive → weyiqtol (= foreground) Note: Imperative → weyiqtol = purpose ('in order to') Imperative → weqatal = consequence ('thus, therefore') cf. Exod 25:2 → 8

[50] See Kutscher 1979 pp. 40-41; 334-339.and the following from Blau (1978) p. 92. [It is] … a rather confused picture: it is almost impossible to predict word stress according to syllable structure. Yet it is possible, as if by magic, to introduce order into this apparent chaos. Through one single assumption it is possible to explain the stress of the great majority of Hebrew words. Therefore this assumption has to be regarded as the most powerful explanation of the interdependence of stress and syllable structure, a veritable pivot on which everything hinges. Let us add to the Hebrew words the final short vowels which, according to comparative grammar, were lost in Hebrew, and then, without changing the traditional place of stress, the great majority of words exhibit stress on penult. Those which are today stressed on the ultima have, as a rule, lost final short vowels, the addition of which makes them stressed on the penultima. And those which are today stressed on the penult, have, as a rule, preserved their final syllable. [51] Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959) 98. Yet this should be qualified by David Talshir's recent study where he demonstrated that two-thirds of the innovations of late biblical Hebrew are not found in Tannaitic literature. He also observed that 52.7% of the vocabulary of late biblical Hebrew occurs neither in Aramaic nor Rabbinic Hebrew ("The Autonomic Status of Late Biblical Hebrew," Abba Bendavid Jubilee Volume [Jerusalem: The Institute for the Study of Judaism, 1987] 161- 72 [in Hebrew]). [52] Ben G. Blount and Mary Sanches, Sociocultural Dimensions of Language Change (New York: Academic Press, 1977) 4. See also M. L. Samuels, Linguistic Evolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972) 154. [53] Hurvitz, "The Language and Date of Psalm 151 from Qumran," Eretz Israel 8 (1967) 83 [in Hebrew]. [54] Kutscher 1971a col. 1605. [55] The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology's New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of Its Sacred Texts p. 246. [56] Literacy in Ancient Israel must have been very low in the early Pre-exilic period possibly rising to roughly 10 percent (the level in Ancient Greece) at the end of the First Temple period and on into the Second Temple period. The culture was clearly oral supplemented by witten documents prepared by highly trained scribes. (See van der Toorn 2009 pp. 10 ff.. [57] The situation was somewhat different as regards the languages of government and administrative records whicdh may be described as - During the Second Temple period there were two major administrative centers relating to Judea - the Temple administration and the center of political power. (To a much lesser extent, municipal authroities, particularly the Gerusia (council of elders) of Jerusalem would have kept records which may have been in a mixture of Aramaic, Greek and Hebrew - probably in that order of importance.) About the language(s) of Temple administration we have virtually no evidence. However, it is possible to surmise that administrative documents would have been kept in their best Biblical Hebrew and/or perhaps a dialect similar to Qumran Hebrew and/or in an Aramaic perhaps similar to Qumran Aramaic. The little evidence at hand suggests that Aramaic was the normal spoken language in the Temple as it was in Jerusalem generally in the period. Regarding the center of political power the situation is clearer i.e. - Persian period - late sixth to late fourth centuries BCE. Administrative language Imperial Aramaic. Hellenistic period - late fourth to mid-second centuries BCE. Administrative language Greek. Hasmonean period - mid-second century to late first century BCE (see below) Herodian period - late first century CE. Administrative language(s) probably Aramaic and Greek. Roman period - early first second century BCE until the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE. Administrative language Greek. Of the Hasmonean court and administration we know very little. It is clear that at court and in administrative offices Greek and Aramaic would be heard and used for many documents. However, it is conceivable that, for nationalist reasons, the court may have promoted the use of Hebrew as a written language and possible for the conduct of court business (cf. "Qumran Hebrew as an Antilanguage", by William M. Schniedewind, Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 118, No. 2. (Summer, 1999), pp. 235-252.) If this was the case, it would be likely that