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Home , Fort de Chartres, Illinois Country, Louisiana (New France)

Artist Karl Bodmer’s combined sketches of an Oto and Indian, and a Ponca chief, circa 1833-34. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains 41 (Winter 2018–2019): 196–209

196 History “To the Other Side of the Sun”: Indigenous Diplomacy and Power in the Midcontinent by Garrett Wright

n late 1724, Mitchigamea, Otoe, Missouria, and Osage ambassadors left their homes in the American Midwest and embarked on an eighteen-month journey through the French Atlantic empire. Along the way, they endured meager rations, a shipwreck in the , and illness while crossing the Atlantic. They intended to meet with the “Great Chief” of the French, fifteen-year-old King Louis XV, in order to affirm an alliance with him and to outline their expectations of their French neighbors in the Country. “I came here to see the King on behalf of my Nation Iand my people,” one of the diplomats stated in a speech to imperial officials in . “If I do not hear from him then I will go back to my people.” They received their wish: by the time they returned home in early 1726, the four Native American emissaries had conducted a diplomatic ceremony with the king, who had promised to “see to the needs of [their] Nations.”1 The Native delegation to offers a different perspective on the history of the early modern Atlantic world. Histories of coastal American societies tend to focus on the incorporation of indigenous peoples into Atlantic networks of exchange and diplomacy, either through direct colonization or the indirect flow of European trade goods. Such incorporation was far from one-sided, of course, and Native peoples living near coastal European empires often resisted and subverted imperial goals. Yet Atlantic histories largely follow the westward movement of people, ideas, and trade goods from Europe and Africa to the Americas. This study instead follows Native individuals who lived far from the centers of any European empire as they traveled eastward to discover a new world and establish relationships that would benefit their respective nations back home in . In doing so, it contributes to a growing body of scholarship that highlights the power of Native nations vis-à-vis European empires in the continental interior.2

Garrett W. Wright is a PhD candidate in history at the University of at Chapel Hill. His dissertation focuses on travel and diplomacy in the eighteenth-century Central Great Plains. He wishes to thank Kathleen DuVal, Caroline Newhall, Robert Richard, Aubrey Lauersdorf, the participants of the 2016 “Transatlantic Historical Approaches” workshop cosponsored by UNC-Chapel Hill and King’s College London, and the anonymous readers for Kansas History for their comments on earlier drafts of the article.

1. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages de Missicipi, de leur sejour, & des audiences qu’ils ont eues du Roi, des Princes du Sang, de la Compagnie des Indes, avec les complimens qu’ils ont fait, les honneurs & les presens qu’ils ont reçûs, &c.,” Mercure de France 1 (1725): 2833, 2850. 2. Kathleen DuVal, The Native Ground: Indians and Colonists in the Heart of the Continent (Philadelphia: University of Press, 2006); Michael Witgen, An Infinity of Nations: How the Native New World Shaped Early North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011); Pekka Hämäläinen, The Comanche Empire (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008); Juliana Barr, Peace Came in the Form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the Borderlands (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Elizabeth A. Fenn, Encounters at the Heart of the World: A History of the Mandan People (: Hill and Wang, 2015).

“To The Other Side of the Sun” 197 A history of Native diplomacy in the reveals the legitimate diplomatic representatives by agents of the layered nature of American history. The Mitchigameas, French empire—not as mere novelties.6 Otoes, Missourias, and Osages lived and thrived in the French officials organized and funded the delegation midcontinent long before they sent representatives to with one goal in mind: impressing the Native American France, and they would do so long after the diplomats ambassadors. The prospects for France’s North American returned home. The delegation to France provides a holdings appeared grim in the early eighteenth century. glimpse into one moment of cross-cultural diplomacy After years of land speculation fueled by Scottish in which Native peoples seized upon an alliance with economist ’s exaggerated marketing, the so-called the French to further their own interests within their Bubble burst in 1720, exposing the fragility respective territories. Analysis of the delegation therefore of the paper money liberally distributed by the Banque extends the history of the continental interior back in Royale. With little financial backing and few settlers, time, long before the westward expansion of the United appeared to be on the brink of collapse. French States in the nineteenth century, to underscore the ’s settlers and officials frequently complained about scarce vibrant, long-ago past.3 food, shoddy settlements, and little protection against Such American Indian expeditions to European Native populations demanding tribute from invasive territories were not uncommon in the early modern era. French settlers. Many colonial officials believed that Native American delegations from nations across the Louisiana’s future hinged upon the success of garrisons continent often visited the empires encroaching on their in the , where Frenchmen believed they borders and beyond. In meetings with imperial officials, would find precious minerals that might give Louisiana Native diplomats sought to render European newcomers a more stable source of financial support. The Illinois useful as purveyors of goods, neutral diplomatic Country also had great potential for intraimperial trade mediators, or proxy warriors in conflicts with other Native with France’s former enemies in Spanish New Mexico, an nations. Historians have recently begun to reveal the opportunity made possible by the end of the Quadruple quantity and breadth of these expeditions, with a primary Alliance (1717–1720). Such commerce would give French focus on American Indians’ travels through the British colonists access to Spanish merchandise, namely, minerals empire.4 Few historians have analyzed the Mitchigamea, and horses.7 Otoe, Missouria, and Osage delegation to France in detail, The success of European imperial projects in the Illinois and in older narratives, the Native ambassadors tend to Country hinged upon the support of Native nations who be portrayed as passive travelers following French guides lived nearby in Illinois and the Great Plains. Yet French and piquing the curiosity of cosmopolitan Europeans officials recognized that their sparse settlements and rather than as ambassadors with motivations rooted in lack of supplies in the Illinois Country would do little to their respective nations’ interests.5 This article argues convince strong Native nations to ally with the French. that the Native emissaries who traversed the Atlantic To this end, officials conceived a plan to fund a Native Ocean did so to assert their territorial sovereignty and delegation to Paris, where the Indians might witness to incorporate the French empire into their network of France’s cultural, demographic, and military power that allies in North America. As such, they were treated as was so lacking in North America. Louisiana’s governor,

