EXPLORATION OF SYNTHETIC ENVIRONMENTS: UNDERSTANDING THE
‘AUTHENTIC FAKE’ IN DUBAI
By
NEHA RENGARAJAN
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERIOR DESIGN
WASHINGTON STATE UNIVERSITY
Department of Interior Design
MAY 2012
To the Faculty of Washington State University:
The members of the Committee appointed to examine the thesis of NEHA RENGARAJAN, find it satisfactory and recommend that it be accepted.
______Nancy Blossom, Chair
______Linda Nelson Johnson
______David Wang, Ph.D.
ii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT vii
GLOSSARY ix
ABSTRACT x
INTRODUCTION 1
LITERATURE REVIEW
Emergence of Synthetic Environments 7
Hyper-Real Nature of Synthetic Environments 9
Ambiguous “Authentic” Nature of Synthetic Environments 10
Cultural Authenticity in Synthetic Environments 14
Context of Dubai 16
Growth of Dubai 16
Demographics 17
Culture of Dubai 19
Vernacular Vocabulary 19
Interior Details 22
Social Attributes 23
The Shift-Current Condition of Dubai 25
Case Studies of Dubai
Old Town – “Reflections of Authenticity” 27
Madinat Jumeirah – “Masking Authenticity” 30
iii Ibn Battuta Mall – “Absence of Authenticity” 35
SUMMARY OF LITERATURE 40
METHODS
Research Design and Rationale 42
Data Collection Strategies 43
Data Analysis 47
Findings 49
Future Implications 54
Importance of Study 55
CONCLUSION 57
ILLUSTRATIONS 58
APPENDIX A: PILOT STUDY AND MATERIALS 62
APPENDIX B: PILOT STUDY NOTES 64
ENDNOTES 70
BIBLIOGRAPHY 78
iv
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1.Picture representation of the culture of Dubai 59
Table 2. Authenticity of spatial elements 61
v ILLUSTRATIONS
Figures Page
Figure 1. left to right, Venetian in Las Vegas; Dubai festival City in Dubai 2
Figure 2. above left Luxor Hotel in Las Vegas; below right, Wafi Mall in Dubai 2
Figure 3. Rapid development in Dubai within the last 20 years 17
Figure 4. left to right, Burj Al Arab resort; Golf creek club 19
Figure 5. Traditional Interiors of Al Fahidi Fort 20
Figure 6. Traditional Interiors of Al Fahidi Fort 21
Figure 7. Early depicted painting showing materiality of traditional houses 21
Figure 8. Symbolic patterns and symbols seen in traditional architecture 22
Figure 9. Traditional Interiors of Al Fahidi Fort 24
Figure 10. Palm, Jebel Ali, Artificial islands created in Dubai in the last five years 26
Figure 11. Far left, Artificial Ski slope in Dubai Mall;
Right, Themes based on prominent cultural spaces in the world 26
Figure 12. Interior Details in Old town rooms 28
Figure 13. left, Traditional homes in old Arabia; right, Colonnade blocking the second ornamented gate 28
Figure 14. Above, Traditional Interiors taken from Sheikh Saeed’s House;
Near right, Similar layouts yet provisions for more sociability 30
Figure 15. left, exterior view of Old town; right, Interior shaded Walkways 30
Figure 16. Madinat Jumeirah Resort in Dubai, replicating a Traditional Citadel 31
Figure 17. Above left, summer houses in Madinat;
vi right, Arish -Traditional summer houses;
below left, Courtyards in Madinat Jumeirah; right, Interior Details in the courtyards 33
Figure 18. Above left, other cultural influences in Madinat Jumeirah; right, Mashrabiya latticed screening; below left, interior details in a traditional Majlis
right, interior details in the rooms of Madinat Jumeirah 34
Figure 19. Mockup of Madinat Jumeirah Resort showing hierarchies in levels 34
Figure 20. Traditional souk against the souk of Madinat, similar wooden details 35
Figure 21. China court in Ibn Battuta Mall 37
Figure 22. left, Andalusia Court with replicated sky ceiling; right, Indian court showcasing Mughal Architecture 37
Figure 23. above left to right, Indian Court;
below left to right, Mosaic tiles in Persian Court 39
Figure 24. above left to right, Egyptian Court in Ibn Battuta Mall;
below left to right, Tunisian Court in Ibn Battuta Mall 39
Figure A. left to right, Madinat Jumeirah courtyard; Madinat Jumeirah Palace 58
Figure B. left to right, Madinat Jumeirah exterior; Madinat Jumeirah courtyards and
Fountains 58
Figure C. left to right, Old Bastakiya district origins; exterior; Bastakiya district today 58
Tables
Figure 25. Comparative analysis of findings against the literary sources 50
Figure 26. Bar Graph representing survey responses 51
Figure D. Less Aesthetic Appeal among the three groups 60
Figure E. Survey used in Pilot study 63
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank everyone who helped me to put this thesis together--my committee
members for providing the guidance required, Professor Elsheshtawy and the officers from
Dubai Municipality for providing valuable sources and lastly my family and friends in Dubai for
their immense support and valuable time to be involved throughout this study.
viii GLOSSARY
Abra. The generic name of traditional sailing vessels with one or more masts with sails used in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean region.
Al Qasr. means “palace” in Arabic. Arish. During the summer season, the Bedouins used to live in shelters called Al Arish which were made of palm tree leaves. Al Arish was made of two parts; the main area, 2x4 meters, used for sitting and sleeping; and a small area, 2x2 meters, used for cooking and storage.
Barjeel. A tall structure with vertical openings in all directions, with internal walls arranged diagonally so that any breeze is forced downwards and up again before it can escape. This creates a circulation of air in rooms used in summer. Rooms used in winter were not provided with wind-towers.
Gahwah. Arabian coffee, widely drunk in Bahrain and other Middle-East countries.
Iwan. A rectangular hall or seating space, vaulted, walled on three sides, with one end entirely open.
Mashrabiya. The Arabic term given to a type of projecting oriel window enclosed with carved wood latticework located on the second story of a building or higher, often lined with stained glass.
Madinat. City.
Majaz. The main doorway, designed to open into a blank wall to obstruct views into the inside from outside.
Qa'ah. An enclosed space with a high ceiling covered by a shukhshakhah (wooden lantern on the top) and two iwans (sitting areas) at a higher level on both the north and south sides.
Saruj. Clay plastering that originated in Iran.
Souk. An open-air marketplace or commercial quarter in an Arab, Berber, and increasingly European city. A souk entails the concept of a free market where vendors can command the going market price for their products.
Waresh. Arabic term for a parapet.
ix EXPLORATION OF SYNTHETIC ENVIRONMENTS: UNDERSTANDING THE
‘AUTHENTIC FAKE’ IN DUBAI
Abstract
By Neha Rengarajan, M.A. Washington State University May 2012
Chair: Nancy Blossom
The purpose of this paper is to define the term and nature of “synthetic” environments in
Dubai with regard to authenticity. Such environments tend to borrow off from other ideas, place attachment, and sense of place within or outside the cultural context. Through the medium of a survey, this study takes the literature of authenticity by different authors and samples it against three representative case studies. The first is an example of an absence of authenticity; it can be seen as a synthetic reproduction of mythical images with regard to the cultural context of a place.
The second example is that of masking authenticity; it rejects certain parts of history to provide an appealing image during unappealing times. It is a combination of historical references created in a simulated fashion. The third example brings out reflections of authenticity; it is a combination of real historical references without a simulated fashion.
Unlike previous literature, in which most studies looked at authenticity through the lens of tourist experiences, this study’s results are intended to bring out the characteristics of authenticity through the responses received from resident groups. Given the limited literature and knowledge about Dubai, this study is particularly important to understand authenticity in Dubai’s
x complex framework, where the environments are highly synthesized and there is a constant cultural commingling between the global and the local.
xi INTRODUCTION
We are currently a part of a global environment that does not differentiate among cultures. A one-world one-culture phase is in motion where different cultures connect and fuse.1
A representative city is Dubai. It started out as a small town port on the trade route from Iraq to
Oman. Gradually it developed into a busy commercial market where people of different cultures and traditions have settled in, leading to today’s multi-cultural society.
Dubai is one the seven emirates of the United Arab Emirates. It is located south of the
Persian Gulf. The Persian Gulf borders the western coast of the emirate and it is surrounded on three sides by Oman. Dubai is often known for its much-amassed wealth due to oil and world- renowned architectural and interior masterpieces. Dubai strives to outdo other cities in the world and put itself on the map by creating extreme environments and buildings. Projects in this vein include the world’s largest mall, the world’s tallest building, the largest indoor-ski place, the tallest fountains, and so forth Dubai is constantly pushing the boundaries. However, with the sudden development jump in the last 10 years, we are beginning to see projects that have a copy- paste phenomenon attached to them. They adopt historic or fantasy themes, just like the spaces seen in Las Vegas. The Venetian Resort in Las Vegas (see fig. 1) is replicated in a mall in Dubai, including the entire canal system, and the Luxor, which is an Egyptian-themed hotel, is incorporated in a resort in Dubai (see fig.2). There are many more examples taken not only from
Vegas, but also from other parts of the world.
Developments such as these utilize popular imagery from different cultures. The idea behind theming a space is to try to recreate experiences of the past or to create experiences that haven’t been realized individually or culturally.2
1
Figure 1. left to right, the Venetian in Las Vegas; Dubai festival city in Dubai
Figure 2.above left Luxor Hotel in Las Vegas; below right,Wafi Mall in Dubai
An example to illustrate this with regard to Dubai is the experience of the pyramids in the resort in Dubai. It might be a recreation of a past that is known to the people of Dubai due to
2 their familiarity with other Arab cultures. However, taking a gondola ride in the mall that replicates the Venetian canals might be a new experience for most people in Dubai.
Either way, these environments can be seen as a product of replication and simulation to create such experiences. Simulation refers to imitation of an object yet maintaining its original characteristics. It can lead to development of a new entity, yet might resemble the original physically.3 Replication, very similar to simulation and often considered a synonym, refers to the imitation of an object purely to create something totally artificial.4 It is for this very reason I term such environments synthetic. Synthetic environments are a mesh of original and artificial elements.
The literature suggests that such synthetic environments are highly inauthentic in nature.
Authentic places can be defined as those places that reflect a set of values that are seen as sincere, essential, and natural.5 Scholars believe that as a response to modern architecture and interiors, these values were predominantly found in traditional and vernacular forms and structures. Vernacular, in terms of architecture, refers to indigenous building traditions and represents shapes and designs that through traditions, beliefs, and forces such as climate, religion, and so forth reflect the culture.6 Therefore, many authors claim the importance of such authentic environments to create a rootedness towards an origin. This kind of long-term attachment allows people to imbue spaces with more meaning.
On the other side of the spectrum, authors believe that inauthentic places can also be viewed with positive connotations. With modern technologies and fusion of cultures, we see a gradual shift in design thinking from “tradition to necessity to spectacle.”7 Therefore, many authors suggest the ambiguous nature of authenticity, especially in today’s built environment.8
MacCannel, Turner, and Turner look at authenticity as a way to fulfill the quest for genuine origins.9 In such cases authenticity is packaged and served as experiences to cater to people’s
3 idealization of environments. Ouf, on the other hand, suggests that authenticity is purely looked at to create enjoyable experiences. In such cases, attention is given to sense of place.10 He feels that authenticity should be evaluated in the context of memories and place attachment.11
Some studies look into the fake authentic.12 Even though inauthentic in form and structure, the environment might convey a true authentic experience for some. What one may consider inauthentic might not be so for others.13 Along the same lines, Urry suggests that experiences hold different meanings for different people, because they have the ability to deconstruct objects. 14
In addition to representing the difficulty of coming to a conclusion on the authenticity of such synthetic spaces, Dubai presents a unique case by itself. Having been declared an independent Emirate in 1971, Dubai is a fairly young city. Since it was taken over by the
Portuguese and the British, much of its history was lost, and very little is known from the remnants that are left behind. As mentioned earlier, many synthetic spaces tend to recreate experiences of the past. With very little known of the past, Hosbawm suggests that in sites like
Dubai, there is an invention of traditions.15 Hosbawm terms them as “invented facilitators,” which gives way to a borrowed sense of attachment.16 However, Bruner acknowledges
“historical narratives either artificial or real form a sense of identity, attachment and meaning that adds to the credibility and authenticity of the landscape.”17Could this be one of the main reasons why people are still attracted to such synthetic environments in Dubai, despite the fact that many scholars have criticized these homogenized spaces?18
Another reason that Dubai is a unique case is the fact that due to trade, the city’s historical origins were never truly indigenous. There was never a United Arab Emirate style of architecture and interiors. Like their neighbors in the Middle East, they followed a Gulf Arab style where elements and materials were borrowed from those with whom they traded. Materials
4 and ideas flew in from Persia, India, Africa, and parts of Northern Europe. Given that elements of their known history have been borrowed, can these synthetic spaces that “borrow” off other experiences, materials, and history be considered inauthentic?