different forms of Hebrew would have been used in writing and speaking. It may well have been the case that something like Qumran Hebrew may have been used for writing while the spoken Hebrew may have been closer to a form of Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew. Note the following from Schwartz 1995 - The Hasmoneans were the family who led the revolt against the Seleucids starting in 167 B.C.E., ruled in Palestine 152-37 B.C.E., and revived autonomous coinage in the 120s or 110s B.C.E., about one hundred and fifty years after it had been abolished. As I suggested above, the revolt which was the dynasty's raison d'etre had tended to magnify the symbolic centrality of the Law and the temple; this was perhaps accompanied by the first explicit and unambiguous uses of Hebrew as a national symbol at least, such a use of the language was retrospectively attributed to the rebels. The quasi-offlcial chronicle of the revolt and the rise of the Hasmonean family, 1 Maccabees, was composed in archaizing Hebrew; the author of 2 Maccabees (an account of the revolt composed in Greek and unconnected with 1 Maccabees) emphasized, with an uncertain degree of accuracy, that revolutionaries and martyrs of the persecution used Hebrew in some circumstances. The attribution of symbolic importance to Hebrew whether by the rebels themselves or by their successors may help explain why the earliest Hasmonean coins, minted under John Hyrcanus I (reigned 134-104 B.C.E.), bore legends exclusively in the Hebrew language and in the presumably increasingly incomprehensible Palaeo- Hebrew script.... [58] However there are still parallels with Arabic. The following is quoted from Morag 1989 (pp. 103 -104) - "Some Classical Arabic Arabic dialects ... distinguish between two categories of imperfect, one possessing a b-prefortative (byuktub), the other lacking this preformative (yuktub).... (I)n the Syro-Israeli area, the category possessing the b serves as an indicative while the other category, the b-less one, serves as a subjunctive (and possesses additional functions, modal and others). This distinction between the historical imperfect (yuktub), which is used for the non-indicative moods, and an imperfect possessing an afformative, which functions as an indicative, is to a certain extent paralleled in Mishnaic Hebrew. In this layer of Hebrew, yifcal is generally non-indicative, while the indicative is expressed by having certain morphemes, such as catῑd, precede the imperfect (or the infinitive)." [59] However once again there are parallels with Arabic. The following is quoted from "Parallel Developments in Mishnaic Hebrew, Colloquial Arabic, and Other Varieties of Spoken Semitic," (pp. 1271 -1272) - "(M)ost would concur that the so-called tenses in BH and classical Arabic are not tenses at all, for different temporal concepts converge in both the perfect and the imperfect. But if we turn to the spoken dialtects, then the term tenses is perfectly descriptive. In MH, the perfect is used solely for the past and the participle expresses the present and future (the imperfect is reserved for modal usages) (Sharvit 1980). In colloquial Arabic, there is also "a clear tendency to asssign tenses according to the division of time." ...; the perfect is reserved for the past and the imperfect is used for the present and future" [60] See Kutscher 1979 pp. 40-41; 334-339 and Sáenz-Badillos under “accent” p. 357 [61] See Kutscher 1979 pp. 40-41; 334-339; Morag 1988 p. 156. [62] see Kapeliuk 1989 pp. 306-307. [63] See Phones and Phonemes. [64] See Sáenz-Badillos chapt. 8 [65] Paul Wexler goes way over the top, in my estimation, in his thesis that Yiddish is West Sorbian in Germanic garb, Israeli Hebrew is Yiddish in Semitic garb and hence the title of his book - The Schizoid Nature of Modern Hebrew: A Slavic Language in Search of a Semitic past. [66] Note the interesting statement made by Haiim B Rosén in Israel Language Policy and Linguistics (Ariel vol. 25 p. 109) “Although there is no published material on this aspect I wish to impart some results achieved from a contrastive observation of “Early Israeli Hebrew” (the written language of the twenties and thirties) compared to usages of our own generation. The contrast is striking; quotations taken from the early layer have either to be “translated” or reinterpreted, lest the immediate impression they create be one of ridiculous language. But a distinct direction can be observed in this development; while early revived Hebrew is full of anachronisms, reminiscences from classical sources, words that have become obsolete by now, it is astonishing how much closer present-day Hebrew is, in morphology and syntactic