3. J. Frederick Fausz similarly extended the history of one western 6. In Ellis and Steen, “An Indian Delegation in France, 1725,” the city, St. Louis, far beyond the scope of traditional narratives to include authors state that the Native diplomats came from “the wilderness” and the eighteenth-century context for the region. See Fausz, Founding St. were treated as “a novelty and not as representatives of a legitimate Louis: First City of the New West (Charleston, SC: The History Press, 2011). culture.” Ellis and Steen insist that the diplomats “said what was 4. Coll-Peter Thrush, Indigenous London: Native Travelers at the Heart of expected” and accomplished little. Empire (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2016); Jace Weaver, The 7. Company of the Indies Instructions to Bourgmont, January 17, Red Atlantic: American Indigenes and the Making of the Modern World, 1000– 1722, in Pierre Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements des Français dans 1927 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014); Alden T. l’ouest et dans le sud de l’Amérique Septentrionale, 1614–1698, mémoires et Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters: American Indians in Britain, 1500–1776 documents inédits recueillis et publies par Pierre Margry (New York: AMS (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Press, 1974), 6:389–91; La Renaudiere to the Minister, August 3, 1723, 5. Richard N. Ellis and Charlie R. Steen, “An Indian Delegation in Series C13C4, Archives Nationales, Paris, France, folio 105, microfilmed France, 1725,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 67 (September at the Historic Collection, Williams Research Center, New 1974): 385–405; DuVal, The Native Ground, 107; Olivia A. Bloechl, Native Orleans, LA (hereafter HNOC). For more on John Law and the burst American Song at the of Early Modern Music (Cambridge: of the Mississippi Bubble, see Antoin E. Murphy, John Law: Economic Cambridge University Press, 2008), 188. Theorist and Policy-Maker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).

198 Kansas History Guillaume De L’Isle’s 1718 map of representing the location of the in relation to geographic features, river- ways, and assumed locations of native groups and villages with whom Europeans such as the Frenchman Bourgmont would have interacted in the central plains and middle west. Courtesy of Library of Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division.

Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville, admitted this for different reasons. The Mitchigamea representative, objective in a meeting with the colony’s Superior Council, Chicagou, aimed to assert his people’s territorial sov- arguing that the trip might “inspire these barbarians with ereignty in the face of increasing French encroachment, an advantageous idea of the French and thereby to attach while the Otoe, Missouria, and Osage delegates hoped them to that nation.”8 to convince the French to build trading posts near their The Native ambassadors who accepted the French of- towns. In the , the Otoes and Missourias had struck fer to travel to Paris in 1724 made the dangerous jour- an alliance with two nations on the Central Plains, the ney “to the other side of the Sun” as representatives of Kaws and the Pawnees. In traveling thousands of miles their respective nations and, as such, traveled to France to meet with Company and royal officials at the highest

8. Minutes of the Superior Council of Louisiana, January 20, 1725, in Mississippi Provincial Archives: French Dominion, 1704–1743, 4 vols., C13A9, bobine 14, folios 13–21, HNOC; Analysis of the Superior edited and translated by Dunbar Rowland and Alfred Godfrey Sanders Council’s Minutes, January 20, 1725, C13A9, bobine 14, folios 23–25, (Jackson: Press of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, HNOC; Minutes of the Superior Council of Louisiana, January 10, 1725, 1927–1932) (hereafter MPAFD), 2:476–8.

“To The Other Side of the Sun” 199 levels, the ambassadors for the Otoes (Aguiguida) and lived and traded with the Osages, Missourias, and other Missourias (Ignon Ouaconisen and Mensperé) aimed to Native nations in and near the Great Plains. He wrote incorporate the French empire into their growing net- about his experience in two treatises, Exact Description of work of allies. The Osages, on the other hand, were less Louisiana and The Route to Be Taken to Ascend the Missouri enthusiastic about the new confederacy between Lower River.12 Missouri Valley and Central Plains nations, as it would increase access to French manufactured goods and un- round 1720, Bourgmont brought his treatises dercut the Osages’ own commercial leverage over their back to France, perhaps hoping to gain the neighbors. Though all of the ambassadors had different favor of French authorities after his repeated reasons for making the long journey, they all agreed to transgressions. Both works were immensely travel to France in order to outline their expectations of useful to the Company of the Indies, as they described the French empire to officials at the highest levels, as they Athe populations, character, and locations of Native towns made clear in speeches to imperial officials and Louis XV.9 throughout Louisiana and charted the course of the Plans for the delegation to France began in 1722, when , which Company officials hoped would the Company of the Indies sent Étienne de Veniard, Sieur lead to the famed Mer de l’Ouest.13 If Bourgmont did, in de Bourgmont, to North America with instructions to fact, intend to leverage his knowledge of North America facilitate trade between the Illinois Country and Spanish to obtain absolution for his past crimes, then his plan New Mexico. To do so, Bourgmont had three orders: to worked. Company officials designated him commandant “establish a post” on the Missouri River, to “make peace” of the Missouri and ordered him to return to North America with all Native American nations living between Illinois to construct a garrison on the Missouri River, which he and New Mexico, and to “convince some leaders of the would christen Fort d’Orleans. Bourgmont would then main Indian tribes to go to France to give them an idea of embark on an expedition across the Great Plains to meet the power of the French.”10 with the Plains Apaches, who controlled the roads to Bourgmont had lived in the Great Plains for years, Santa Fe. His superiors promised that upon completion of making him the ideal candidate for the job. He fled to his mission, he would be able “to return to France without North America sometime after 1698, when he was caught difficulty,” presumably absolved of his crimes. Louis XV poaching at the Monastery of Belle-Etoile and fined 100 vowed to “grant him Letters of Nobility” for his service livres. In , he served as a soldier in the Troupes de la to Louisiana. Bourgmont traveled to the Central Plains Marine in Canada, a fur trader with the Mascoutens, and an by way of Lorient in Brittany, New Orleans, and Fort de ensign at Fort Pontchartrain (). After mishandling Chartres in the Illinois Country, arriving at the latter in a dispute among feuding Ottawas and Miamis in 1706, late 1723.14 Bourgmont deserted his post and remained on the lam for All of Bourgmont’s plans hinged upon the support of over a decade, escaping French authorities, who assigned Native nations in the Central Great Plains. Luckily for him, severe punishment to deserters. One man who fled Fort these nations’ goals aligned with his own—namely, peace Pontchartrain with Bourgmont in 1706 was captured and with the Plains Apaches and increased access to European sentenced to “hav[ing] his head broken till death follows, trade goods. The Pawnees and Kaws were particularly by eight soldiers.”11 For nearly fifteen years, Bourgmont interested in peace negotiations with the Plains Apaches,