With such questions in mind, the purpose of this study is to find out if synthetic spaces in the city of Dubai can be considered authentic or not with regard to how the people connect and relate to such environments. I hope through this study to provide a careful balance and deeper understanding of the distinctions between authentic and inauthentic places. My goal is to achieve this through a multi-dimensional framework that encompasses various elements from different literary sources in order to fully understand the elements of authenticity in a complex case like
Dubai. In doing so, I intend to fill in certain gaps in place-based literature that does not look into such distinctions and sense of place associated with the phenomena of such synthetic environments.
With very little literature available on Dubai regarding traditional interiors and architecture, the study will provide useful information on their local lifestyle, the materials used, and their cultural influences. This study also allows for further research with regard to considering different demographic samples such as looking at particular age groups and different cultural groups. It also provides a generalized framework that can be utilized for many globalizing cities such as Dubai.
Before we take a deeper look into the case of Dubai, the literature review will look at
Baudrillard’s stages of simulation to understand the various degrees of synthesis to provide a minimal distinction between different kinds of synthetic environments. In addition, it is will also look at the definition of authenticity from different literary sources and the points of distinction that they apply. The combination of the two in the methodology applied to the case studies will
5 provide a conclusion as to which synthetic environments can be considered most authentic in
Dubai and why.
6
LITERATURE REVIEW
In an effort to understand the phenomenon of synthetic environments and their authenticity, the literature review is divided into three main sections. The first section looks into the emergence of synthetic environments, highlighting concepts of replication and simulation.
We will also discuss how this concept simulates authentic environments or experiences through the synthesis of modern and traditional elements. This section further looks into the hyper-real nature of such environments with the understanding of what “real” means. It also shows how it is difficult to make distinctions between what is real and what is fake.
To make such distinctions, the next section highlights the role of authenticity within such environments and brings an overview of how the meaning of this term has shifted within the course of time. This is followed by a discussion of how these concepts fuse together and emphasize the ambiguous nature of authenticity with regard to the cultural context of a place.
This section is intended to inform about the various cultural factors that might influence decisions regarding authenticity and how they tend to vary from one place to another. The above- mentioned concepts provide a basic understanding for our last section, which discusses the case of Dubai, its synthetic environments, and the cultural factors that influence its physical environments.
Emergence of Synthetic Environments
The word synthetic comes from the Greek origins synthetikos, which originally meant to put together different elements.19 Other Latin meanings suggest artificial and fake entities, which are mostly used in the field of science.20 For the purpose of this study, we will utilize both these meanings to suggest that synthetic environments are those that create manufactured meaning through real and artificial elements.
7
Many authors assess the emergence of synthetic environments at two main levels: the global and the local. Studies have looked into the consequences of globalization where increasingly the acceptance of a singular globular entity is in constant tension with traditional local identities.21 In the local/ global dichotomy, the global is viewed as a realm of sameness and economic flow, whereas the local is rooted in traditions, passage of knowledge, and sites of difference, struggle, and resistance.22
On the global scale, synthetic environments grow through what Boorstin refers to as commodification of culturalscapes; he believes that not only tourists, but everyone wants a slice of something stimulating and exciting in their everyday life. Therefore, what commodification really does is address spaces as products and produces factory imitations to cater to everyone’s needs.23 To experience cultures within reach, makes it even more compelling. One of the main purposes seems to be to prepare travelers and visitors to consume the so-called “authentic” heritage of such spaces. It is executed with the idea that people who lack attachment to their own place might identify with places where rich history exists or important events have taken place. 24
Authors such as Baudrillard suggest that the ability to identify with such spaces is mainly due to the space’s synthetic nature; people are easily able to perceive the space in their own manner.25 People are unaware of small intricacies such as objective form and reality, so there are no norms and boundaries. There are no clear distinctions between reality and that which is fashioned to be reality.
On the local scale, authors claim that such environments affect the cultural identity of a place.26 Simulations of historical references are often seen as ways to preserve the national identity. Laenen asserts that the main reason for this massive interest in heritage and escape to the past is a present moral, social, and cultural identity crisis.27 On the other hand, simulations of culturally unrealized spaces tend to deconstruct cultural identity. Such synthetic environments
8 contribute to the re-creation of identity that a person gains through cultural insights in time and space.28
Hyper-Real Nature of Synthetic Environments
At both the global and the local levels, we see Baudrillard’s idea of hyper-reality emerging where he feels that the world we live in has been replaced by a copy world—a world where we seek stimulated reality.29 Hyper-reality looks into the way modern society looks at interacting with reality.30 The hyper-real nature of synthetic environments makes the authentic and the replication become blurred, to the extent that there is no longer an obligation to differentiate between them. Hence, it is important to first understand what reality means in today’s world. For the purpose of this study, reality can be identified as a set of indigenous values, or values that have become indigenous with time.
Authenticity plays a very important role in making connections between indigenous origins and forms, as well as distinctions between what is real and what is fake. As mentioned earlier, authentic places can be defined as those places that reflect a set of values that are seen as sincere, essential, and natural.31 According to Alrouf, something from an original time period is real, or at least can be thought of as real.32 With this idea, historic structures possess what Wang calls objective authenticity or true authenticity.33 It refers to true meaning, form, and function with regard to the cultural and physical context of places. This term can be seen emerging from the concept of regionalism as defined by Kenneth Frampton, who suggests relationships between site and location to a building and its interiors.34 Therefore, many authors feel that authentic symbols initially came from the vernacular vocabulary of the region, which reflects the social, cultural, and historical context.35 Examples of such symbols are the pagodas of the east, the minarets in the Middle East region, the pointed arches of the gothic churches, and so forth.
9
Through the phenomena of time and weathering, these symbols have attained an authentic value-
-one that is distinct from others.36
Baudrillard makes such distinctions in the symbols with regard to authenticity and people’s perceptions of reality:37
Reflections of reality: Absolute portrayals are difficult in modern times. In such situations we see historical references merged together, trying to closely depict reality.
Masking reality: Selective portrayal of reality and fusion with inauthentic reality-based elements
Absence of reality: A synthetic reproduction of a mythical world with regard to the physical and cultural context.
Ambiguous “Authentic” Nature of Synthetic Environments
An abundance of literary sources claim that it is this nature of authenticity that seems to be missing from synthetic environments.38 Relph suggests that continuity in the interaction with a space is broken because the meanings associated with the space are temporary and are meant to satisfy needs on a short-term basis.39 Therefore, many authors claim that such environments are deprived of what Wang previously referred to as objective authenticity.40 However, as the interest in authenticity increases, and the move towards globalization strengthens, authors seem to be turning toward different viewpoints on authenticity. Constructive authenticity refers to the strength and validity of ties and connections made.41 This kind of authenticity plays a crucial role in molding identities that are connected to places. This can further be understood by Dovey’s concept of appropriation.42 The word is taken from the Latin term appropriare, which is “to make one’s own.”43 Memories of interaction with these forms bring about care and concern for these places. However, it is these structures and forms that create memories and lend to place attachment. Human attachment with relation to places is called place attachment, and it includes
10 the ability to hold many images that collectively define the self and the place with which it is interacting.44 Place attachment can be considered a part of sense of place.45 Sense of place is defined by the characteristics that make a place special or unique to people.46 Sense of place is a concept that combines attributes associated with place attachment and place identity.47
To geographers, sense of place denotes meanings connected to human experiences and activities within a particular setting.48 Environmental psychologists focus on how the environment affects the behavior and perceptions of the people.49 They are also linked through the lens of phenomenology and the factors that lead to high levels of personal attachment to a place.50
Therefore, sense of place is defined by the characteristics that make a place special or unique to people.51 Even though the places may not be authentic in site and structure, they are authentic in terms of the experience people have had there. Dovey elaborates with the example of the Togu Na of the Dogon Tribe, describing “a place of communal decision-making…[where] images of cultural significance such as mask, animals and fertility symbols often appear on the columns and the surrounding rock faces.” With changes sought by modernization, many of these
Togu Na have been rebuilt as tourist attractions. Yet for the Dogon tribe, the places have value beyond the physical appearance of the pillars, and culturally the people still identify themselves with these places despite the manufactured meanings that have come to be associated with them.52 Such ambiguities make it difficult to create distinctions between authentic and inauthentic elements.
Dovey looks into such ambiguities of authenticity and through his case studies proposes a framework to recognize authentic forms and environments through a place’s experiences, connections, and processes of development.53
Experiential depth: As stated earlier, meanings linked with a place are derived from our interaction with the place. The more we identify with the place, the more intense the interaction.
11
A person may connect to a space through its spatial, historical, or cultural context. It might be one or or all of the above.
Processes as analysis: Processes used in the creation of forms and environments may be externally influenced or might be indigenous. Indigenous processes are considered highly authentic in nature. The authenticity of forms and environments is also highly dependent on the history of such processes. To illustrate this, styles can be considered indigenous if they refer to their place of origin. When such styles are imported to other places, they might be considered external in nature. Yet, if such places have been adopting these styles as part of their history, the inauthenticity of such processes can then be questioned. To respond to anomalies such as these, there is a need to look into connections.
Connections: There are three different types of connections that link forms, environments, and people. These are connections that include length of time and its effects, connections between the form and the processes that produce it, and finally connections between the surface material and the experiential depth. As an example to illustrate this, Persian and
Turkish architectural and interior elements adopted by many Middle Eastern cities have become part of their vernacular vocabulary, since they have been adopted for an extended period of time in such cities.
With Dovey providing a starting point for such a discourse, many authors have introduced various other meanings to authenticity. Norris Kelly Smith sees authenticity as a unique nature that differentiates forms and structures.54 She believes that unlike traditional forms that obey norms and lack human relatedness, such structures differ in spirit and purpose.
Khaled Adham elaborates on visual authenticity being achieved in the copy or the replication of the original.55 He justifies this by seeing the global culture as being consumption oriented and highly occularcentric. With design being experienced visually and understanding that true
12 authenticity cannot be achieved, Adham explains that visual authenticity can be seen as a major way to identify authenticity in today’s world. Along similar lines, as a result of many of his tourist-based experiences, Barthel-Bouchier coined the term symbolic authenticity, which is based on a constructed image of the place.56 This constructed image can be seen as a perceived image in a way that is true to the physical or cultural context.
Jordonova adds that authenticity can also be evaluated in terms of memories and fantasies.57 With experiences being evoked rather than formed naturally, such places tend to resemble staged sets or theme parks. Hence, in such places, links and connections are tied more in creating authentic experiences rather than to meanings given to objects and forms.
Cohen and Bruner provide a framework that they utilized in their writings on tourist experiences within ‘authentic’ sites. With most tourist experiences being understood as synthetic experiences, this framework proves to be highly beneficial in understanding what can or cannot be considered authentic.58
Authenticity as historical verisimilitude: Bruner suggests that such spaces are “as credible and convincing enough...to produce a historic site believable to the public.”