constructions, to what is apparent to the linguist in the structure of Classical Hebrew. While it is impossible here to substantiate this statement, I wish to offer an explanation. When Hebrew became “more living,” it became less foreign. Becoming less foreign means absorbing more and more of the linguistic items that constitute the formal system of Hebrew, so that a linguistic system can be created that is, in fact, largely a reconstitution of a considerable portion of the classical system …. Features of modern standard language that can be considered the result of re-classicization of Hebrew (e.g. case government, stabilization of syntactical interrelation between verbal stems, forgoing revival of the distinctions between various types of noun linking, restriction of adjectives in favour of noun constructions, semantic shadings, particularly in the domain of verbs) were hardly ever taught by normative grammar, since these very notions are largely the result of modern synchronic descriptive Hebrew linguistics.” [67] See sect 24.1, 24.9, 24.9, 24.10, 41.4 in Lipinski 1997. [68] Gloss Standard Average European - A famous linguist remarked that, when compared with other languages of the world, European languages are all extremely similar and he referred to them as a group as "Standard Average European" (SAE). Whorf's postulation of Standard Average European as a single normative set of language cryptotypes* associatable with a particular unified mindset.) is predominant. *cryptotype. [theoretical] Whorf's term for a covert grammatical category. For instance, the process types, material, mental, verbal, and relational, are largely cryptotypes in English. It has been taken over in systemic work (e.g., Halliday, 1983). Cryptotypes affect the organization of the grammatical system; that is, the grammatical system 'reacts' to their presence and we can identify cryptotypes by reference to such reactances. [69] In Israeli Hebrew, unlike Biblical and Mishaic Hebrew, the normal sentence order is subject-verb-object. This parallels developments in Arabic dialects See sect 7.45 in Lipinski 1997 "Both Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic exhibit a stronger trend than their classical predecessors for long and intricate sentences. Rosen deals with the use of periods in Modern Hebrew (i.e. with long sentences the parts of which are combined by dint of subordinative conjunctions and which tend to contain parallel clauses and phrases) and he contends that Modern Hebrew, in its excessive use of periods, has not preserved its Semitic character. I have some misgivings about identifying simple sentence structure with Semitic character and about regarding intricate sentence structure as non-Semitic. Is one justified to consider mediaeval scientific Arabic style to be non-Semitic only because it teems with complicated sentences?!... It seems that the same phenomenon in Modern Standard Arabic has not only to be attributed to mediaeval heritage, but also to the impact of Standard Average European.... The Arabic sentences quoted are by no means less complicated than those adduced by Rosen for Hebrew and considered to exhibit non-Semitic character: (1) ha-t-taphqid hu l'-targem b'-middat ha-efsharut et ha-t-t'Hushot, et ha-n- nisyonot, ha-Huqqim shel ha-hakkara ha-cal-sikhlit, li-sphato shel ha-s-sekhel, l'macan tihyena yoter muvanot, o, l’-mitzcar, paHot lo-muvanot la-s-sekhel “the task is, as far as possible, to translate the feelings, the attempts, the rules of super-rational perception, into the language of reason, to make them more intelligible, or, at least, less unintelligible to reason; (2) im qara ba-y-yamim ha-aHaronim ubha koHah shel ha-m-rn'dina ha-addira me-cebher la-y-yarnrnim nissa l'-hacamidenu al kakh, she-en anu zakka’im li- hyot ha-m-merkaz li-tphutzot yisra'el ba-q-qola, hare limed otanu b'lo yodcim pereq cal Hashibhut ha-Hayyim ha-ruHaniyyim b'-yisrael “if in the last days it happened that the representative of the mighty country beyond the ocean tried to teach us that we are not entitled to be the centre of the scatterings of Israel in the diaspora, so, unconsciously, he taught us a lesson on the importance of the spiritual life in Israel" It cannot be denied that not only Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic but even Middle Standard Arabic, representing scientific style, has been influenced by European linguistic usage, viz. by Greek, which often penetrated Arabic. via Syriac. Yet periods occur in genuine classical Arabic as well, and it is not an exaggeration to claim that one of the most characteristic traits of JaHiZ's style, one of the most important representatives of classical style at the