9. General Council of the Missouria, Osage, and Oto Nations, Collections, 40 vols. (Lansing: Pioneer and Historical Society, November 19, 1724, in Margry, Découvertes et Établissements, 6:452; 1874–1890), 34:234–7. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages de Missicipi,” 2832– 12. Étienne de Veniard, Sieur de Bourgmont, Exact Description of 3, 2835–6; “Journal of the Voyage of Monsieur de Bourgmont, Knight of Louisiana, of Its Harbors, Lands and Rivers, and Names of the Indian Tribes the Military Order of Saint Louis, Commandant of the Missouri River, That Occupy It, and the Commerce and Advantages to Be Derived Therefrom above That of the , and of the Missouri, to the Padoucas” for the Establishment of a Colony, Archives Nationales, Archives des (hereafter Bourgmont’s Journal), in Frank Norall, Bourgmont: Explorer Colonies, C13C1, folios 346–56, in Norall, Bourgmont, 99–112; Étienne of the Missouri, 1698–1725 (Lincoln: University of Press, 1988); de Veniard, Sieur de Bourgmont, The Route to Be Taken to Ascend the DuVal, The Native Ground, 107–8. Missouri River, Archives Nationales, Archives de la Marine 3JJ 277, 2, in 10. Company of the Indies Instructions to Bourgmont, in Margry, Norall, Bourgmont, 112–123. Découvertes et Établissements, 6:389–91. 13. Ibid. 11. Norall, Bourgmont, 4, 6–14; judgment rendered by the council of 14. “Conditions Set by Sieur de Bourgmont for making peace war against Bertellemy Pichon, a soldier of the Company of Cortemanche with the tribes bordering New Mexico, memorandum for Sieur de of the garrison of Pontchartrain, November 7, 1707, Michigan Historical Bourgmont, approved by His Royal Highness,” AN Cols, B 43; fol. 90,

200 Kansas History Detail of 1718 De L’Isle map highlighting the Illinois country in the center, and lands of various Indian nations such as the Osage and Missouri to the west and the Miami and to the east. with whom they had been at war for nearly a decade. said would “help us to carry our equipment when we go One Pawnee leader celebrated an alliance with their into winter quarters, because our women and children former enemies because it would allow his people to “go are terribly overburdened on our return.”15 Peace with on our hunts in peace.” Making peace with their former the Apaches would provide access to Spanish horses, enemies would likewise provide Pawnees with access and Bourgmont’s garrison on the Missouri River would to Spanish trade goods, especially horses, which would increase the availability of French firearms. Given these benefit all of the Native nations involved. The Pawnee two benefits, Pawnee, Kaw, Otoe, , and Missouria leader extolled the benefits of Spanish horses, which he leaders supported Bourgmont’s plans and traveled with him to a Plains Apache town in what is now western Kansas. quoted in Norall, Bourgmont, 34; Company of the Indies Instructions to Bourgmont, January 17, 1722, in Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements, 6:389–91; summary of Bourgmont’s Account, January 2, 1723, folio 219, C13A5, bobine 8, HNOC; Norall, Bourgmont, 42. 15. October 6, 1724, Bourgmont’s Journal.