Authenticity as genuineness: In certain cases, he asserts that synthetic spaces “not only resembles the original but is a complete and immaculate simulation, one that is historically accurate” and true to the time period represented.
Authenticity as originality: Bruner suggests that “no reproduction can be authentic” and hence, as mentioned above by Norris Kelly Smith, originality by itself, in today’s culture, can be considered authentic.
Authenticity as authority: In such spaces, Cohen feels that meaning lies with “who has the power to authenticate” or what is presented as “official” to the public.
13
Kierkegaard and Heidegger, as cited in Steiner and Reisigner, introduced another kind of concept called existential authenticity, which brings out the importance of living in accord with one’s self, and being considered as a true identity.59 Authenticity can be understood through the profound integration of structures and forms with the cultural lifestyle and traditions. Through this concept, we see connections between structures that provide identity to a place.
Cohen finally uses most of these meanings in his six definitions, which are authenticity as customary practice or long use; authenticity as genuineness in sense of unaltered product; authenticity as sincerity when applied to relationships; authenticity as creativity; and authenticity as the flow of life in the sense that there is no interference with the setting.60
Cultural Authenticity in Synthetic Environments
The above frameworks help to provide an understanding of the ambiguous nature of cultural identity with regard to authenticity. Castell suggests that cultural identity is a synthesis of meanings that social actors within a community supply to cultural attributes.61 Canter, like many researchers in the discipline of environmental psychology, suggests that identity by itself is a process that cannot be fabricated; yet it is often molded through experiences.62 Strong cultural identities are assessed through the strong bonds that are made between people and their spaces.
Strong meanings are produced through the way in which people comprehend cultural symbols in the environment.
However, with the passage of time, we see an influx of symbols from different regions.
This can be attributed to the attainment of a global culture and technologies that have bought people closer. With synthetic environments fusing together different cultural elements, it is difficult in contemporary times to create an authentic cultural identity. It is considered a problem since reality is only perceived through signs and symbols, and there is either an overload of symbols that we relate to, or they are being manipulated through other cultural identities.63 In
14 such cases, when it is difficult to select the most important symbols and images required to comprehend cultural reality, it leads to perceptional stress.64
Apart from not being able to clearly indicate authenticity, many authors have different views on authenticity with regard to different cultural contexts.65 While many authors claim that authenticity lies within the roots of a culture, authors such as Yasser Maghoub observe that such ideas fail to address issues of the hybridized nature of many economies. He explains that even though certain regionalist elements act as interfaces between people and places, they are often viewed as “strangely placed” or difficult to comprehend.66
Along similar lines, Saleh questions the intent behind historic simulations in Saudi
Arabian cities. Like other globalizing cities in the MENA (Middle East North Africa) region, cultural image is linked more to global imagery than to regionalist elements.67 This can be attributed to the population, which comprises many nationalities from different parts of the world. Yet, contemporary designers in Saudi Arabia have come to realize that such models of advancement will come to serve no future purpose as people lose touch with their culture’s history. For this reason, many designers have tried to implement regionalist elements into current global contexts. However, what the people of Saudi Arabia see is merely a simulation of what appears to be their cultural identity in the face of global context. Is it authentic? Is it meaningful?
Whether simulations of this kind are meaningful is hard to say, as they vary from region to region. This study in particular looks into understanding the unique case of Dubai with regard to such ambiguities and tries to understand what the meaning of authenticity is to people of
Dubai with regard to three unique case studies. It is therefore important to understand the history of Dubai and its culture before we can make distinctions between what is authentic and what is not.
15
The Context of Dubai
The following portion of the literature review will be divided into several sections, the first of which will introduce the origins of Dubai and its slow growth due to trade and the discovery of oil. In this section, we will also look at the demographics as well as a cultural and traditional overview of Dubai to provide a deeper understanding of how the vernacular vocabulary has shifted to the current condition in Dubai. The second section looks into the vernacular vocabulary of Dubai where we notice the culture and traditions playing key influences in determining the physical environment. The third section will analyze the current condition of Dubai and elements that make it a unique case. It will also look into what authors claim about the authenticity of Dubai. This will in turn lead to the importance of the study and the three sample case studies that follow.
Growth of Dubai
Dubai is one of the biggest examples of globalizing cities where environments strictly respond to the tourism industry. Dubai works as a perfect locale for this study since 87% of its population consists of people from different regions around the world. It is also one of the fastest growing global cities.68 Dubai’s geographical location has made it a very important trading hub.
There is an absence of detailed, written history about Dubai.69 It is through various other historical written sources in the regions of Oman and Saudi Arabia that we learn the importance of the region as a gateway of trade for the Abyssinian rulers of regions known today as Turkey and Egypt to the other Arab regions.70 Overland caravan traffic between Syria, Oman, and India brought new materials to the lands.71 While fishing and trading were the mainstays of the marine economy, pearling was a seasonal pursuit that was actively sought out by the aristocrats of ancient Rome and the wealthy merchants of Renaissance Europe.72 Therefore, the inference can be made that Dubai has served as a tourist destination ever since the reign of the Roman Empire.
16
With the discovery of oil and the visionary leadership of Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al
Nahyan, Dubai joined the federation of the Emirates immediately as soon as Britain announced its intent to provide freedom.73 The huge revenues that came with the oil discovery brought about quick development of the infrastructure (see fig. 3).
Figure 3. Rapid development in Dubai within the last 20 years.
Demographics
The economic boom due to the discovery of oil bought with it a huge influx of expatriates. This caused a huge imbalance in the ratio between the population of U.A.E. citizens and that of the expatriates.74As a result of this influx, United Arab Emirates has one of the highest population growth rates in the world, with expatriate population growing three times as fast as the local population. It also has a predominantly male and youthful populace. For the purpose and analysis of this study, the demographic is broken up largely into three groups that
17 are mainly seen in United Arab Emirates. This is true for all the emirates in the country, including Dubai.
Emiratis: They are the local people of the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.). They are citizens of U.A.E. and an ethnic group who share their own culture. Despite being called natives, only 16.5% of the total U.A.E. population is Emirati. Due to birthright citizenship, they hold certain privileges that other groups do not share.75
Non-Emirati: This group consists of immigrants and expatriates. The rest of the population of the U.A.E. (83.5%) is composed of expatriates, with the largest groups hailing from South Asian countries such as India (1.75 million), Pakistan (1.25 million), and Bangladesh (500,000).76Members of other Asian communities, including China, the
Philippines, Thailand, Korea, Afghanistan, and Iran make up approximately one million people of the total population.77 These groups flocked to Dubai to participate and share in the economic boom of the country.
Tourists: As the second largest Arab economy, Dubai’s foreign policy, like that of the other emirates, was geared towards creating great commercial opportunities with different international partners. This paved the way for big commercial projects and hence we see some of the most luxurious hotels and other mega projects. Despite inflation and the recession of 2008,
Dubai has steadily seen a tourist increase, and this is one of the main reasons that tourism provides about 30% of the GDP regardless of the profit of the oil industry.78 The country is expected to attract 11.2 million tourists yearly for the next 2 years.79 Even though this group is of a temporary nature, they are important, as the projected figures are steadily increasing.
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Culture of Dubai
With tourists flocking to Dubai, the cultural identity in the United Arab Emirates is a rich blend of traditional Arab Islamic and contemporary elements. Being a highly cosmopolitan society, the U.A.E. has a diverse and vibrant culture.80 However, the influence of Islamic and
Arab culture on its architecture, music, attire, cuisine, and lifestyle is very prominent.
Traditions
Now that archaeologists have found pearls on sites in the Emirates dating back to nearly
5000 BC, it is clear that pearling is one of the most ancient traditions in the history of the UAE.81
It is due to this very reason that small boats called Dhows, which were traditionally made, can be considered as a very important motif. Buildings such as Burj Al Arab and the Dubai Golf Club use the sails of a boat in their symbolic use of design (see fig. 4).
Figure 4. left to right, Burj Al Arab resort (pic courtesy of Jumeirah group); Golf creek club (pic courtesy of dubaigolfclub)
Vernacular Vocabulary
Since very little is known of Dubai’s history, many authors, such as Yasser Elsheshtawy, turn towards the traditional buildings in the capital city of Abu Dhabi that provide more input.82
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Unlike Abu Dhabi, Dubai initially did not have the guidance of the Sheikh to maintain and restore its traditional buildings. Al Esheshtawy comments that it is very typical to see narrow streets wind between whitewashed walls, with copper-studded wooden doors giving access to shaded courtyards and traditionally furnished houses.83 (See fig. 5.)
Figure 5. Traditional Interiors of Al Fahidi Fort Source. Pic courtesy of Dubai Municipality
Architecture at that time was a response to the environment, social and cultural activities within the region.84 Particularly interesting in terms of vernacular architecture are wind towers, which are designed to catch even the slightest breeze and funnel the cooler air down to the courtyard houses, providing first-hand experience of an early form of air-conditioning.85 (See fig. 6.)
Thapar and Yannas explain that the climate also influenced building proportions. Most traditional buildings followed a 1:8 height to width ratio, which created a denser urban climate, providing shade and protection from the sun. This way the building surfaces would remain close to the ground temperature, which was cooler as it would heat up less.86
Construction materials utilized were also dependent on the weather and availability.
Karim also observes that climate brings about the segregation of spaces. Spaces are divided into
20 winter rooms, made of boulders and fieldstones, and summer rooms, made with lighter construction of date palm thatch roofs.87
Figure 6. Traditional Interiors of Al Fahidi Fort Source. Pic courtesy of Dubai Municipality.
Later on, sturdier constructions like those of the wind towers were constructed of coral, gypsum stone, and an imported Iranian clay mixture called saruj--burnt red earth and water. 88
For this reason, most of the facades were unornamented and had a sanded finish. Saruj helped to keep the heat out of the building. A double layer envelope encouraged hot air within the walls to rise, keeping the heat away from the ground surfaces.89 (See fig. 7.)
Figure 7. Early depiction of materials of traditional houses shown in a painting. Source. picture courtesy of U.A.E, yearbook, 2000.
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Interior details
The walls were spanned with “chandal” wood, which was available only in boards 4 meters in length.90 This limited the size of the rooms. Imported gypsum was used to fill the roof and floor slabs.91 Teak doors were employed either in battens or panels. Most ornaments used, such as cornices, brackets, and molds, were made of gypsum and were either of a geometric or floral origin.
Symbolic origins
As mentioned earlier, Islam plays a very important role in influencing the arts and culture of Dubai. Most of the traditional motifs, such as foliage patterns and eight-point geometry, were taken from Islam. 92 Kay and Zandi state that the traditional forms were already taking influences from different regions that were already widely accepted elements among other Arab regions.93
A few examples are Roman arches; Indian pointed arches, Corinthian-style columns from
Greece, and carved patterns on the frieze at the doors. Trade enabled these developments in the earlier days.94 (See fig. 8.)
Figure 8. Symbolic patterns and symbols seen in traditional architecture
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Social attributes
Social characteristics play a very important role in the development of all types of environments within Dubai. Socializing is a big need within Arab society, and it affects the form of habitats. Experiences such as sitting around the courtyard, drinking gahwah (Arabic coffee), represent the few activities that require a communal space to meet and to interact with other members of the society. There is not much literature about the interior aspects, and most derived in this study are from observations and other literary sources. According to them, there are four main points of interest in the interior layout.95 (See fig. 9.)
1. Majaz (Entrance)
There are usually two -- one designed to open into a blank wall for privacy reasons, and the other into the courtyard. The main door is unornamented; however, the second one is ornamented to portray the owner’s stature in society.
2. Courtyard
Initially, it was intended to achieve thermal comfort. However, over the course of time the courtyard played an important role with regard to religion.96 For example, the interiors were separated by gender and had majlises (gathering rooms) for men and for women around the courtyards. Families would gather together in these courtyards during events. The configuration therefore reinforced the delicate balance between the segregation and togetherness of religious groups.97
3. Malqaf
This was an intermediary space that consisted of iwans or seating areas on all sides.
Above this space was usually a barjeel or a wind catcher to bring in cool air.