beginning of the Abbasid period, is the extensive use of the periods…. To sum up: not a few of the so-called European traits of Modern Hebrew occur in Modern Standard Arabic as well, and the use of periods is even characteristic of Middle Arabic scientific literature and of belles lettres …. One will not, on principle, oppose to considering Modern Hebrew a European tongue (although I have some misgivings as to posing questions whether or not a certain language may still be regarded as a Semitic tongue). It has to be done on the base of linguistic analysis, rather than from inference from the personal background of the speakers. Moreover, the same principles have to be applied to other languages that exhibit similar phenomena. And if the question is posed whether Modern Hebrew is a Semitic or a European tongue, first one must define Semitic languages and European ones and then apply the definitions to both Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic with the help of statistical analysis, though I am not very optimistic as to the results of this procedure. I have the impression that Modern Hebrew uses loan words and loan blends more extensively than does Modern Standard Arabic, and loan words even in Hebrew to be on the decrease, further that loan words are not exceptional in Modern Standard Arabic either. There is disagreement as to the excessive use of loan words in Arabic and Hebrew and some writers go as far as to consider them dangerous to the substance of language. As a matter of fact it is not single words that change the character of a language but rather the inner structure, and in this respect Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic are rather alike. To sum up the contents of this chapter: it was through the influence of Standard Average European that the syntax and especially phraseology in both Modern Standard Arabic and Modern Hebrew underwent far-reaching changes. These features, as well as the use of periods (although they are well attested in earlier stages of Arabic as well), make Hebrew and Arabic similar to European languages. Both Hebrew and Arabic exhibit the tendency of becoming a part of the European language bundle. In spelling and morphology both Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic have preserved their ancient character; in other linguistic fields, however they exhibit new layers in the development of their respective languages….", From The Renaissance of Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic: Parallels and Differences in the Revival of Two Semitic Languages by Joshua Blau, Berkeley: UC Press, 1981 This is reinforced by the following: As the reader must have noticed, the examples illustrating the preceding chapter operate by and large with a seemingly classical vocabulary. The illusion of having to do with unadulterated Arabic is there. The dictionary will only rarely be of any use in detecting deviations from the classical language. The occurring verbal semantic extensions are so broad and transparent that they do not impede satisfactory comprehension. Adjectival extensions have the backing of metaphorical context. The overall impression is that such a language is clear, precise, and self-explanatory. Writers and poets do not hesitate to use it. Critics rarely dwell on its particularity…. At the same time very few users of this new Arabic literary idiom realize how close it has brought them to other linguistic spheres. Translators can now quite effortlessly and smoothly render contemporary Arabic into other modern languages, and vice versa. Linguistic affinity is appearing where before there had only been disparity. Arabs find foreign languages easier-as others find Arabic. Now that the stumbling block of a lack of semantic equivalence between the Arabic lexicon and the lexica of modern European languages has been largely overcome, the vocabulary question loses its forbidding character as a defining factor of the Arabic language. As for morphology, it has never been an insurmountable barrier between languages. It provides the pieces, the working elements of the verbal mosaic. It constitutes the elementary level of linguistic structure and logic, a level which varies little from one language to another-just as one elementary thought formation varies little from another. Arabic is not different from English because yaktubu has a preformative and "writes" does not. The semantic and morphological logic is still the same. The simplest workable idea of an action has been conveyed in both cases. The shortest answer to the question "What does he do?" will be "write," "walk," and the like. An answer in Arabic might show some discrepancy, since