“To The Other Side of the Sun” 201 On October 18, 1724, at least fifty Missourias, Kaws, have been trying to bring us over to their side.” The Otoes, Iowas, Pawnees, and Frenchmen camped “a pistol- Osages concurred, with one leader promising to “send shot away” from the Apache town. For the next two four leaders from our nation [to France] under the same days, diplomats from each nation joined one another to conditions as the Missouri.”18 An alliance with these three smoke the calumet (a ceremonial pipe), feast, and give nations was vital both to intraimperial trade with New speeches outlining the benefits of their new alliance. Mexico and, more importantly, to the security of French Bourgmont acted as a neutral mediator between the settlers in the Illinois Country. As Bourgmont explained, previously warring nations, physically placing himself if France’s Indian allies “lifted the mask against us” and between them and imploring them to “live in peace and joined the , then it would be impossible to harmony from now on.” To cement the Plains Apaches’ maintain a French presence in the Illinois Country.19 alliance with the French, Bourgmont distributed muskets, In November 1724, Otoe, Missouria, and Osage leaders gunpowder, swords, knives, dyed cloth, mirrors, needles, joined Bourgmont at a council at Fort d’Orleans and and other goods that he had brought with him from the sent representatives with him to . The Illinois Country. A Plains Apache leader promised that Missourias sent five people, including Ignon Ouaconisen, his former enemies “may come to visit us, and we will “the daughter of the head chief of our tribe.” The Osages also go to visit them carrying the peace calumet.” On the sent four. The Otoes sent only one, Aguiguida, explaining penultimate day of the ceremony in Apache territory, that they wished to risk only “one of our people” because, Apache women and girls served to their guests a feast ten years prior, one of their own had traveled “to the of stewed bison meat, pounded jerky, dried plums, and seaboard to take the calumet of peace” and had “died maize. The negotiations were successful. Diplomats there.” The expedition down the Mississippi—to say ended a prolonged and devastating war, increased the nothing of the transatlantic journey to France—was in fact flow of trade goods in the region, and ensured the safe dangerous to Indians and Europeans alike.20 passage of Indian and European travelers across the Great At Fort de Chartres, the emissaries were joined by Plains.16 Nicolas-Ignace de Beaubois, the vicar general of the Jesuit Bourgmont then set his sights on his third instruction: diocese of , and twelve representatives from the to “convince some leaders of the main Indian tribes to Illinois Confederacy. Beaubois had been recalled to France go to France . . . to give them an idea of the power of due to a quarrel among French religious sects in Louisiana, the French.” He invited representatives from the Otoes, and the Illinois men intended to register complaints with Missourias, and Osages to travel with him back to French officials regarding French encroachment on their France. Neither Bourgmont nor his superiors recorded territory. Twenty-two Native representatives eventually why these three nations were chosen to travel to France. joined the party by the time it left Fort de Chartres All three, however, had long-standing alliances with the for New Orleans, where colonial magistrates began French that appeared tenuous in 1724. The Otoes, who arranging the logistics of the transatlantic delegation. frequently traded with French colonists in the 1710s, had Bienville, governor of Louisiana, bemoaned the cost of the forged an alliance with the Dakota Sioux and Meskwakis voyage but ultimately valued its opportunity to convince (Foxes), whom Bourgmont described as “our enemies,” Indians of the benefits of an alliance with the French. in part because they had felt abandoned by the French Since the Otoes, Missourias, and Osages were “such due to a lack of sustained trade. Bourgmont explained distant nations,” Bienville worried that “we are not in a to his superiors that “misery, and faulty merchandise, position to retain them.” Traveling through the French committed [the Otoes] to the alliance [with the Sioux empire, he and other Company officials thought, would and Meskwakis], having been five years since they saw allow the Native diplomats to see just how powerful and a Frenchman in their village.”17 Bourgmont’s fears were amplified when one Missouria leader explained that “if we were abandoned by the French, we fear that our young people would be corrupted by the Foxes . . . [who] 18. General Council of the Missouri, Osage, and Oto Nations, November 19, 1724, in Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements, 6:449– 52. 19. Bourgmont to the Superior Council of Louisiana, January 11, 1724, in Margry, ed., Découvertres et Établissements, 6:397. 16. October 19, 1724, Bourgmont’s Journal. 20. General Council of the Missouri, Osage, and Oto Nations, 17. Bourgmont to the Superior Council of Louisiana, January 11, November 19, 1724, in Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements, 6:451– 1724, in Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements, 6:396–7. 452.

202 Kansas History magnificent their allies were—and might encourage them approximately three and a half months, gifts for Company to urge their respective nations to continue their alliance officials and Louis XV, and their personal belongings. with the French empire.21 They underwent a long wait in La Balize due to “contrary he Indians’ stay in New Orleans was far from winds” and the delay of additional inventory for the ship. magnificent, however. They arrived in the city The Bellone did not set sail along the Gulf Coast until late on January 9, 1725, and stayed there for three March.24 weeks. New Orleans was only seven years old at During the initial days of the voyage, the Bellone the time, and by all accounts, it was a fairly miserable place collided with numerous logs and sandbars, resulting toT live during its early years. Residents lacked fresh meat in leaks and a damaged rudder.25 On April 1, the ship and produce, the hospital was overfilled and understaffed anchored at Dauphin Island, off the coast of what is now due to rampant illness, and many colonial troops slept “in , for repairs and to pick up a stock of pitch and the open air” because the city had no barracks. “In short,” tobacco, which was meant to prove to Company officials one Company of the Indies commissioner reported to his the profitability of Louisiana. Before dawn, the Bellone’s superiors, “everything is of extraordinary high cost.”22 keel burst, and the vessel promptly sank to the bottom of Even the administrative center of Louisiana revealed the the Gulf. One person on the ship later wrote that the ship vulnerability of France’s imperial ambitions in North “sunk in so little time that they did not have the leisure America. to give themselves breathing time.” Captain Beauchamp Bourgmont did his best to satisfy the needs of his fired two cannon shots to alert the crew of a nearby ship, Indian guests despite the destitution of New Orleans. In who rescued most of the Bellone’s occupants. Two men June 1725, he wrote to the directors of the Company of the (one of whom was either a Missouria or Osage) and two Indies requesting a reimbursement of 3,000 livres. Because children drowned in the Gulf. All of the cargo onboard— colonial officials in Louisiana could not afford to provide including the Native ambassadors’ rations, supplies, and the Native ambassadors with more than a “sailor’s ration gifts for their French counterparts—was lost with the each day”—probably salted pork or fish with hardtack— ship.26 Bourgmont purchased beef, chicken, deer, wine, and The shipwreck caused quite a stir among the passengers, “generally the necessaries which are of high value in this who waited at Dauphin Island for the departure of country” from local American Indian and French vendors. another ship. Many of the Indian travelers decided that The delegation to France was important enough to the the voyage to France was no longer worth making. Four Company’s interest to pay for these expenses. Indeed, the of them left the coast and returned to their homes on poverty of New Orleans drove home the necessity of the the plains, leaving only Ignon Ouaconisen (Missouria), overseas delegation in order to cement France’s alliances Mensperé (Missouria), Aguiguida (Otoe), Boganienhin with Native nations near the Illinois Country.23 (Grand Osage), and Chicagou (Mitchigamea Illinois) to In late January, the Indian ambassadors, along with make the long journey.27 Bourgmont, Beaubois, and Governor Bienville (who The passengers of the Bellone eventually boarded was returning to France to report to his superiors), left another ship, the Gironde, in late April. Five months later, New Orleans and traveled one hundred miles down they landed in Lorient, France. After traveling roughly the Mississippi River to La Balize (“the beacon”), the three hundred miles through the French countryside in main harbor at the mouth of the Mississippi. There they boarded a ship called the Bellone with provisions to last

