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Byzantine Studies, Iconoclasm, and the Rise of Islam

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Byzantine Studies, Iconoclasm, and the Rise of Islam THE CHURCH ACROSS TIME Byzantine Studies, Iconoclasm, and the Rise of Islam Aristeides Papadakis While the history of the iconoclastic in the Rotunda of Galerius were also controversy has long occupied cen- left undisturbed. Religious figurative ter stage in the currently flourishing art certainly did not vanish during the discipline of Byzantine Studies—and iconoclast period, and evidence for has recently attracted the attention persecution and for the cessation of of some of the original and most sea- image manufacture is circumstantial soned scholars in the field—an au- as well. There is, for instance, almost thoritative survey of iconoclasm does no proof of martyrdom under Leo III, not yet exist. Still, our knowledge of and the production of images, which this reassessed landscape is much im- the ban would also have proscribed, proved, and consensus on key aspects did not cease outright. is often possible. If the state’s iconoclastic campaign— Earlier studies on the damage caused both in the capital and beyond—was by the movement were often con- rarely well-organized, then icono- flicted in their findings. Given its clasm in practice would seem for the emotionally divisive character, the de- most part to have been intermittent, if struction to both churches and public not fitfully thrown together. Revision- places was generally thought to have ist scholarship has offered evidence been extensive. But a closer examina- that both the persecution and the re- tion of the available documentation sulting damage were exaggerated, reveals that this was not always the suggesting that pro-image apologists case. Archaeological evidence from were in part to blame for the severity Constantinople, for example, is rela- of historical reporting. Since members tively modest. Apart from the patri- of the iconodule faction were the au- arch’s private rooms off the gallery thors of much of the surviving histor- of the Hagia Sophia, where figural ical record, it is likely that they could mosaics were finally removed in 769, have been tempted to magnify their little was destroyed. In Thessaloniki, enemies’ vandalism and ability to by contrast, the apse of Hosios Da- persecute. The fact that the “editors” vid, with its well-known beardless of these texts have been roundly crit- Christ (sixth century), was preserved icized for their attempt to rewrite his- by being carefully concealed, indicat- tory is not surprising. Still, we should ing that people were clearly aware of also admit that iconoclast sympathiz- the government’s agenda but were ers were inclined to do the same. The willing to circumvent its ban if they hostility characterizing both sides was could. Crucially, some figures in the intense and real, and setting it aside city’s Cathedral of St. Demetrios and would be a mistake. 30 The intellectual identification of fig- ural art with idolatry was a critical component of the iconoclast contro- versy, a fact that is generally well- known. Even so, modern research demonstrates that the historical and theological narratives essential to both supporters and detractors of im- age veneration were neither isolated from other contemporary events nor a sufficient cause of the controversy. Of greater importance was the parlous geopolitical situation of the Byzantine Empire. In plain English, the greatest issue of the day was neither icono- clasm nor theology but the very sur- vival of the Byzantine polity. The backdrop to this Byzantine crisis was the sudden rise of Islam. Thanks to swift Muslim conquests, the empire managed to lose half of its territory by the 650s. The contraction of frontiers, population, and tax revenue, together with overall violent demographic changes, soon proved irreversible; even the Byzantine capital became an object of frequent blockade. These attacks continued well into the eighth was an uncommonly traumatic chal- An illuminated Psal- century, pointedly underlining the lenge, leaving the empire practically ter depicts the icono- danger facing the empire. Arab armies destroyed to the point of extinction clasts, with their pots of whitewash, as the also launched annual incursions into before beginning a stabilization and equivalent of the sol- Anatolia, and even challenged Byzan- recovery in the ninth century. diers who tormented tine power at sea. Equally unsettling and crucified Christ. were contemporary Slavic migra- Given these facts, reducing the im- Chludov Psalter tions and settlements in the Balkans. portance of iconoclastic theology to a (c. 850–75), Moscow, Hist. Mus. MS. D.29 Furthermore, the empire was forced minimum is not surprising. Overall, folio 67r. to contend with major natural disas- the age was a historical watershed, ters, including an astonishing volca- whereas the image-breaking quarrel nic eruption on the island of Thera in was only a peripheral turning point. 