yaktubu or yamsh'i reveal a different person. This is not so, however, because in the English case the full answer is either "he does write" or "he writes." A parallel with Spanish would be much closer…. Lexical and morphological considerations are not an impediment to the logical equation of languages. The syntax, however, as seen in the comparison of the above simple phrases-"What does he do?" mādhā yafclu? puts such an equation in jeopardy. Syntax, which is the structure of complex, integrating linguistic logic, quite naturally varies more from language to language. But syntax, in the final analysis, is the reflection of thought-patterns which from thought-discoveries developed into thought-habits and then turned into thought-rules. We usually operate with thought-rules…. There are fluctuations in languages, gradual changes, developments. Local colloquialisms become generalized; idiomatic expressions turn from casuistic into analogically formative phenomena; linguistic patterns cross borders and become assimilated by neighboring languages. It is this latter form of change which concerns us here. Modern Arabic is coming into being only inasmuch as it changes and thus becomes different from non-modern Arabic…. But what does modern Arabic become? …. Modern Arabic has become a usable, functional language. It has done away with things which are not in our present realm of thought and experience and substituted relevant ones for them. Modern Arabic, as the simplistic claim goes, has become simplified; it is grammatically more logical according to one claim and grammatically more flexible and lenient (and thus less disciplined, discipline being a kind of logic) according to another; it has bridged the gap between the classical and the colloquial; and so forth, in ever-widening circles…. For more than one hundred years Arab modernists both in letters and the sciences-were captivated by the new objects. They saw the trees without realizing that they were in the midst of a forest. They were making a new vocabulary without yet achieving a modern idiom. They did not think like modern men yet, because thought, for all practical purposes, is inseparable from language. The early .modernists were neoclassicists, however. They believed in engrafting new words upon the rigid classical linguistic forms. They failed to realize that, culturally, new words bring with them new linguistic contexts which must replace the old ones, and that these new contexts create a new language. Modern Arabic, therefore, is modern only insofar as it is a culturally new language. Modern Arabic culture … is very much something borrowed and assimilated. The bearing of this fact upon the language is not marginal-it is essential. Timidly at first, and massively during the last fifty years, Arabs were understanding the world and their new cultural aspirations through concepts and thought contexts which could not have been of their making. Western influence was making itself felt not only in vocabulary but also in a new .style and rhythm of thought, and thus in a wholly new feeling for the language. A series of assimilated thoughts had to produce a linguistic thought-configuration which had its origin in the influencing culture. An Arab writer trying to come to terms with Anatole France, for example, would find that knowing French to perfection would not suffice, and that knowing classical Arabic equally well was not enough either. The discovery that there was a mysterious link missing for a successful thought transfusion from the Western into the Arabic culture became a source of frustration, particularly for the literary generation active in the first quarter of the present century, as it was fully committed to innovation. At the same time, it was this generation which put modern Arabic on its present course, which unknowingly defined modern Arabic, and which produced the first firmly rooted and consequential cultural communication with modernity. What enabled all this to happen was the gradual appearance of affinities between Arabic and the modern European family of languages…. The generic category of Western languages-a term we so often use without full conceptual precision-is first of all a cultural phenomenon. Out of a cultural community arises a linguistic community, producing a common linguistic spirit which pervades languages participating in a collective culture and is the expression of linguistic unity beyond genealogical frontiers and differences.... Present European thought habits and thought patterns reveal a striking unity of linguistic spirit. The differences of grammatical structure within the European community of languages did not prevent the appearance