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4. Mashrabiya
They are screens with lattice openings. They have four main functions: to control the
passage of light, to control airflow, to increase humidity, and to offer privacy.
Majlis
Courtyard
Indirect pathway Majlis from door
Figure 9. Traditional Interiors of Al Fahidi Fort Source. Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region
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The shift-Current condition of Dubai
Knowing that traditions bridge the past and the present for future generations, we arrive at the local/global dichotomy. Within sites like Dubai, both these processes continue to flow fluidly into one another where the local processes involve daily interactions and activities that comprise a lifestyle. Global processes comprise interactions of a different kind--those mostly with home countries and interactions within social groups of the same kind.98 Lamb would suggest these interactions are of a transnational kind where people make their daily living away from their home country.99 Since transnationalism has now come to be embedded in the culture of Dubai, environments now being generated are meant to reflect different cultures, or, I would say, “no particular culture.” Hence, with the passing of time, these developments saw a shift from the vernacular vocabulary of traditional environments to theme-parked synthetic spaces. As in many other Middle Eastern cities, having spaces planned by European designers who failed to recognize the value of vernacular characteristics was also one of the causes of this shift.100 The main purpose of the design was to cater to international clientele and to bring in more tourists.
Dubai’s foreign policy allowed designers from various parts of the world to create multi-million dollar projects such as the Palms (See fig. 10), The World, International City, Ferrari City, and the various international hotel chains.101
However, many authors soon realized that these modern buildings lack a certain Arab essence. Hassan Fathy claims, "The migration of an architectural style from one area to another foreign area is something that should be rejected because it will cut its relations to its heritage, traditions and culture. It leads to double personality and the loss of one's identity, thus to be a stranger in your house is the worst type of stranger."102 Along similar lines, Al Sayyad stated,
“Tradition has become like culture, a matter of choice because alternative identities are now
25 available in this global supermarket.”103 There are very few studies that look into such discussions, and they provide no support.
Figure 10. Palm, Jebel Ali, Artificial islands created in Dubai in the last five years.
Source. Image courtesy of Jumeirah group
Among many others, Opaschowski opines that Dubai has become a land of themes and hyper-reality, as fast-paced development slowly replaces reality with a culture of simulation (see fig. 11).104 Dubai is a unique case, as very little history is known about Dubai. In addition to being a very young budding city, Dubai also carries the complexity of non-indigenous roots, most of which were borrowed from neighboring countries during trade.
Figure 11. far left, Artificial Ski slope in Dubai Mall; Right, Themes based on prominent cultural spaces in the world.
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To understand the authenticity within this complex yet unique case, the study looks at three different case studies. Each case study is a representation of one of Baudrillard’s three stages of hyper-reality. However, there seems to be no definitive term of reality in Dubai. Its self evolving and constantly changing. Therefore this framework will utilize the term authenticity to replace that of reality. Each stage is defined and justified by the differences found between the published literature on these spaces and my observations compared with the literature on the vernacular vocabulary of Dubai found in this study.
Case Studies of Dubai
Old Town – “Reflections of Authenticity”
The Old Town development has architectural cues that are taken from traditional buildings, including the Al-Bastakia neighborhood of Bur Dubai and the residences of Sheikh
Saeed Al-Maktoum and Mohammed Shareef Boukash. It employs textures that reflect gypsum, clay, or sarjool plastering used in the early twentieth century. Earthy natural tones reflect the surrounding landscape.
The interior details like Madinat Jumeirah are derived from the traditional interiors.
Again, we see the usage of mashrabiyas, wood detailing, and foliage--Islamic patterns (see fig.
12). Therefore we can categorize Old Town under the “reflections of reality” category where we see parts of the traditional lifestyle being manipulated in a modern setting. However, the modest nature of traditional dwellings and the balanced integration of forms and lifestyle is well reflected.
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Masharbiya screens Wood decoration
Figure 12. Interior Details in Old Town rooms
Features such as terraces, balconies, waresh parapet, pergolas, recesses, and niches are
enhanced with elegant window and door openings.105 Traditional principles required the main
gate to be blocked by another inner wall to provide privacy. Similarly, Old Town incorporates a
colonnade for that purpose106 (see fig. 13).
Figure 13. left, Traditional homes in old Arabia; right, Colonnade blocking the second ornamented gate.
The traditional town plan has narrow streets, which were influenced by Roman street
patterns. It also incorporated cul-de-sacs separating the private and public domains.107 Old Town
28 employs most of these elements, even to the point where most inner walkways use the four meter principle, which is shaded and provides more social connection. It also utilizes the concepts of courtyards and quarters to foster social bonding among men of the society. However, with the passage of time, gender-segregated spaces need to be taken into consideration, as these spaces now accommodate other cultures.
There are many other similar observations with regard to traditional layouts. Like the layout of the traditional homes, we see the employment of terraces on all sides108 (see fig. 14).
With regard to privacy, traditionally the lowest window was higher than the line of vision of a camel rider. This principle has been utilized today for the main purpose of providing more light to the ceiling, which in turn creates the illusion of higher ceilings, just like those in traditional homes.
The exterior borrows from different cultural zones. We see the sudden incorporation of
Tunisian and Mughal architectural features such as octagonal domes and paneling (see fig. 15).
The natural color of materials identifies both the origins of this architecture and its close link to the landscape. The visual impact of the homogeneous single color emphasizes the basic form of the building without the distraction of various colors, textures, or materials.
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Figure 14. Above, Traditional Interiors seen in Sheikh Saeed’s House; below, blowout of a traditional one story layout into three storys with provisions for more socialization and flexibility.
Figure 15. left, exterior view of Old town; right, Interior shaded Walkways.
Madinat Jumeirah – “Masking Authenticity”
Madinat Jumeirah translates into the “City of Jumeirah,” named because of the
sheer size of this magnificent resort located in the heart of Jumeirah. Madinat Jumeriah (see fig.
16) is a themed resort on an artificial island that is meant to simulate experiences of moving through a traditional citadel of Dubai. Unlike Old Town, the Jumeirah group responsible for this
30 luxurious and ornate resort claims that it combines the height of opulence with a sense of tradition. Meandering waterways transport guests to all parts of this city.109 The Madinat
Jumeriah consists of two grand boutique hotels, courtyard summer houses, a traditional souk, 44 world-class restaurants and bars, Talise Spa, the region’s leading conference and banqueting center, and numerous recreational facilities.110 This case study therefore comes across as
Baudrillard's second stage of masking of reality, where we see bits of real historical references and materials morphed to create the image of “opulent Dubai,” which was not true at the time.
Figure 16. Madinat Jumeirah Resort in Dubai, replicating a Traditional Citadel.
It is meant to capture “the impression of old Dubai … a settlement that started near the creek and was adapted to its environment, which also reflected the teachings of Islam and the social structure” (See appendix).111 We see a recreation of gypsum in a color meant to reflect limestone and coral stones together.
Most of its concrete structures carry a stone veneer facade to create illusions of weathered brick and stone construction. It incorporates a non-functioning wind tower, window patterns
31 modeled after reconstructed houses, and a color scheme that evokes mud-brick buildings. With ideas of sustainability and technology coming along, designers can utilize these wind towers to reduce the carbon footprint of this project. However, it seems as though the main idea behind this project is to create a “favorable” image for tourists.
Like the traditional “old Arabia,” the layout has also been reconstructed. The streets have also been named after the most famous ones near the Dubai creek, where the canal system is supposed to represent the creek, with Old Town Dubai on one side and modern Dubai on the other sides. As previously discussed, the main entry plays a very important role in the layout of traditional dwellings. Looking at the entrance, we see a colonnaded arcade blocking the main gate for privacy reasons, similar to that of traditional layouts.112 There are other small observations made, such as that the main entrance by itself is not ornamented like traditional layouts. The second entrance is more ornamented with niches and arches.
Summer houses were initially made up of coral-stones, thatched roofs, and palm fronds.113
Some features, such as the thatching materials and detailing, have been replicated with sturdier materials. (See figs. 17, 18)
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Abstracted Clay pots Corinthian Columns Figure 17. Above left, summer houses in Madinat; right, arish -Traditional summer houses; below left, Courtyards in Madinat Jumeirah; right, Interior details in the courtyards.
At Madinat, the rooms and suites are arranged in the style of the Arabian summer courtyard houses, designed to be light, bright, and spacious. However, unlike traditional courtyard houses, the construction is heavier than in the traditional summer houses.114
At the center of the citadel, we see Al Qasr, which means “The Palace”; it is designed to reflect a Sheikh’s summer residence.115 Approached via a tree-lined avenue, adorned with beautifully sculpted Arabian horses, Al Qasr reflects age-old architectural styles. Its grand and opulent version of the traditional citadels is meant to attract tourists. The citadel sits on a raised platform, just like traditional citadels. Hierarchy was a feature that was marked by height. The ruler’s residence was at the highest level, followed by the royal family habitations, which were usually two storied, and finally the merchants’ ground-level houses (see fig. 19).
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Mughal style Architecture
Decorative Wood paneling Timber doors Persian rugs Mughal arches carved frieze
Figure 18. Above left, other cultural influences in Madinat Jumeirah; right, Mashrabiya latticed screening; below left, interior details in a traditional Majlis (picture courtesy of Dubai Municipality); right, interior details in the rooms of Madinat Jumeirah (Picture courtesy of Jumeirah Group).
Palace
Residential Units
Figure 19. Mockup of Madinat Jumeirah Resort showing hierarchies in levels Source: Picture courtesy of Jumeirah Group
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The madinat mainly attracts tourists to the souq, market, which is one of the main characteristics. We see the same wooden bracing on the pointed wooden arch with inserts for air and light (see fig. 20). However, in the case of Madinat Jumeirah, the souk is fully air- conditioned. Taking off from the souk, proves that the project tries to borrow from experiences that go beyond the physical and evoke memories. For many tourists, this space is reminiscent of a souk, conveying Arabic atmosphere. The initial souk was a giant among other one-storied buildings and one of the biggest recreational spots.
Figure 20. Traditional souk against the souk of Madinat, similar wooden details.
Many authors believe that the use of historical imagery indicates that officials are trying to ascertain the emergence of Dubai as the new cultural center, replacing the traditional cities of the Middle East. Given the perceived absence of history and cultural roots in Dubai, such reconstructed images become ways to ascertain rootedness.
Ibn Battuta Mall – “Absence of a Authenticity”
Nakheel, a Dubai Landmark group, is responsible for the creation of the world’s largest themed mall that has more than ten million visitors a year. The mall is designed to portray the travels of the scholar Ibn Battuta, a man of great vision and strong Islamic values. Today Ibn
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Battuta Mall is the first shopping complex inspired by an individual’s life nearly six centuries after he embarked on his renowned journey.116
The mall falls into Baudrilllard's third category of “no reality” due to the construction of a perceived image and Disneyland imagery. The mall offers very little context with regard to the culture of Dubai except that it re-emphasizes the fact that a number of elements that we see in these courts can be seen in the traditional architecture of Dubai. The mall depicts Ibn Battuta's narrative as a journey across lands of wealth and gold overlooking periods of poverty and hardship.
Each region Ibn Battuta explored–Andalusia, Tunisia, Egypt, Persia, India, and China
(See Fig. 21-22)--is reflected in the architecture and the theme of the mall’s six courts. It is intended to educate people and to go beyond the usual shopping experience.117 Ho lee reports that this mall creates an attempt to express the Muslim and Arab identity in Dubai.118
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Figure 21. left to right, ceiling decoration of the china court; below, visual narration of Ibn Battuta’s travelling to China by ship.
Figure 22. left, Andalusia Court with replicated sky ceiling; right, Indian court showcasing Mughal Architecture.
The mall possesses a unique multi-cultural atmosphere. The themed courts in the mall highlight countries whose Arab and Islamic culture had a significant impact on the rest of the world. A lot of tourists relate to and acknowledge some of the design features in the spaces.