726. Byzantium’s network of cities, According to this view, the decree which had provided the empire with against images issued by the state in its extraordinary economic power and 730 should be placed primarily within resiliency, also began to suffer slow, the broader historical context of the erratic modifications, and many of Arab victories. The emperors were its ancient urban centers were grad- doubtless convinced that the popu- ually transformed into villages and lar devotion to images was to blame fortresses. For the Byzantine world, for the empire’s military defeats and the instability triggered by the swift natural disasters. God was effectively ascension of the rival Arab realm punishing Christians by favoring the The Wheel 7 | Fall 2016 31 The Emperor Leo (seated) debates iconoclasm with his clergy, while icon- oclasts whitewash an image of Christ: meanwhile, two bishops venerate a sacred image. The- odore Psalter, British Library, B.M. Add. 19.352. enemy’s armies. The issue for the em- A brief look at some of the older sec- pire was never truly a theological con- ondary literature, with its broader em- cern; the imperial ban proscribing im- phasis (for example, scholarship from ages had more to do with the empire’s George Ostrogorsky) provides a good survival strategy and the grave politi- demonstration supporting Pelikan’s cal situation of the time. Some histori- admonition. ans have even argued that iconoclasm began to recede just as the Arab dan- To begin with, the use of the visual ger began to wane. With the decrease arts in the Church and the admissi- of the strategic threat posed by expan- bility of graphically portraying God sive Islamic conquests, the state ban had been a subject of debate long be- against images was no longer politi- fore iconoclasm became established cally necessary. In brief, the stage was state policy. Iconoclasm was not an set for the restoration of the holy im- unknown theological question: “Thou ages that took place on the first Sun- shall not make graven images” is, day of Lent in 843. In this formulation, after all, one of the Decalogue com- the classic position—that iconoclasm mandments. Questions about graph- was a commanding issue of the day, ically depicting the divine had roots divorced from issues of statecraft—no deep within Christianity since before longer seems compelling. the rise of Islam. As the discussion of this issue at the Council in Trullo in Yet it might be better to recognize that 692 pointedly alerts us, concerns over this subject has both strictly theological whether it was appropriate to depict and historical importance. For starters, Christ in any particular way were the scholarly conviction that a religious clearly still on the table. Crucially, in frame of reference was foisted on the the end, the council approved of the entire iconoclastic period should be figurative portrait of Christ in prefer- qualified. How exactly religious ques- ence to symbolic representation, a po- tions supposedly dimmed the lights sition codified in Canon 82. on the entire Byzantine historical land- scape, as it is increasingly cheerfully Significantly, this decision was not claimed, is rarely explained. Jaroslav solely an ecclesial matter. The em- Pelikan’s suggestion that historians peror Justinian II also approved it, and also need to be theologically responsi- shortly after the council adjourned, ble has never been more to the point. he decided to depart from the state’s 32 prevailing numismatic tradition by is- Given Islam’s hesitant approach to suing the first image of Christ on Byz- portraiture, did Islamic theology or antine coinage. The obverse, or front faith have significant relevance to the side, of gold coins was henceforth to Council in Trullo or the later ques- be used for Christ’s image, while the tion of iconoclasm itself? The claim imperial portrait was consigned to that it did has not vanished entirely the reverse, or back side. As a clear from the secondary literature. Yet on departure from established practice, purely historical grounds, the prem- the change was a genuine iconog- ise is largely speculation. The synodal raphic innovation. Its effective sub- debate of the 690s preceded the influ- stitution of Christ’s portrait in place ence of the new religion on the Byz- of the imperial image was nothing antine Church, as the issue was not short of revolutionary. But so was its a new one. The conciliar resolution implication: namely, that the source was endorsed within Orthodoxy’s of the emperor’s authority was Christ own backyard; the young monotheis- himself. Quite possibly, the imperial tic faith and culture of Islam was not ruling was also meant to provoke. The directly involved. Christian opposi- depiction of the divine on the gold tion to images, quite simply, was not nomisma would have been theologi- in its origin a reaction to Islam. The cally unacceptable to Muslims, and it same could be argued (rightly) about presumably would have been noticed. the political anti-image strategy later adopted by the emperors, even if Less revolutionary, perhaps, but no they were often derided as “Saracen- less important was the subsequent minded” by contemporaries.
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