24. Dawdy, Building the Devil’s Empire, 111–112, 122; The Superior Council of Louisiana to the General Directors of the Company of the 21. Minutes of the Superior Council of Louisiana, January 20, Indies, July 27, 1725, C13A9, bobine 14, folios 51–74, HNOC. 1725, C13A9, bobine 14, folios 13–21, HNOC; Analysis of the Superior 25. Louis Chaduteau’s Testimony on Wrecked La Bellone, April Council’s Minutes, January 20, 1725, C13A9, bobine 14, folios 23–25, 17, 1725, Records of the Louisiana Superior Council, no. 110, Louisiana HNOC; Minutes of the Superior Council of Louisiana, January 10, 1725, Historical Quarterly 2, nos. 1 and 2 (1919): 197; Antoine Sorignet’s MPAFD 2:476–8. Testimony on Wrecked La Bellone, April 20, 1725, Records of the Superior 22. La Chaise to the Company, September 10, 1723, MPAFD, 2:312– Council, no. 123, Louisiana Historical Quarterly 2, nos. 1 and 2 (1919): 200. 18; Shannon Lee Dawdy, Building the Devil’s Empire: New 26. Raphael to Abbe Raguet, May 25, 1725, C13A8, bobine 12, 399– Orleans (: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 104. 406, HNOC; “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages de 23. Bourgmont to the directors and the comptroller-general of the Missicipi,” 2835. Company of the Indies, C13C4, fols. 107, 109, bobine 68, HNOC; Norall, 27. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages de Missicipi,” Bourgmont, 176. 2835–6.

“To The Other Side of the Sun” 203 de France article from 1725 is the only known documentation of the ambassadors’ actions and words while in France. An ethnohistorical reading of this lone source, firmly situated within the historical context of the Central Great Plains during the 1720s, reveals that these Native ambassadors used their power and influence in North America as leverage in diplomatic proceedings in the heart of the French empire. The ambassadors followed their own diplomatic customs in meetings with French officials. Shortly after arriving in Paris, they entered a Company building together wearing “red loin cloth[s],” “feather head-piece[s],” and body paint of “different colors.” The red cloth was a visible reminder of the represented nations’ close relationship with the French, for they had obtained it from Bourgmont during the 1724 peace ceremony on the plains.29 Each emissary also carried a bow and quiver of arrows, and one carried a calumet (ceremonial pipe), “from which hung an ornament made of different colored feathers resembling the pennants on trumpets.” Speaking through sign language and Bourgmont’s translation, the calumet-carrying diplomat spoke to Company officials for so long that he “suddenly lost his voice.” He explained that the party had not hesitated to “abandon [their] lands” to visit “the Just as the 1724 delegation to France included women, so too did an 1827 delega- Great Chief of the French” and that the troubles tion of Osage. They are depicted here as they appeared in a French newspaper. they had encountered along the way had “not Courtesy of the State Historical Society of Missouri. aroused fear” in the travelers. Then, he praised the French, saying he was “pleased with what what Chicagou described as “moving cabins of leather,” he had already seen in France.” In the minds of Company they arrived in Paris to much fanfare on September 20, officials and colonial magistrates, this speech would have 1725—nearly a year after leaving their homes in North been seen as proof of the expedition’s success: Paris was America.28 In meetings with Company officials, members of the French nobility as well as King Louis XV, Aguiguida, 29. Bourgmont’s Journal, October 19, 1724. In 1719, a group of Mensperé, Ignon Ouaconisen, Boganienhin, and Paloma or Carlana Apaches were attacked by a Kaw raiding party. An Chicagou outlined their expectations of their new allies Apache chief later insisted to New Mexico’s governor, Antonio Valverde y Cosio, that the warriors were supported by the French—likely to and requested support in North America. Records of appeal to Valverde’s imperial anxieties. As evidence, the Apache leader their delegation are unfortunately slim: a brief Mercure explained that the Kaws had “long guns” and “were all dressed in red” (Valverde diary, fol.26v). Limbourg cloth was central to French-Indian alliances throughout North America; in 1701, one colonial magistrate appealed to his superiors to send more for “presents to Indian chiefs.” 28. Mathurin le Petit to Father D’Avaugour, in The Jesuit Relations and See Diana DiPaolo Loren, “Material Manipulations: Beads and Cloth in Allied Documents; travels and explorations of the Jesuit in New the French Colonies,” in The Materiality of Individuality: Archaeological France, 1619–1791; the original French, Latin, and Italian texts, with English Studies of Native Lives, edited by Carolyn L. White (New York: Springer- translations and notes, edited and translated by Reuben Gold Thwaites Verlag, 2009), 115; James Axtell, The Indians’ New South: Cultural Change (Cleveland, OH: Burrows Bros. Co., 1896–1901), 68:215; “Relation de in the Colonial Southeast (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages de Missicipi,” 2829–30. 1997), 61.