Many European tourists recognize architectural features in the Andalusia court from Alhambra and the Great Mosque of Cordoba. The gilded columns and the patterned gypsum lion fountains are supposed to replicate the marble fountains in the courtyard of Alhambra. The rug patterns are seen as tiled patterning on the floors.
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We see a lot of the Andalusian court features in the Persian court as well. Yet, the Persian court has a large dome that is decorated with gold and turquoise mosaic tiles. The Chinese court has red and gold all over its decorated surfaces with its dragon medallions and geometric patterning. The Indian court demonstrates the ornate aspects of Mughal architecture. Marble is replicated all throughout the court and it has carved floral patterns and motifs in the lattice screens and gilding. We also see bright red and gold paint across the huge dome (see fig. 23).
The Tunisian court takes inspiration from Moroccan places with its carved stucco, wood, glazed tiles, and heavy use of arabesque scrolls and foliage, whereas the Egyptian court has ancient hieroglyphics in reds and blue, and pharonic gateways (see fig. 24). It also has a miniature sphinx and gilded detailing. These courts strongly project the historical and cultural richness of this Arabian icon. In addition to being the biggest mall, this mall is more distinct from the rest of the malls because of these features.
Such stylized mythical imagery is considered by many historians to be inaccurate, whether it portrays richer time frames of these regions or unique experiences such as artificial skies that change color with time, or the idealized version of architecture and landscape elements within the interior. Therefore, we can come to the conclusion that Ibn Battuta Mall portrays an image that has very little to do with reality.
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Figure 23. above left to right, Indian Court; below left to right, Mosaic tiles in Persian Court
Figure 24. above left to right, Egyptian Court in Ibn Battuta Mall; below left to right, Tunisian
Court in Ibn Battuta Mall.
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SUMMARY OF LITERATURE
Synthetic environments can be considered a combination of real and artificial elements.
Most synthetic environments tend to replicate elements from other cultures. In some cases, synthetic environments consist of a recreation of experiences based on the historical context of the region. The hyper-real nature described by many authors makes it difficult to analyze what is real and what isn’t in synthetic environments. To make such distinctions, the literature review offers views of authenticity from various authors in different fields where we notice that there is a shift from objective authenticity to constructive authenticity.
Constructive authenticity determines authenticity through the perceptions and experiences with forms rather than through origins. The frameworks that underlie such thought processes seem to be more applicable to the case of Dubai, which as was discussed earlier, presents itself as a complex framework due to its lack of known history and fusion of
“indigenous” cultures. We look at the culture and traditions of Dubai to make distinctions between elements that were indigenous to the region and those that were borrowed from other cultures.
With the purpose of this study being to discover the nature of authenticity in such environments, the methodology will be to sample three different demographics against three representative case studies. With difficulties in analyzing reality from that which is not, each case study is represented as one of Baudrillard’s stages of hyper-reality. Starting from the most hyper-real nature, Ibn Battuta Mall has been discussed as an example of an absence of authenticity, where it can be seen as a synthetic reproduction of mythical images with regard to the cultural context of a place. Madinat Jumeirah comes across as an example of masking authenticity, in which certain parts of history are rejected to provide an appealing image during unappealing times. It is a combination of historical references created in a simulated fashion.
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Lastly, Old Town brings out reflections of authenticity, which is a combination of real historical references without a simulated fashion. This study intends to show how people respond to these case studies with regard to authenticity. The method employed arrives at certain unexpected conclusions through grouping of patterns and initiates further questions.
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METHODS
Research Design and Rationale
The purpose of this study is to evaluate authenticity in synthetic environments with regard to people's experiences associated with those environments. A key point to be noted is that while acknowledging that tourism is one of the main factors that contributes to the development of such environments, the study is intended to further understand the nature of all synthetic environments through the lens of other factors and not only those geared toward tourists. In order to do so, a qualitative study is utilized where three case studies are examined.
The initial method involves observations and note-taking so that inferences can be made about visual, social, and cultural characteristics of the space.
These inferences are then utilized to structure the questionnaire. Finally, the data compiled from the observations and the questionnaire is then analyzed against the frameworks suggested by various authors. Through data analysis, we see specific themes and patterns emerge that will lead to conclusions about these environments with respect to authenticity. I hope to identify and provide a deeper understanding of the characteristics of synthetic environments through their visual forms and spatial contexts, and the psychological experiences they evoke.
Site
As mentioned earlier, Dubai being a fairly young city with very little known history makes its extreme synthesis of known vernacular forms an interesting case to explore in terms of authenticity. It is also one of the fastest growing global cities. Due to the global culture prevalent in Dubai, the built environments are a mesh of different influences from different cultures. While populations of world cities are between 4 and 12 million, Dubai’s population is by itself roughly
1.4 million, most of whom are transient visitors due to strict immigration policies. Furthermore,
42 the population of visitors is expected to rise from 3 million to 15 million. Many authors believe that this growth by itself justifies the evolution of such environments. Hence, the study of places within Dubai provided valuable insight about the artificial and inauthentic spaces being explored.
We look at three case studies in particular, comparing them as respective examples of
Baudrillard's three stages of hyper-reality.
Ibn Battuta mall (absence of authenticity) - Historical references are inaccurate
and manipulated. They tend to form mythical images.
Madinat Jumeirah (masking of authenticity) – It intends to obscure reality to
create a favorable image. It is usually employed as a cultural branding mechanism.
Old Town (reflections of a reality) - Historical references are preserved through
replication in a manipulated setting.
Researcher’s Role
My perceptions of the urban condition in Dubai have been shaped by my personal experiences. Being a resident of Dubai for a long time and having witnessed the cultural shift, I bring certain biases to this study. One of the biases comes from my perception that the cultural identity of Dubai is constantly changing so much that there is a need to create a rootedness.
These biases may shape the way I view and understand the data I collect. I acknowledge that these biases may affect the results of my analysis. Therefore, one way to ensure validity in my results was to report only the perceptions of the respondents in their true form and make valid connections with only those frameworks that have been widely recognized and tested.
Data Collection Strategies
Photographic Documentation/Observation
The first approach was a systematic photographic documentation of the spaces, which has been incorporated into my case studies. This enabled me to capture the perceptions and the
43 movement of the occupants in the space. This was also helpful in bringing forth aspects that haven’t been developed or noticed before, as well as in identifying observations that many participants find it difficult to discuss. One such example is the screening of windows to ensure privacy for women. Many women find it hard to discuss this dissolving trend. The photographs helped to provide a better understanding of complex themes that might arise from the occupants’ perceptions.
Timeline for observations
To ensure internal validity of the data being noted, the field notes and observations were recorded over a period of two months during the summer and winter. Winter months were recorded with more tourists from within the MENA (Middle East North Africa) region.
Survey
The next approach utilized the common themes emerging from the observations in the preparation of the questionnaire. Due to the ambiguous nature of authenticity, it was considered more valuable to understand themes through the experiences of the residents in cases where physical attributes did not lean towards a concrete conclusion. Therefore, the content of the survey focused not only on the design elements present, but also on the meanings generated from these elements and symbols. Such questions were related to whether people found the case studies representative of their definition of the culture of Dubai; respondents were asked about elements that represented their ideas as well additional places where they feel most in sync with their surroundings. The questionnaire asked people about the definition of “authentic” with regard to their definition of the culture of Dubai. The survey incorporated photographic comparative questions. These questions asked about the visual representation of culture and the identification of elements within that space that support it. Some of the questions included are listed below.
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In few words, describe the culture of Dubai.
Which of the two spaces relate most to the culture of Dubai?
Mentioned below are a few elements of a space. On a scale of 1-7, which features represent the culture/local character?
Mention/draw how you feel within a space (Scale 1-7) in terms of
familiarity with the space
the space in relation to Dubai’s history
different spatial elements
Do these spaces work well in terms of their context (interiors/exteriors)?
Most of the questions are either based on a Likert scale, which introduces a degree of agreement of disagreement using categories, or on the use of semantic differential, which rates an object along a series of scales with opposed adjectives at either end.119 The survey, which was passed out by hand, led to personal interviews with participants. This provided valuable insight within and outside of the context of the survey.
Participant Selection
Participants were selected through a snowball sampling technique. This technique uses recommendations of current subjects to gain future subjects. However, in order to get a true representation of the population, a respondent-driven technique has been applied to ensure that the percentage of locals to expatriates will be higher or equal. This technique involves asking the participants to refer other participants of a particular kind; hence they are in control of the referral selection. This technique is particularly useful in the case of Dubai to gain the participation of Emirati participants, especially women. Initial survey questions selectively chose residents who had been living in Dubai for more than two years. For the purpose and analysis of this study, the demographic was broken up largely into three main groups that are predominantly
45 seen in United Arab Emirates. This is true for all the emirates in the country, including Dubai.
Furthermore, they were sub-categorized based on the number of years spent in Dubai, divided into groups that have spent more than 10 years in Dubai and those that have spent between 2 to
10 years. Segmentation of different age groups and cultural groups has not been addressed. The participants were divided into the following groups:
Emiratis: They are people of the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.). They are citizens of
U.A.E. and an ethnic group who share the culture and values of Arab origin. Despite being referred to as natives, only 16.5% of the total U.A.E. population is Emirati. Due to birthright citizenship, they hold certain privileges denied to other groups.
Non-Emirati: This group consists of immigrants and expatriates. The rest of the population of the United Arab Emirates (83.5%) is composed of expatriates, with the largest groups hailing from South Asian countries such as India (1.75 million), Pakistan (1.25 million), and Bangladesh (500,000). Other Asian communities, including China, the Philippines, Thailand,
Korea, Afghanistan, and Iran make up approximately one million of the total population. These groups flock to Dubai to participate in the economic boom of the country.
Tourists: As the second largest Arab economy, Dubai has a foreign policy that, like that of the other emirates, was geared towards creating great commercial opportunities with different international partners. This paved the way for big commercial projects, resulting in luxurious hotels and other mega projects. Despite inflation and the recession of 2008, Dubai has steadily seen a tourist increase; tourism provides about 30% of the GDP aside from profits from the oil industry. The country is expected to attract 11.2 million tourists yearly for the next two years.
Even though this group is of a temporary nature, it is important to consider them since they are seen all year round and since the projected figures are steadily increasing.
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Data Analysis
A constant comparative approach was utilized to allow the data to be grouped into similar concepts to form categories. This approach was used to look into different perspectives and meanings generated by different people in the same environment. They were grouped based on the meanings and then evaluated against different frameworks of authenticity observed in the literature. This clustering provided insights into the various aspects of authenticity. Since this approach is highly inductive in nature, it allowed for popular themes to be compared, which either validated or disproved the arguments made by past literary authors.120 The frameworks were selected from the literature review based on suitability with reference to the context, the credibility of the author, and the number of times they have been cited by other sources. Starting with the most important:
1. Dovey’s (1985) Surface and materials looks at connections between the surface and depth of material.121 Dovey has been known for his work by many authors on bringing out the ambiguities of authenticity. He is one of the very few to create a framework that recognizes such ambiguities and is applicable at different scales, whether it be to a hammer or an artificial beach.
Therefore, his entire framework has been incorporated into the other segments that are discussed below.
2. Dovey (1985), Wang (2006), and Cohen (2007) see authenticity as historical verisimilitude--such spaces are convincing enough to be called historic sites.122 In 1985, when
Dovey’s work was published, historical verisimilitude was considered a way of restoring historic sites that were within the cultural context, and hence they were authentic in purpose. Along similar lines, authors like Cohen and Wang bring fresh perspectives to the literature of authenticity, expressing the belief that in today’s technologically motivated and consumption-
47 oriented world, authenticity is difficult to achieve. Any environment, irrespective of the context, that presents historical depth can be considered authentic
3. Cohen (2007) see authenticity as genuineness--In certain cases, they suggest that synthetic spaces “not only resembles the original but is a complete and immaculate simulation, one that is historically accurate” and true to the time period represented.123
4. Dovey (1985) intended form and function – meaning a work intends to maintain its original meaning.124
5. Dovey (1985) brings out spatial depth, which has the ability to evoke memories and fantasies.125 Through hyper-reality of synthetic environments, this component is tested to see if such perceived images can create place attachment and in turn create strong authentic bonds.