of lexical- contextual and idiomatic cross-borrowings which modulated even individual language structures. The generic concept of Western languages, as an influencing factor upon Arabic, is therefore not a vague, undisciplined generalization but a linguistic and cultural reality…. It is the relationship of an individual language to the idea of modern culture … which determines its modernity. This culture-determined modernity of contemporary languages is thus a measurable entity, and, as a result, we may speak, in a case like that of Arabic, of the language's premodern state, of its classical and then modern orientation, and finally of its approaching the requirements of modernity. After these definitions we should understand the far-reaching significance of our term-modern Arabic. Through its new lexicon, the thought-shaping context of that lexicon, and last but not least through the great wealth and variety of assimilated idiomatic patterns and literally taken-over phraseological units, the contemporary Arabic literary language has crossed its genealogical linguistic borders and has entered into cultural linguistic affinity with the broad supragenealogical family of modern Western languages. The process of its integration into the Western Sprachgeist has of course only begun, but its orientation now seems firm and its pace decidedly fast. Arabic continues, morphologically, to be a Semitic language…. The configuration of its syntax now conforms to new, largely non-Semitic thought-dynamics. The modern Arabic mind is becoming an offshoot of the modern Western mind and is retaining fewer and fewer of the rigidly Semitic thought-habits and thus fewer of the classical idiomatic molds and structural particularities. A common modern cultural linguistic spirit is becoming the defining factor of modern Arabic. … The classical language was "more" logical in its own cultural context. The modern language has to be equally logical in its own time and culture. The classical Arabic style of thought duly reflected the classical Arabic civilization. The modern style has different purposes to fulfill…. Modern Arabic is moving away from both the classical and the colloquial languages. While retaining the morphological structure of classical Arabic, syntactically and, above all, stylistically it is coming ever closer to the form and spirit of the large, supragenealogical family of Western culture-bearing languages. Provided modern Arabic remains in that sphere, it may take no more than two or three generations for it to become a highly integrated member of the Western cultural linguistic family, sharing fully in a common modern linguistic spirit. The Arabic syntax will then have undergone far- reaching changes dictated by modern thought-dynamics. The categories of the verbal and the nominal sentences will not be the main syntactical characteristics. Instead, the notion of meaning-stress will dictate the order of sentence elements. This will suppose a healthy shift in attitude from the formalistic grammatical one to a dynamic, stylistic one. The Arabic sentence will also become richer in subordinate clauses, and their order and coordination will be as flexible as modern thought-habits. A clear trend away from syntactical simplicity can already be observed…. …Linguistic processes, once started, are capable of self-perpetuation from within the language. In fact, secondary developments, which will be the results of primary idiomatic .borrowings, will naturally and effortlessly produce the main stock of modern expressions or molds of expression. Analogical imitation of borrowed expressions will entail chains of effective stylistic derivations which will sound authentic within the new spirit of the language. The future of the Arabic language will thus not lie in artificial compromises between the two native linguistic sources of classicism and colloquialism, which work against each other, but rather in a straight line of development out of a classical Semitic morphology towards a new, largely non-Semitic syntax which will be dictated by habits of thought rather than by habits of live speech. Only then, in possession of a language by which to think, will the Arabs be able to overcome the problem of conflicting colloquialism and classicism….” From THE MODERN ARABIC LITERARY LANGUAGE; Lexical and Stylistic Developments, Jaroslav Stetkevych, U Chicago Press, 1970 [70] See Gilnert § 28.3, 28.6 and Bar-Adon 1966. [71] For modern Hebrew see Bolozky p. 21 ff. Similar developments occur in Modern Literary Arabic see From THE MODERN ARABIC LITERARY LANGUAGE; Lexical and Stylistic Developments, Jaroslav Stetkevych, U Chicago Press, 1970. For broader Semitic