204 Kansas History indeed making a strong impression upon these Indians.30 behalf of their respective nations, in which they requested In the following weeks, Company officials took their that the French not “abandon” their new alliance. More guests on tours of Paris and Versailles in a grand display of “Frenchmen,” they hoped, would travel to the periphery French infrastructure, society, and culture. The Company of the plains with “goods and enterprises.” Perhaps ordered that the ambassadors be treated (and fed) “as appealing to the officials’ colonialist religiosity, they also though at the captain’s table”—a vast improvement over promised that increased interactions among Frenchmen their experience in New Orleans and onboard French and their respective nations could help “instruct them in ships.31 They visited the Hôtel des Invalides, where they prayer.”33 were particularly impressed by the “great copper vats” Chicagou, the Mitchigamea ambassador, was and “roasting spits” on which cooks prepared meat for captivated by France but demanded an audience with the hospital staff and patients. A performance at the opera Louis XV in a speech to Company officials. “I have come reportedly filled them with “joy” and “amazement,” here to see the King on behalf of my nation,” he explained. and they reportedly asked if they could “see the same “When will I be able to see him? All the pretty things that thing the following day.” They also traveled to Versailles I have seen will be meaningless if I do not see the King . . . and Marly, where they expressed great interest in “the and if I do not hear his words to report to my young elaborate fountains and pumps that made them work.” At people.” Chicagou was more explicit than the others in Versailles, they mingled with Voltaire and other prominent his expressions of territorial sovereignty, given that his French nobles and artists, many of whom had traveled to people had already “ceded to [the French] the lands we the palace for Louis XV’s marriage to Marie Leszczyńska [the Mitchigamea Illinois] occupy in .” He in September. Compared to the French settlements they demanded that the Company and the king order their had visited in North America, metropolitan France must agents to cease “install[ing] themselves in the midst of have been an overwhelming experience for the Native our village” so that the Michigameas could “remain ambassadors.32 masters of the lands where we have placed our hearths.” Though Company officials invited these Native He presented a letter from the principal chief of the Americans to Paris to be impressed with French imperial Michigameas, who echoed Chicagou’s demands to hold wealth and power, the diplomats expressed their own French settlers accountable.34 power by demanding and securing a peace ceremony The secretary of the Company issued a response by with King Louis XV. In another meeting with the the director general, which was written before the guests’ Company, the Otoe, Missouria, and Osage ambassadors arrival and therefore contained only boilerplate about expressed confusion about their journey. The sights and fealty and peace. “The Company will always have you in sounds of Paris were lovely, they explained, but they its thoughts,” the director general had written, “and will had made their dangerous months-long journey for bear your requests in mind.” Perhaps hoping to intimidate diplomatic reasons—not to be wooed by French culture. the ambassadors, the director general boasted of “the “We were given to understand that the King and the number of men the Great Onontio [Louis XV] has under Company required someone from each of our Nations,” his command” and reminded his guests of the “wealth they stated to Company officials, “but we are here before and magnificence” that they had already witnessed. The you without knowing what you desire of us.” They made secretary gave the delegates gifts of tobacco to keep them their own desires quite clear, however, in a “petition” on “happy until your departure” and “clothing so that you may be properly attired here, as well as other garments in the style of your own nation.” After exchanging speeches and gifts, Company officials and the duke of Bourbon 30. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages,” 2827–39; arranged an audience with the king, recognizing that they Ellis and Steen, “An Indian Delegation in France, 1725,” 390. 35 31. Passengers in the Loire, January 1, 1726, AC, F 5B 49, no. 76, would be unable to satisfy the ambassadors without one. quoted in Marcel Giraud, A History of French Louisiana, Volume Five: The Company of the Indies, 1723-1731, trans. Brian Pearce (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), 490. 32. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages,” 2830–1; Voltaire to Frederick, Prince Royal of Russia, October 1737, “On God, the Soul and Innate Morality,” in S.G. Tallentrye, trans., Voltaire in His Letters: Being a Selection from His Correspondence (London: J. Murray, 1919), 48– 33. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages,” 2835–7. 51; William Fleming, trans. and ed., The Works of Voltaire: Philosophical 34. Ibid., 2832–3. Dictionary, vol. 7 (New York: E.R. DuMont, 1901), 5–7. 35. Ibid., 2836–8.

“To The Other Side of the Sun” 205 inally, on November 25, the ambassadors met had already begun surveying the plains for profitable with Louis XV at Fontainebleau. The Otoes, mines of their own, which would also require friendly Missourias, and Osages gave a speech primarily relations with nearby Indian nations. Furthermore, peace filled with diplomatic mainstays, praising with these Indian nations would assist in the ongoing war the king’s “magnificence” and promising to tell their against the Meskwakis. In other words, the French needed respectiveF peoples of the “beauty of your dwellings, of the Otoes, Missourias, and Osages much more than these your villages, of your lands and the manner in which we Indian nations needed the French.37 have been treated.” Promising to “plant the tree of peace,” Still, a relationship with the French empire did offer they placed their headdresses and calumets at Louis’s feet advantages to these Indian nations. The ambassadors “as a pledge of alliance.” Afterward, the Native diplomats would not have made the arduous journey if they had not who had traveled to Paris spoke with the king for over an expected to benefit from it, and their speeches to Company hour “in the presence of all the nobles of the court.” The officials and Louis XV indicate as much. Aguiguida, writer for the Mercure de France who observed the ceremony Mensperé, and Boganienhin did not emphasize territorial believed that the “audience would have lasted even sovereignty in their speeches, as Chicagou did, because longer” had the king not had a meeting with his council. as representatives of distant and powerful nations, they Two days later, Louis took the Indian ambassadors with had little to fear regarding French encroachment. Having him on a hare hunt in the king’s private forests. Before traveled through the Illinois Country, Lower Louisiana, they departed for North America by way of Lorient, and France, Aguiguida, Mensperé, Ignon Ouaconisen, queen consort Marie Leszczyńska gifted Chicagou with and Boganienhin likely did not fear the loss of or a “snuffbox of black tortoise shell with a gold-embossed encroachment on their homelands by the French. Perhaps lid” that was “adorned with several precious gems.” more than any American Indians, these travelers had Louis gave multiple gifts to each of the guests: “the royal witnessed firsthand the vulnerability of France’s holdings medallion on a gold chain; a rifle; a game-bag; a sword; a in North America. In Paris, however, they reaffirmed what watch; and a painting” that depicted their meeting with they had hoped to achieve in an alliance with the French: the king. With these gifts, the French met the ambassadors’ the continued (and perhaps expanded) availability of earlier demand that they not return to their homelands useful trade goods.38 empty-handed and fulfilled an essential component of The Native diplomats fondly remembered their stay in both European and Native diplomacy.36 France in the following years. In 1730, Chicagou and a Though short and twice-filtered through Europeans group of Mitchigamea and Kaskaskia ambassadors trav- (Bourgmont, as translator, and the unnamed Mercure de eled to New Orleans after hearing that Natchez warriors France author), these speeches and interactions indicate had killed over two hundred French colonists in the Nat- the necessity of alliances with Native nations to the success chez revolt. “We have come here from a great distance of the French colonial enterprise. That the Company to weep with you for the death of the French,” Chicagou financed such an expedition speaks volumes about the said, “and to offer our Warriors to strike those hostile Na- importance of such an alliance with the Otoes, Missourias, tions whom you may wish to designate.” His offer to exact Osages, and Mitchagamea Illinois. Considering the vengeance on the Natchez stemmed from his expedition unfinished, isolated, and underpopulated state of French to France. “When I went over to France,” he remembered, towns and posts in North America, Company officials “the King promised me his protection . . . I will always desperately needed alliances with American Indians remember it.” In traveling to New Orleans and pledging living on the Great Plains. Friendly relations would allow free movement of French traders, engineers, miners, and settlers, which would in turn facilitate the self-sufficiency 37. La Renaudiere to the Minister, August 3, 1724, C13C4, folios 105– of Louisiana and open trade with the presumably 07, bobine 68, HNOC; La Renaudiere to M. Perry, September 1, 1723, in mineral-rich Spaniards in New Mexico. French engineers Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements, 6:392–6. 38. Jean-Bernard Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales (1768), 1:74; Jean-Bernard Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages dans l’Amérique Septentrionale (1777), 27; Norall, Bourgmont, 87; Ellis and Steen, “An 36. Ibid., 2839–59; Deliberations of Council between Bourgmont Indian Delegation in France,” 387; Marc de Villiers du Terrage, La and Missouri Chiefs, January 10, 1725, C13A8, bobine 12, folios 171– Découverte Du Missouri et l’Histoire de Fort d’Orleans (1673–1728) (Paris: 2, HNOC; General Council of the Missouria, Osage, and Oto Nations, H. Champion, 1925), 119; Mathurin le Petit to Père d’Avaugour, July 12, November 19, 1724, in Margry, ed., Découvertes et Établissements, 6:451– 1730, in Thwaites, ed. and trans., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 452. 68: 215.