6. Dovey’s (1985) understanding of spans of time that provide learning opportunities that are inauthentic in nature.126 Dovey states that non-indigenous origins can be termed indigenous over a long span of time and hence can be considered authentic. This framework is very suitable to the case of Dubai, yet it fails to answer questions with regard to the current span of time.
7. Norris Kelly Smith (1993): Uniqueness as authenticity--It presents forms that are unique in nature with regard to spirit and purpose.127 With regard to the case of Dubai, Smith’s way of viewing authenticity can be put to test against the unique projects that have put a small city like
Dubai on the map.
8. Heidegger (1996), Kierkegaard (1985), and Wang (1999) look into existential authenticity, which is the seamless integration of culture and forms.128 The in-depth work of environmental psychologists Kierkegaard and Heidegger provides another way to look at authenticity: through understanding the authentic interaction between the self and forms.
9. Cohen (2007) introduces authoritative authenticity in spaces; meaning judgments regarding authenticity lie with “who has the power to authenticate” or what is presented as
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“official” to the public.129 The constitutional monarchy in Dubai plays a significant role in developments that encourage tourism. Therefore, very few authors aside from Cohen acknowledge that authenticity also lies in power plays, which may be true in the case of Dubai.
Ethical Considerations
I, as a researcher, have an obligation to respect the rights, needs, and values of the participants. Any sensitive information revealed will be safeguarded, and the position of the participant will be protected. Research objectives have been articulated verbally in a way that is clearly understood by the participant. The research exemption form has been filed under the IRB.
Written interpretation has been made available for verification by the participants. Final decisions regarding participant anonymity will rest with the participant.
Validity
Yin suggests that qualitative researchers need to document all procedures in their case studies to ensure reliability. To ensure internal validity of the data, the field notes and observations have been recorded over longer periods. Data analyzed has been peer debriefed to improve accuracy and to ensure validity.
Findings
The constant comparative study confirms past findings or diverges from them.130 Most of the responses, other than those of tourists, came from people who have lived in Dubai for more than 10 years or between 2 and 5 years. Figure 25 shows the comparative analysis of my notes against the frameworks from literary sources. With regard to authenticity in Dubai (Figure 26):
50% stated that it is as good as seeing glimpses of traditional heritage in modern spaces.
30% stated that it is a mixture of the past and the future that is unique to one’s place.
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15% mentioned that Dubai was never authentic to begin with and will never be; yet
residents feel that buildings like Old Town and Madinat Jumeirah pave the way for
packaged authenticity.
2% believe that authenticity in mega projects such as these can be attained if there is a
seamless integration of our cultural traditions and the built environment.
3% mentioned that authenticity is achieved through the indigenous materiality and the
function of the space.
Surface and Historical Genuine reproduction Intended form and Spatial depth Time zones (dovey, Uniqueness as Authoritative materials (dovey, verisimilitude (Bruner, 1994,Barthel, function (Dovey, –memories/ 1985) authenticity Existential authenticity 1985) “As credible and 1996,Adham, 2008) 1985) fantasies (dovey Provides learning (Norris Kelly authenticity (Bruner, Connection convincing “Not only resembles Maintaining & jordonova) opportunities, smith, 1993) (steiner, 2006, 1994) between surface enough..to produce the original but is a original meaning, Sense of place, identifying Unlike forms Wang, 1999) “ Who has and depth of a historic site complete and intended form and ability to evoke authentic spans of that obey norms the power to material believable to the immaculate function memories time and lack human authenticate” public” simulation, one that is relatedness or presented (Kim dovey & historically accurate” In spirit and as “ official” Wang, and true to the time purpose to the public 1985,2006,Bruner, 1994)
Ibn Battuta Mall
Madinat Jumeirah
Old Town
Figure 25. Clustering of findings against literary sources of authenticity
Note. The literary sources have been placed based on the most important to the least. Similarly, on the vertical axis, we see the case studies being represented from the most hyper real case to the least.
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Figure 26. Bar graph representing survey responses
Note. Unlike figure 26, this bar graph does not group meanings from the survey and represents true number of responses for each group.
Supportive Findings
The analysis showed that historical simulations like Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town in
Dubai seem to be considered authentic in a way, as they come across as a genuine reproduction.
People respond the most to an environment when a simulation comes with reflections of reality.
Therefore, visual authenticity plays a very important role. Authors like Bruner suggest that people have accepted that genuine authenticity cannot be achieved and seem to be content with mere reflections.
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Another interesting finding that wasn’t expected is the emergence of authenticity with regard to power plays. As stated earlier and now backed by the responses, Dubai’s government, which is a constitutional monarchy, seems to play a huge role in claiming places such as Madinat
Jumeirah as an authentic replica of the traditional settlement along the creek. This influences visitors to believe that such imagery is true and to a certain extent factually authentic due to the presumed validity of a government body’s statement.
Distinctiveness is a quality that is authentic to the culture of Dubai, as Dubai is constantly trying to push the boundaries by developing projects that are unique. Almost all responses stated that these three projects in Dubai were authentic in nature due to their distinctive quality and unique design approach.
With regard to existential authenticity, many responses claimed that traditional simulations were more in sync with the culture and lifestyle. However, simulations that reflected reality evoked more responses than did those environments that masked it, as masking does not bring the true nature of everyday proceedings.
Nearly two-thirds of the sample that was surveyed, including the tourists, were non-
Emirati and hence were well aware that many borrowed elements were incorporated into the design of all of the three case studies. Yet, they consider it part of the traditional vocabulary of
Dubai, which in turn supports Dovey’s arguments claiming that designs of non-indigenous origin become authentic with the passage of time.
Divergent Patterns
There are many findings that did not support the authors’ theories. Dovey’s theory on authentic spans claims that current designs are authentic and meaningful only to future generations. However, in the case of Dubai, the prolonged incorporation of these elements from the very beginning of this settlement makes it meaningful to the current generation of Dubai.
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Very little can be stated confidently, since the study did not sub divide the demographic samples in terms of age. However, this study proves that authenticity with regard to spans of time depends largely on the cultural and regional context.
Many authors’ perceptions, including mine, seem to be disproved in terms of people responding to an absolutely hyper-real case like that of the Ibn Battuta Mall. On one hand, non emirati residents who have lived in Dubai for less than 5 years regard Ibn Battuta Mall as authentic due to its global cultural atmosphere, which seems to evoke memories of their home and provides a deeper sense of place attachment. Yet, what is particularly interesting is the fact that this is not true for non-Emirati residents who have stayed in Dubai for more than 10 years.
Their responses seem to be merging with those of the Emiratis, who respond better to traditional vocabulary. According to many, the reason lies in the long tenure in Dubai and the ability to evoke the image of Dubai before the economic boom.
Another pattern that seems to diverge from Bruner’s and Cohen’s framework is historical verisimilitude in the case of Ibn Battuta Mall. As the clustering shows, there are many responses for authenticity by historical verisimilitude for environments that either reflect or mask reality.
However, people’s responses to the extreme hyper-real case of Ibn Battuta Mall include historical references that do not seem to be true to the time period of Ibn Battuta’s Travels. Most of them relate to this mall as a mythical journey and do not consider it authentic despite its partly accurate historical references.
Despite many authors coming to conclusions about authenticity through intended form and function, it plays no role within such environments. However, looking through the responses, we get the sense that this aspect is mainly tied to the nature of the project. Hence, residential projects like Old Town, along with its historical simulation, seem to be authentic through its function and its integration with people’s lifestyle.
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Through the clustering of the responses, we get an overview that all the three case studies create a unique sense of place and attachment, either to the traditional culture of Dubai or to people’s own cultures. Therefore, this study tends to disagree with and question many authors’ perspectives on the placelessness and the lack of rootedness within such environments. It also confirms my initial concern that residents in Dubai acknowledge the struggle between the global and local identities. Most people reported that despite Dubai being a global culture, the Arab presence in Dubai is well-maintained, and projects such as the Madinat Jumeriah and Old Town reinforce this identity. We therefore notice many Emiratis that find Old Town and Madinat
Jumeirah more appealing than the Ibn Battuta Mall.
However, the non-Emirati people are not sure which approach should be taken. On the one hand, they feel various cultural adaptations in projects such as the Ibn Battuta Mall can be considered authentic, as they are more responsive to a global view of Dubai. Yet on the other hand, many feel that the traditional vocabulary of Dubai represents the culture of Dubai, acknowledging its roots. Despite this conflict, almost 60% of the respondents reported feeling that a balance between both local and global identities should be achieved in order to sustain the unique identity of Dubai, which will prove more meaningful to current and future generations of various cultures in Dubai.
Even though initially we connected the word reality with the term authenticity, through the responses, we see that the term reality is fluid in nature--a concept that is ever-changing in today’s global cyber-culture and that does not have a fixed dimension. This also changes the meaning of authenticity through time. What might be considered authentic now might not be considered authentic at another time. This raises further interesting questions.
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Limitations
One of the biggest limitations of this study is that it examines case studies within a particular locale. The scope of this study is also delimited to gathering information at a particular time, which might not be consistent and generalizable with data collected all year round.
Secondly, the survey required a translator for some respondents whose first language was not English and had to provide definitions for some words. This might have influenced the outcome of some surveys. Thirdly, the case studies and surveys are restrictive in nature, since they are meant to represent a larger group of ideas and a larger body of people.
Future Implications
Future research with regard to the case of Dubai can look into other case studies and their implications for authenticity and sense of place. This is also true for the small demographic sample that was selected for the study. Further subdivisions, such as among age groups and groups of similar cultures can be made in order to compare them against various other literary sources. Future research can also look into making cross-comparative analyses between similar case studies within the MENA region to find a general framework or diverging patterns of interest.
Another interesting study would be to look into how this study’s findings compare with the city of Las Vegas. Given that Dubai and Las Vegas have similar traits in terms of synthetic environments, differences between the cities regarding the points of distinction in authenticity can produce interesting patterns to examine.
Importance of the Study
There are very few studies that analyze authenticity within such complex frameworks.
Most studies that examine authenticity within places or critique it assess it within the context of tourist-based experiences. There are no studies that present a local perspective. Therefore, this
55 study is important in that it helps to fill the gap in place-based literature that fails to address such environments with regard to authenticity and to look at the topic from an angle other than that of tourists.
It also hopes to initiate discourse on why and how designers should respond to cultural sensitivities. With regard to conferences in Dubai such as “Architects Call for Emirati Design,” where architects were questioned on the building styles in the Emirates, this study’s findings provide an overview of opinions of the residents. Contrary to designers who criticize the insufficient reference to local culture, this study proves that the local culture is truly an amalgamation of cultures and developments that respect that need to strike a balance between local and global entities. This latter course is seen as more beneficial in preserving the cultural identity of Dubai.
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CONCLUSION
We see authenticity acting as a bridge between individual identities and the synthetic environments. This notion is confirmed by the three sample groups, all of which stated that one or more of these places tend to remind them of home. This study therefore questions the ostensible placelessness of such environments referred to by many authors. Even though they may be out of context, it seems as if people respond well to them, which in turn creates a rootedness and a longing for their own culture.
Through the study, we see that synthetic environments can be understood as authentic for various reasons, most of which are derived from Wang’s definition of constructive authenticity, which implies authenticity through perceived experiences and images.
People acknowledge that Dubai is plastic in essence and that true authenticity cannot be achieved within Dubai. However, we see notes and patterns that acknowledge authenticity within the frameworks of authors such as Dovey, Bruner, and Cohen. Therefore, we see that authenticity in
Dubai lies in the delicate balance created by simulating local references within a global context.
In the attainment of this balance, we can confirm the hyper-real nature of such environments. Despite the literature’s criticism of the inauthenticity of such synthetic environments, we soon realize that probably the only way environments of today can achieve the tag of authenticity is through hyper-reality. In conclusion, we have learned that within the context of Dubai, this unique way of designing interiors and exteriors might be one of the only ways that Dubai can maintain its identity, preserve fragments of its history, and create stronger bonds with its current and future generations.