language view see Lipinski 1997 pp. 234-235. [72] See Zuckermann. [73] According to Uriel Weinreich (College Yiddish, YIVO, 1971) - "Standard Yiddish does not distinguish between long and short vowels; in this respect it resembles languages like Italian, Spanish or Russian. Compared to the long and short vowels of English or German, the Yiddish vowels are of medium length." [74] The weakening of the gutturals in post-Biblical Ancient Hebrew and their disappearance from IH are paralleled in a number of other Semitic languages see Kapeliuk 1989 pp. 303-305. [75] For the general tendency for tenses, in modern Semitic languages, to indicate time rather than aspect, see sect 38.19 in Lipinski 1997. [76] There is a possibility that this shift may have occurred very early see Joϋon-Muraoka § 26e. [77] Emphasis bolded in this quote are my own. [78] A modern non-Israeli scholar of Hebrew wrote - I found I cannot read Shakespeare nor the KJV translation of the Bible except very superficially and letting a lot of things I don't understand slide. It is not the words that have dropped out of use that are the problem, rather those that have remained in the language but changed their meanings. Modern Hebrew is a different language from Biblical Hebrew in many ways. From what little I know, its verbal use is completely different. I don't know how many words have different meanings, but I suspect it is substantial.... It ... insures that anyone who is fluent in modern Hebrew but learning Biblical Hebrew, will tend to read modern uses into the Biblical text because there are no obvious clues when it should be read differently and when it should be read the same. Karl W. Randolph. [79] For the use of nouns in place of adjectives see sect 51.17 in Lipinski 1997. [80] A good source for Arabic patterns of neologism is ARABIC LANGUAGE PLANNING: THE CASE OF LEXICAL MODERNIZATION, by Aziz Bensmaali El-Mouloudi, PhD dissertation in linguistics, Georgetown University, 1986. [81] MSA is based on the Arabic of the Quran and has the same relationship to the spoken forms of Arabic as Classical Latin has to modern French or Italian. The prestige of the language of the Quran in Islam, and the fact that MSA is similar throughout the Arab world, have combined to support the opinion among many Arabic speakers that their native spoken language is "bad Arabic". Of course, Egyptian Arabic or Moroccan Arabic is no more "bad (Classical) Arabic" than the language of Madrid is bad Latin. The tremendous barrier to education and modernization of diglossia is described in "Language Education and Human Development Arabic diglossia and its impact on the quality of education in the Arab region". An analogous situation was overcome in Europe during the renaissance by the development of the vernaculars as literary vehicles. In all likelihood, something similar will have to happen in the Arab world by either adopting educated spoken Egyptian Arabic as a universal standard or by the development of a few regional standards based on the educated speech of major regional cities. [82] For Semitic languages see Lipinski 1997 pp. 484 DS The situation is similar in Modern Standard Arabic see Joshua Blau's book "The Renaissance of Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic" (Berkeley: UC Press, 1981), pp. 60-141. Blau’s conclusion is - “… it was through the influence of Standard Average European that the syntax and especially phraseology in both Modern Standard Arabic and Modern Hebrew underwent far-reaching changes. These features, as well as the use of periods (although they are well attested in earlier stages of Arabic as well), make Hebrew and Arabic similar to European languages. Both Hebrew and Arabic exhibit the tendency of becoming a part of the European language bundle. In spelling and morphology both Modern Hebrew and Modern Standard Arabic have preserved their ancient character; in other linguistic fields, however they exhibit new layers in the development of their respective languages.” DSSee also Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties (Georgetown Classics in Arabic Language and Linguistics) by Clive, Holes (Georgetown University Press; Revised edition, 2004) p. 292. [83] Note the same development in the Neo-Syriac and Neo-Ethiopian languages (Kapeliuk 1989 pp. 306-308). K. E. Harning (The Analytic Genetive in Modern Arabic Dialects, 1980) shows that though the analytic genetive arose very early in the development of Arabic dialects, it generally has remained a marginal phenomenon complementing the synthetic genitive i.e. construct constructions. This contrasts with middle and late Aramaic, and Israeli Hebrew where how the analytic genitive displaced the synthetic genetive as a productive form. [84] See The Endings – iyya(h) and – yaat as Productives Suffixes in Modern Arabic: Implications for Translation by J. M. Giaber, 2005. “Another similarly but less frequently used termination is –u:t, which Arabic seems to have acquired from Aramac….” A Linguistic Study of the Development of Scientific Vocabulary in Standard Arabic by Abdul Sahib Mehdi Ali, (publisher Kegan Paul (March 1987), ISBN-10: 0710300239; ISBN-13: 978-0710300232) p. 32 . [85] See Holes 2004 pp. 173. [86] Some of the commonest: adjective in masc. sing. or fem. pl. used as in – manner); abstract noun with“) בֻּש אוופו ן or בֻּש צורָ ה adverb; adjective following .