206 Kansas History military support, Chicagou upheld his end of the reciprocal promise of protec- tion.39 Decades after returning home from France, the Native ambassadors continued to speak of their delegation to French and Indian audiences. In the , Ignon Ouaconisen and Mensperé welcomed French traveler Jean-Bernard Bossu to their town and regaled him with stories about their trip to the “great village of the French,” recalling the “beautiful . . . quantity of meat” found at the Rue de Boucheries and the opera, “where all of the men were magicians and sorcerers.” Chicagou, too, recalled seeing Parisian buildings “as high as the tallest trees” Indigenous and cross-cultural diplomacy continued to play a critically important role in both imperial and later American relations, including alliances, with Indian nations. This and people as numerous as “blades was certainly evident in the history of the Great Plains region, as illustrated here in a scene of grass in the prairies, or mosquitoes from Major Stephen H. Long’s expedition from to the and a in the woods”—some of whom, he meeting with a Pawnee Council, from 1823. Courtesy of Library of Congress, Prints and remembered, “smelled like alligators” Photographs Division. because of their perfume. Their gifts from Louis XV and Marie Leszczyńska provided proof of making it an entrepôt on the Central Plains. Its success their journey to visitors: Chicagou displayed his gilded was short-lived, however, and French officials abandoned tortoiseshell snuffbox when describing the delegation the post in 1726. One French official described commercial in New Orleans, and Ignon Ouaconisen showed off a efforts on the plains as “absolutely useless” and insisted diamond-set repeater watch to Bossu. In the minds of that missionaries who “preach the gospel among the French officials who hoped to impress their Native guests, sauvages” would do more to aid French-Indian alliances the delegation was obviously a success.40 near the Illinois Country. He was wrong: in late 1732, Perhaps the Otoes, Missourias, and Osages had fond Missouria and Osage warriors killed eleven Canadian memories of the delegation because they got what they in retaliation for what they perceived as the wanted out of an alliance with the French: increased French abandonment of the alliance forged in 1724–1725. availability of French trade goods, which in turn This attack served its purpose, for French traders again strengthened their position as intermediaries for their increased their activity in the Lower Missouri Valley and western neighbors. In the late 1720s and early , the the Central Plains in the 1730s and would continue to French fulfilled their end of the bargain by sending new trade with these nations even after the Spanish formally traders to their new allies’ towns on the plains. Indeed, claimed control of Louisiana in 1763.41 Fort d’Orleans, established by Bourgmont in 1724, was The alliance benefited French colonists, too. In 1728, only five miles from Missouria territory and a few days’ French officials refused to return slaves to journey to Otoe, Iowa, Kaw, Pawnee, and Osage towns,

41. The Company Directors to Perrier and La Chaise, October 27, 1727, C13A11, bobine 17, folios 91–92, HNOC; Perier to La Chaise, April 39. Mathurin le Petit to Father D’Avaugour, New Orleans, July 12, 9, 1728, C13A11, bobine 7, folios 34–36, HNOC; The Superior Council 1730, in Thwaites, ed. and trans., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, to the Directors of the Company, February 27, 1725, C13A9, bobine 68:187, 203–05. 14, folios 59–61, 67, HNOC; A. P. Nasatir, ed., Before Lewis and Clark: 40. Jean-Bernard Bossu, Travels in the Interior of North America, 1751– Documents Illustrating the History of the Missouri, 1785–1804 (St. Louis: 1762, edited and translated by Seymour Feiler (Norman: University of St. Louis Historical Documents Foundation, 1952), 23–24; Perrier to Press, 1962), 83–84; Mathurin le Petit to Father D’Avaugour, Maurepas, April 1, 1729, AN C13A12, bobine 18, folios 15–17, HNOC; in Thwaites, ed. and trans., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Instructions for Perier, September 30, 1726, in Margry, ed., Découvertes 68:213. et Établissements, 6:452.