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ILLUSTRATIONS
Figures
Figure A. left to right, Madinat Jumeirah courtyard; Madinat Jumeirah Palace.
Figure B. left to right, Madinat Jumeirah exterior; Madinat Jumeirah courtyards and fountains.
Figure C. left to right, Old Bastakiya district origins; exterior; Bastakiya district today Source. Historical Restoration Department of Dubai Municipality
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Tables
Image 1 Image 2 20
15
10 Image 1 Image 2 5
0 Tourists Emirati Non-Emirati
Table 1. Illustration analysis in the survey.
Note. These questions were used to find out spatial elements that could be questioned upon in the survey.
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Non -Emirati Tourists
ibn Ibn Battuta madinat battuta Madinat 24% jumeriah Mall Jumeirah 31% 36% 36%
old town old town 40% 33%
Emirati madinat jumeriah 29%
ibn battuta Mall 57% old town 14%
Figure D. Less Aesthetic Appeal among the three groups
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>10 yrs 20 15 10 ibn battuta Mall 5 0 old town madinat jumeriah
2-5 yrs 10 8 6 4 ibn battuta Mall 2 0 old town madinat jumeriah
Tourists 8 6 4 ibn battuta Mall 2 0 old town madinat jumeriah
Table 2. Authenticity of spatial elements
Note. These elements were recognized through the survey and put down against each group.
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APPENDIX-A
Pilot Study and Materials
The purpose of this study was to determine the nature of synthetic environments with regard to authenticity. In order to do so, this study compared three unique case studies in Dubai and analyzed them in the context of three demographic samples that are dominant in Dubai. The pilot study was conducted in Dubai, and 40 valid responses were collected; 15 were from
Emiratis, another 15 were from non-Emiratis, and the rest were from tourists.
Questionnaire
The questionnaire assessed not only physical aspects but also asked about the experiences associated with the case studies. The questionnaire was handed out in person.
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63
Figure E. Survey used in Pilot study
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APPENDIX B
Pilot Study Notes
Emirati Population
Darker, natural materials and toned-down facades are symbols of traditional architecture.
Metamorphic representations such as Burj al Arab (sails) and Burj Khalifa (flower) can be considered authentic.
What hasn’t been seen before is considered inauthentic (indigenous traits). However, imported usage of symbols from the old bastakiya district has been considered authentic.
The oldest high-rise Dubai trade center is authentic. Many people responded saying that the skin is similar to that of a Mashrabiya (screen).
The exteriors of Old Town follow principles of traditional buildings – Height, width, materials.
Woodwork of Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town are similar and have Arab design
patterns.
Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town are built in the Gulf Arab style, which is considered the
general style applicable to most Arab cities.
There is no original Dubai Style.
Old Town reminds me of home, a space I was bought up in. It was sensible and well designed considering we didn’t have air conditioning.
We are a global culture yet we are still rooted to our traditions. Even today, many homes have segregated seating areas for men and women.
Madinat Jumeirah is a recreational center that has many services and facilities. Old Town however gives me the freedom to react to the space the way I want.
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Madinat brings in old and new in a unique way, which is appealing.
Even though Dubai is a tourist destination favorite, I do not understand the idea behind
Ibn Battuta.
Old Town and Madinat Jumeirah seem more real than Ibn Battuta. The outside environment has been bought in and there is no connection between one space and another.
Ibn Battuta is an interesting space yet there is no link to the culture of Dubai. It doesn’t represent the local people or the residents. I’d rather dine in a Chinese or Indian restaurant than go to Ibn Battuta for an authentic experience.
As an Emirati, I am very proud to move through Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town. For a change, we see traditional spaces being given the credit they deserve.
Old Town keeps in mind the need for privacy. As a woman, this is my family’s supreme concern and they feel more at ease within these spaces.
My father and grandfather refuse to stay anywhere else other than Old Town. They feel they are at home and are proud to show a bit of their history to visitors.
The mosque is the most authentic of all spaces. It’s sacred and holy and you always feel at ease. Anything that is derived from Islam can be considered authentic, be it patterns, latticework, floral motifs.
Islam forbids statues and hence patterns usually follow a symbolic rule of 4 or 8.
8-pattern geometry is very common -- stars.
Astronomy plays a very important role and is depicted in various ways as moons, rings,
etc.
Seamless integration of what we do and the built environment.
A lot of people are unaware of how important these spaces are. Fountains and courtyards play a very important role. Not only for visual appeal, but also for socializing needs and for
66 maintaining thermal comfort. Even today, my family usually gathers at a park or outside our apartment lawn. These have become substitutes for them.
I do not find Ibn Battuta authentic with regard to the culture, and I’m sure it is authentic somehow to the other cultures that reside within Dubai. I have been to most of the countries depicted in that mall and I am pleased to see how much effort has been taken with small details.
It is also interesting to see how people researched into Ibn Battuta’s works to portray what he saw in great detail. Or else who would have imagined to find a huge Chinese sailing ship in the middle of a mall?
Ibn Battuta seems alien to me. However, it is authentic to the culture of Dubai. I am not aware of the design symbols in these places, but I recognize some from the Bastakiya district.
Intricate woodwork in the souk of Madinat with its planking and bracing
Non–Emirati
Ibn Battuta comes across very appealing due to the knowledge of small details, colors, and patterns.
I am well aware of most of the motifs that are within the mall. A lot of known Asian and
Indian architectural patterns. Materials like teak, bamboo, Indian marble, and Persian glazed tiles.
Ibn Battuta also portrays features from various regions. Being Indian, I know that the north of India and south of India are represented in the mall in different sections. Arches and three-tiered pillars.
Ibn Battuta also brings out the fact that trade had bought influences from various regions onto one another.
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Dubai’s culture is mixed and the spaces that represent the culture of Dubai should bring this element out.
Madinat Jumeirah reminds me of the place I used to stay close to at the creek. The souk is a great replica and the space is great to walk through. However, it still misses the essence of the real one. The rustic tones and the weathered stones remind me of where it all started and that seems like the missing ingredient.
Ibn Battuta has different themes and a pleasing appearance. Bringing the exteriors into the interiors seems challenging and it has been done skillfully.
Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town have many design elements that are unique to the culture of Dubai, such as teak furniture, dyed rugs made from camel hair, Persian silks. Both these places have majlises (seating areas) that are low and are meant for bigger congregations.
Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town have Qur’an verses and calligraphy. These symbols have been re-interpreted into the patterning of walls, cornices, etc.
Furniture limited to floor seating, clay pots that served as functional and decoration pieces. Moroccan wall lanterns were used for lighting purposes.
Madinat Jumeirah, Old Town, and Ibn Battuta have one thing common: the fusion of elements, traditional exteriors and interiors with modern touches.
Younger residents do not relate well to traditional places. The momentary reaction of awe is followed by the need to get away to spaces that accommodate their needs. The mean average population of Dubai is 27 years.
Madinat Jumeirah and Old Town can be considered most authentic as they remind me of my past life with the additions of having air-conditioned shopping and leisure areas.
Having stayed in the Bastakiya district for 15 years of my life, Old Town and Madinat
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Jumeirah have a lot of similar features to this restored area. The scale of the buildings, the dense structure and layouts are traditional features.
Old Town is visually very appealing and has a great ambience -- integration of the souks, the residential sectors with the hospitality and retail.
Madinat Jumeirah stages a real place with absolutely no reality in it. However, Old Town
brings about the way the people lived in the most humble way.
Ibn Battuta can be considered authentic in the way that it breaks monotony from usual structures we see.
Madinat Jumeirah brings about the renewal of the old Dubai. Old Town brings the
essence of our lifestyle and Ibn Battuta is a culmination of an indoor theme park.
Dubai has always been plastic and it nice to see that for a change that we are inching towards understanding our traditional roots. It’s not very visually appealing but it is something different for Dubai.
Old Town is the product of artistic collaboration of culture with modern day comforts yet
it is not ostentatious like Madinat Jumeirah.
Ibn Battuta is bold and bright and it is what I expect to see and relate to in a place like
Dubai.
I feel like I’m walking in a different section of the city when I move across Old Town.
Summary of notes on what people consider authentic in Dubai
Use of Arabic design and culture in spaces
Authentic is to revert back to the roots. The revival of an identity as an Islamic Arab nation.
Opulent and modern Dubai needs to be represented in spaces. If not, it is not authentic.
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Global notes are customary. It represents the current culture of Dubai.
Life near the creek was where it all began and anything that brings out or replicates it can be considered authentic enough.
Gulf Arab style is a fusion of different elements from different parts due to trade and colonization. Borrowed traditions and history is authentic to Dubai.
Power symbols in a consumption-oriented economy such as Dubai play a very important role. Hence what the government says to authenticate a simulation such as Madinat Jumeirah puts down an impression in the minds of tourists.
Too traditional is not realistic. Too futuristic is too boring in a place like Dubai that has seen it all. Authentic seems to lie in a balance of both worlds. It is like envisioning the traditional society in a modern environment.
Since there is very little knowledge known about the history of Dubai, Emiratis believe that places like these will serve one day as historic sites to the future of their group.
Some individuals believe in maintaining identity yet leaving room for creativity and originality.
Sense of place plays a very important role in considering what is authentic to a place and what is not. Sense of place among these three places tends to be led by the interior layout, lighting, colors, materials, and ability to evoke memories.
Few individuals acknowledged Dubai as being plastic, and they are aware that on entering such themed interiors, people let themselves perceive it the way they want to, which provides wider dimensions for what can be considered authentic.
Authenticity for many represents a close depiction of the exteriors and the interiors to what we perceive as ideal in that culture, be it a Turkish dome with gold trim, or an Indian elephant shrouded in rich silks in the middle of a mall.
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ENDNOTES
1. Diane Barthel-Bouchier, “Authenticity and Identity: Theme Parking the Amanas,” International Sociology 16, no. 2 (2001): 221-23; Liu Jiaping, David Wang, and Yang Liu, “An Instance of Critical Regionalism: New Yaodong Dwellings in North-Central China,” TDRS 13, no. 2 (2002): 1; Dinh Q. Phuong, “Sense of Place in Hanoi’s Shop-House: The Influences of Local Belief on Interior Architecture,” Journal of Interior Design 36, no. 2 (2010): 1-2.
2. F. Jameson, Post Modernism and Consumer Society (London: Pluto, 1990), 30 as cited in Christina Goulding, “The Commodification of the Past, Postmodern Pastiche, and the Search for Authentic Experiences at Contemporary Heritage Attractions,” European Journal of Marketing, no. 7 (2000): 839.
3. Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila F. Glaser (Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1994[1985]).
4. Walter Skeat, A Concise Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (New York: Pedigree, 1980).
5. Kim Dovey, “The Quest for Authenticity and the Replication of Environmental Meaning,” in Dwelling, Place and Environment: Towards a Phenomenology of Person and World, ed. David Seamon and Robert Mugerauer (Netherlands: Martinus Nijhof, 1985), 33.
6. R. C. Stedman, “Is It Really Just a Social Construction: The Contribution of the Physical Environment to Sense of Place,” Society & Natural Resources: An International Journal 16, no. 8 (2003): 675-76.
7. Khaled Adham, “Global Tourism, Hyper-Conditions and the Fractal Condition of the Sign,” TDSR, no. 2 (2008): 8.
8. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 44.
9. Dean MacCannell, The tourist: A new theory of the leisure class (London: MacMillan, 1976) as cited in Christina, 837.
10. Mohammed Abdulla Eben Saleh, “The Integration of Tradition and Modernity: A Search for an Urban and Architectural Identity in Arriyadh, the Capital of Saudi Arabia,” Habitat International 22, no. 4 (1998): 571-89, cited in Ali A. Alrouf, “Regenerating Urban Traditions in Bahrain, Learning from Bab-Al Bahrain: The Authentic Fake,” Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 8, no. 1-2 (March, 2010), page 168.