(See Gilnert 1989 sect. 21.4) .ב prefix [87] See Holes 2004 pp. 312. [88] For Arabic see Holes 2004 pp. 320-323. [89] Holes 2004 pp. 319-320. [90] Abu-Haidar 1989 p. 475. [91] “A very important phenomenon, betraying European influence, has been pointed out by H. Blanc: ...the necessity of translating terms from Standard Average European (SAE), have resulted in the introduction of prefixes, a type of morpheme virtually unknown to Semitic languages and for which there is but the barest precedent in earlier Hebrew; these have been adapted from, or invented on the base of, existing Hebrew and Aramaic particles or words, or lifted bodily from SAE, and today form an extremely important and productive part of the language. Most prefixes are so productive that they can be added, as the need arises, to almost any noun or adjective. Thus we have-‘i 'un-'or 'dis-' for nouns, bilti for adjectives (‘i-seder, 'disorder', bilti-mesudar, 'disorderly'); du 'bi-, di-, as in du- siakh, tlat as in tlat-regel 'tripod'; tut, ' sub-, under-,' as in tut-meymi 'underwater'; beyn, 'inter' as in beyn-lumi, 'international' etc. Of those borrowed outright from SAE we may list pro-and anti-: pro-aravi 'pro-Arab', anti-mitzri 'anti-Egyptian.' One of the reasons of the wholesale introduction of prefixes was structurally feasible and easy, even though quite novel, is the partial resemblance such constructions bear to the way Hebrew, as other Semitic languages, uses phrases of closely bound words (the so-called "construct phrases") to form complexes of noun-plus-noun or adjective-plus-noun: rav- tsdadim, 'many-sided,' literally 'many of sides,' is such a consruct phrase, but rav-tsdadi (same meaning) is formed with a prefix rav meaning 'multi- or poly'."… A HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE HEBREW LANGUAGE EDUARD ECHEZKEL KUTSCHER Edited by RAPHAEL KUTSCHER 1982 THE MAGNES PRESS, THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY, JERUSALEM EJ. BRILL, LEIDEN DS On the other hand see From THE MODERN ARABIC LITERARY LANGUAGE; Lexical and Stylistic Developments, Jaroslav Stetkevych, U Chiago Press, 1970, p. 51 for a similar development in Modern Literary Arabic. Also for Arabic see Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties (Georgetown Classics in Arabic Language and Linguistics) by Clive Holes (Georgetown University Press; Revised edition, 2004) pp. 160, 161, 313, 328, 330. Compare: (a) Arabic “… adding the negative particle lā to words like ijtimācī ‘social’ to make lājtimācī ‘asocial’” (Adrian Gully, ‘Arabic Linguistic Issues and Controversies of the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries’, JSS Spring 1997, .’illegal‘ בּ,לֻש תי־חוק, י vol. XLIL, p. 84); with, Israeli Hebrew [92] Hebrew examples largely drawn from Rosén 1962 and Gilnert pp. 492- 493. [93] Arabic examples largely drawn from A Linguistic Study of the Development of Scientific Vocabulary in Standard Arabic by Abdul Sahib Mehdi Ali, pp. 32,33, 73, 152 . ;pseudo-; proto-: proto-; neo-; infra ;(מעין) Others listed by Gilnert: me’en [94] ultra. [95] See examples in Holes p. 329. [96] For Hebrew see Berman. For spoken Arabic dialects - see The Arabic Language by Kees Versteegh, Columbia University Press 1997 p.100. For Literary Arabic see Adrian Macelaru's lemma "causative" in EALL. [97] Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties (Georgetown Classics in Arabic Language and Linguistics) by Clive, Holes (Georgetown University Press; Revised edition, 2004) p. 121 [98] For Hebrew see above. For Arabic see Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties (Georgetown Classics in Arabic Language and Linguistics) by Clive, Holes (Georgetown University Press; Revised edition, 2004) p. 232 [99] Hebrew examples largely drawn from Bolozky. [100] Arabic examples largely drawn from A Linguistic Study of the Development of Scientific Vocabulary in Standard Arabic by Abdul Sahib Mehdi Ali, pp. 142 ff.

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