11. Ibid., 33-48.
12. Umberto Eco, Travels in Hyperreality (London: Picador, 1987): 38-45.
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13. Goulding, 835-836.
14. John Urry, The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies (London: Sage, 1990): 836.
15. E. Hosbawm and T. Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press), 1992.
16. Hosbawm and Ranger, 25.
17. Edward M. Bruner, “Abraham Lincoln as Authentic Reproduction: A Critique of Postmodernism,” American Anthropologist, 96, no 2 (1994) as cited in Jillian M. Boyd, “Establishing Authenticity in a Tourist Landscape: Spring Mill Pioneer Village,” Material Culture 41, no. 1 (2009): 8.
19. Skeat, A Concise Etymological Dictionary.
20. Ibid.
21. Yasser Elsheshtawy, “Transitory Sites: Mapping Dubai’s ‘Forgotten’ Urban Spaces,” Journal of Urban and Regional Research (2008): 971-72.
22. Ibid, 963.
23. Daniel Boorstin, “Consumer Palaces,” in The Daniel J. Boorstin Reader, ed. R. Boorstin (New York: Modern Library, 1995), 260.
24. Sarah Lamb, "Intimacy in a Transnational Era: The Remaking of Ageing among Indian Americans," Diaspora 11(2002) as cited in Elsheshtawy, 970-71.
25. Jean Baudrillard, “Consumer Society,” in Baudrillard: Selected Writings ed. M. Poster (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988) as cited in Goulding, 843.
26. Elsheshtawy, 970; Carol J. Steiner and Yvette Reisinger, “Understanding Existential Authenticity,” Annals of Tourism Research 33, no. 2 (April 2006): 299-318.
27. Marc Laenen, “Looking for the Future through the Past,” Heritage Interpretation: The Natural and Built Environment, Vol. 1, ed. David Uzzell (Belhaven: London, 1989): 389.
28. Alrouf.
29. Baudrillard as cited in Goulding, 843.
30. Ibid., 843.
31. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 35.
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32. Alrouf, 67.
33. Ning Wang as cited in Alrouf, 52.
34. Kenneth Frampton, "Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance,” in The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture, ed. Hal Foster (Port Townsend: Bay Press, 1983).
35. Amos Rappaport, House, Form and Culture (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969), 15.
36. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 48.
37. Baudrillard as cited in Goulding, 843.
38. Ahmed M.S. Ouf, “Authenticity and the Sense of Place in Urban Design,” Journal of Urban Design, no. 6 (2001): 75-79; Cristian Steiner, “From Heritage to Hyper Reality? Prospects for Tourism Development in the Middle East between Petra and the Palm,” PhD diss., University of Mainz, 2009; Goulding, 840.
39. Mahyar Arefi, “Nonplace and Placelessness as Narratives of Loss: Rethinking the Notion of Place,” Journal of Interior Design 4, no. 2 (1999): 181; Relph, “Place and Placelessness,” Research in Planning and Design 67, no. 1: 143-44; K. Till, “Neo-traditional Towns and Urban Villages: The Cultural Production of Geography of Otherness,” Environment and Planning: Society and Space 11, no. 6 (1993): 711.
40. N. Wang cited in Alrouf, 52.
41. Ibid., 52-53.
42. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 52-53.
43. Skeat, 37.
44. Antonio Damasio, The Feeling of What Happens: Body, Emotion and the Making of Consciousness (San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1999) cited in Giuseppe Riva, John A. Waterworth, and Eva L. Waterworth, “The Layers of Presence: A Bio–cultural Approach to Understanding Presence in Natural and Mediated Environments,” CyberPsychology & Behavior 7, no. 4: 407.
45. Arturo Escobar, “Culture Sits in Places: Reflections on Globalism and Subaltern Strategies of Localization,” Political Geography 20 (2001), http://www.elsevier.com/locate/polgeo/escobar.html
46. Relph, 146-47.
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47. Escobar, “Culture Sits in Places.”
48. Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1977).
49. Arefi, 181-82; Per Gustafson, “Meanings of Place: Everyday Experience and Theoretical Conceptualizations,” Journal of Environmental Psychology 21, no. 1 (March 2001): 5-16; Aaron Morehouse, “A Deeper Meaning of Place,” Environmental Education Research 14, no. 6 (December 2008): 693-97.
50. Giuseppe, Waterworth, and Waterworth, 405-421.
51. Relph, 146-47.
52. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 48.
53. Ibid., 47.
54. Norris Kelly Smith, “Architectural Authenticity,” Perspecta (1983): 218-19.
55. Adham, 8-9.
56. Barthel-Bouchier, 224-26.
57. Ludmilla Jordonova, “Objects of Knowledge: A Historical Perspective on Museums,” in The Museology, ed. PeterVergo (London: Reaktion Books, 1989) as cited in Goulding, 847.
58. Erik Cohen, “Authenticity in Tourism Studies,” Tourism, Recreation, Research 32, no. 2 (2007): 75-82 as cited in Alrouf, 53;Bruner as cited in Boyd, 8.
59. Martin Heidegger, Being and Time (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996); Soren Kierkegaard, Fear and Trembling (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985) as cited in Carol J. Steiner and Yvette Reisinger, “Understanding Existential Authenticity,” Annals of Tourism Research 33, no. 2 (April 2006): 299-318, as cited in Alrouf, 56.
60 Erik Cohen as cited in Alrouf, 53.
61. Manuel Castells, The Relationship between Globalization and Cultural Identity in the early 21st Century (Barcelona: Forum, 2004), cited in in Yasser Mahgoub, “Cultural Identity in Kuwait,” 167.
62. David V. Canter, The Psychology of Place (New York: St. Martin Press, 1977): 33- 34.
63. Paul Watzlawick, “Reality Adaptation or Adapted ‘Reality’? Constructivism and Psychotherapy,” in Introduction to Constructivism, ed. H. Gumin and H. Meier (Munich: Carl Friedrich Siemens Foundation, 1998): 89-107 as cited in Schmid, “Economy of Fascination:
74
Dubai and Las Vegas as Examples of Thematic Production of Urban Landscapes,” Erdkunde 60, no. 4 (2006): 347.
64. Georg Franck, The Attention Economy: A Draft (Munich, 1998), 61 as cited in H. Schmid: 352.
65. Bruner as cited in Boyd, 8; Horst W. Opaschowski, “Cathedrals and Icons of the 21st Century: The Fascination with Worlds of Experience,” in Adventure and Consumerism, ed. A. Corner Stone (Munich: Vienna Press, 2000), 45 as cited in Schmid: 347; N. Wang as cited in Alrouf, 52.
66. Yasser Mahgoub, 166.
67. Mohammed Abdulla Eben Saleh, “The Integration of Tradition and Modernity: A Search for an Urban and Architectural Identity in Arriyadh, the Capital of Saudi Arabia,” Habitat International 22, no. 4 (1998): 571-89 cited in Alrouf, 168.
68. Noel Manninon, U.A.E. Yearbook, eds. Paula Vine, Ibrahim Abed, and Peter Vine (London: Trident Press, 2010), 53.
69. Ibid., 54.
70. Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Germany: Axel Menges, 2003): 210-215.
71. Ibid., 53-54.
72. Luiza Karim, “Modernity and Tradition in Dubai Architecture,” Al Shindagah, September 1999, http://www.alshindagah.com/september99/architecture.htm.
73. Michael Pacione, “City Profile Dubai,” Cities 22, no. 3 (2005): 255-56.
74. Brian J. Shaw and Gunrilla Enhorning, “Dubai: City of Tomorrow: Bridging the Gulf between Actuality and Authenticity?” The International Journal of Environmental, Cultural, Economic and Social Sustainability 5, no. 2 (2009): 32-35.
75. Elsheshtawy, 970-71.
76. Ibid., 970-71.
77. Ibid., 970-71.
78. George Katodrytis, “Metropolitan Dubai and the Rise of Architectural Fantasy,” Bidoun 4, Spring, 2005: 10.
79. Elsheshtawy, 970-71.
75
80. Noel Manninon, 210.
81. Historical Dubai: Dubai Museum in Al Fahidi Fort (Dubai, 2007).
82. Elsheshtawy, 23.
83. Malik Ahmed Omer, ed. “Traditional Architecture of Dubai,” Arts and Islamic World 27 (November 2001): 4-5.
84. Historical Dubai: Dubai Museum in Al Fahidi Fort (Dubai, 2007)
85. UAE Interact, “Traditional Architecture,” http://www.uaeinteract.com/culture/architecture.asp (accessed October 24, 2011).
86. Harsh Thapar and Simos Yannas, “Climate and Old Town” (paper presented at the Conference on Passive and Low Energy Architecture, Dublin, October 24, 2008).
87. Ragette, 215.
88. Omer, 5-6.
89. UAE Interact, “Traditional Architecture,” http://www.uaeinteract.com/culture/architecture.asp (accessed Oct 24, 2011).
90. Ronald Harper, “Bulletins of the Emirates Natural History Group,” Tribulus 11, no. 2 (2011): 3-4.
91. Ibid., 3-4.
92. Historical Dubai: Dubai Museum in Al Fahidi Fort (Dubai, 2007).
93. Dariush Zandi and Shirkey Kay, Architectural Heritage of the Gulf (Dubai: Motivate Publishing, 1991): 35-40.
94. Omer, 6-9.
95. Ragette, 215.
96. Fitz Roy Somerset Raglan, The Temple and the House (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964): 218-308.
97. UAE Interact, “Traditional Architecture,” http://www.uaeinteract.com/culture/architecture.asp (accessed Oct 24, 2011).
98. Elsheshtawy, 970.
76
99. Lamb as cited in Elsheshtawy, 970-71.
100. Mahgoub, 166.
101. Pacione, 256.
102. Hassan Fathy as cited in Luiza Karim, “Modernity and Tradition in Dubai Architecture,” Al Shindagah September, 1999, http://www.alshindagah.com/september99/architecture.htm.
103. Neza Al Sayyad, Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage as cited in Adham, 13.
104. Opaschowski as cited in Schmid, 347.
105. Rabah Saoud, "Introduction to the Islamic City," Foundation for Science, Technology and Civilization (August 2002): 3-5.
106. Ibid.
107. Ragette, 1-3.
108. Abdel-moniem El Shorbagy, “Traditional Islamic-Arab House: Vocabulary and Syntax,” International Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering 10, no. 4 (Aug 2010): 15-19.
109. Jumeirah Group, “The Arabian Resort of Dubai,” http://www.jumeirah.com/en/Hotels-and-Resorts/Destinations/Dubai/Madinat-Jumeirah/The- Resort/The-Story1.
110. Ibid.
111. Ibid.
112. Ronald Harper, 3-4.
113. Ibid.
114. Ragette, 25.
115. Emaar. "The Old Town," http://.www.emaar.com.
116. Ibn Battuta Mall. “About the Mall,” http://www.ibnbattutamall.com/aboutthemall.html
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117. Anne-Birte Stensgaard, “Increasing Demand in Interactive and Educational Exhibits in Region,” http://www.ameinfo.com/57404.html (accessed December 2, 2008).
118. Chae Ho Lee, “Ibn Battuta Mall: Edutaining the World,” Visible Language 11, no. 1 (January 2010): 105-107.
119. Robert Sommer and Barbara Sommer, A Practical Guide to Behavioral Research: Tools and Techniques (London: Oxford University, 2002): 368.
120. John Creswell, Research Design (California: Sage Publications, 2009): 148-49.
121. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 48.
122. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 47; Wang as cited in Alrouf, 52.
123. Barthel-Bouchier, 24-26.
124. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 47.
125. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 47; Wang as cited in Alrouf, 52; Cohen, 76.
126. Dovey in Seamon and Mugerauer, 48.
127. Norris Kelly Smith, 218-19.
128. Heidegger, Kierkegaard as cited in Steiner and Yvette Reisinger, 310-12.
129. Cohen, 76.
130. Creswell, 150-56.
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