“To The Other Side of the Sun” 207 For a brief moment, it seemed as though the French would also achieve their primary goal in allying with the Otoes, Missourias, and Osages: safe passage across the Great Plains to New Mexico in order to establish intraimperial commerce with Spanish colonists. In 1739, nine Frenchmen led by Pierre and Paul Mallet traveled from Fort de Chartres along the Missouri, Platte, and Arkansas Rivers and various Indian roads to Santa Fe, where they stayed until 1740. French traders led two more expeditions toward New Mexico in 1740 and 1750; the former never reached the Spanish colony, however, and members of the latter were captured and sent to jail in Mexico City. Trade between Louisiana and New Mexico remained elusive even after 1763, when Louisiana formally became a Spanish colony (albeit The Kaw Indians of Kansas used diplomatic channels and skills in communicating their one that was culturally French and desires and grievances to U.S. authorities as represented in this 1857 engraving of their supported by the activities of French conference with the U.S. Commission of Indian Affairs which appeared in a London news- traders). Yet the alliance between the paper. Courtesy of Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. Otoes, Missourias, Osages, and French had made it a real possibility—even if it their homelands and thereby sparked the so-called never came to fruition.43 Second Fox War. Though the war was fought primarily After the (1763) and the Louisiana in the , French leaders feared that their allies Purchase (1803), Spanish and U.S. officials hoped to inherit on the plains would join the Meskwakis—and with good their French predecessors’ alliances with Native nations. reason. Before sending his representatives to France in The continued dominance of French traders well into 1724, the principal Missouria chief had warned that “if we the nineteenth century helped to reduce the potentially were abandoned by the French, we fear that our young disruptive nature of regime change in Louisiana. During people would be corrupted by the Foxes,” who had “been the Spanish and American periods, Otoes, Missourias, trying to bring us over to their side” for “a long time.” and Osages frequently traveled to St. Louis to reaffirm The Missourias, however, held true to the alliance and, their friendship with colonial officials and to trade for along with the Otoes, Kaws, and Iowas, joined the French gunpowder, bullets, rifles, wool, and other merchandise. war effort against the Meskwakis. In the summer of 1735, Thomas Jefferson even assumed the role of the European “five to six hundred men” from these nations marched monarch during his presidency by inviting Native together to Illinois and then to a Meskwaki village, which ambassadors to visit him in Washington. In 1805, a group had been so hastily abandoned that “the majority had of Otoes, Missourias, and Osages embarked on one such left their arms and utensils.” The Missourias, Otoes, and Iowas took their plunder and returned to their homes 42 along the Missouri River. Wars: The Mesquakie Challenge to (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), 102–03, 189. 43. Donald J. Blakeslee, Along Ancient Trails: The Mallet Expedition of 1739 (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1995), 215–25; Henry Folmer, The Mallet Expedition of 1739 through Nebraska, Kansas, and Colorado 42. Bienville to Maurepas, August 20, 1735, C13A20, bobine 27, folios to Santa Fe, Edward Everett Ayer Collection, The Newberry Library 152–3, HNOC; Salmon to the Minister, August 27, 1735, C13A20, bobine (Chicago), reprinted from The Colorado Magazine 16, no. 5 (September 27 folio 253, HNOC; Bienville to Maurepas, September 5, 1736, C13A21, 1939); Martha Royce Blaine, “French Efforts to Reach Santa Fe: André bobine 28, folio 220, HNOC; Bienville to Maurepas, February 10, 1736, Fabry de la Bruyère’s Voyage up the Canadian River in 1741–1742,” C13A21, bobine 28, folios 150–3, HNOC; R. David Edmunds, The Fox Louisiana History 20, no. 2 (April 1979): 133–57.

208 Kansas History delegation that was remarkably similar to their ancestors’ gunpowder, and bullets) and the support of French delegation to France eighty years earlier. Understanding soldiers against their Indian and European rivals on the the long history of cross-cultural diplomacy in this region plains. challenges historians to see instances of interaction with Long-forgotten events such as the 1724–1725 delegation the in the nineteenth century as continuities to France display the impressive mobility and powerful in Native American history rather than singular moments connections of American Indians in the eighteenth century. of U.S.-initiated change.44 Native peoples traveled far and wide to forge and maintain The Native delegation to Paris highlights the degree to vast, entangled networks of trade and diplomacy, which which European imperial schemes relied on the support in turn linked distant empires, nations, and markets in of American Indian allies. The primary objectives of the center of North America. By taking seriously the French officials in the Illinois Country in the 1720s—safe mobility and political power of Native nations west of passage for traders traveling to Spanish New Mexico and the Mississippi River, historians may counter traditional the enrichment of the colony through the exploitation of depictions of wandering, nomadic indigenous peoples mines on the plains—hinged upon alliances with Indians who responded to, rather than shaped, North American living on and near the Great Plains. Without the aid and history only to disappear after the westward expansion protection of Native guides and hosts, no French trader of the United States. Nearly a century prior to the travels or engineer could successfully penetrate (much less cross) of Lewis and Clark and the imperial expansion of the the plains. Such dependence on Native allies was by no United States, travelers such as Aguiguida, Mensperé, means limited to the and Great Ignon Ouaconisen, Boganienhen, and Chicagou shaped Plains. Across North America, European travelers and the trans-Mississippi West.47 settlers from all empires required Native support for These Native travelers’ experiences therefore highlight the survival of their colonies. The vast majority of the the long history of the western half of the continent. This continent was controlled by Native nations; eighteenth- region existed in ways often ignored by scholars who century Europeans recognized this reality and did their focus on American history as the history of westward- best to ensure that those nations were their allies rather moving settlers. It was a space dominated by Native than those of their imperial rivals.45 nations and empires, where European imperial success The power of the Mitchigameas, Otoes, Missourias, was fraught with contingency and unpredictability— and Osages vis-à-vis their French counterparts gave them and wholly reliant on relationships with Native allies. significant leverage as they traveled through the French By focusing on Native diplomats who engaged with the Atlantic. They visited France not as exotic curiosities early modern world, we can see how Native peoples or pawns in imperial schemes but agreed “to cross the shaped the borders and policies of European empires oceans” only to outline their expectations of their French and maintained their territorial sovereignty long before allies.46 In exchange for peace and their support of French the creation of the United States. Instances of this kind of travelers in the plains, these Indian ambassadors expected cross-cultural diplomacy underscore that European (and, consistent access to French merchandise (namely, rifles, later, American) was far from inevitable and often occurred on the terms of Native nations.48

44. DuVal, The Native Ground, 122–6; List of Indians who have received presents in the Illinois Country, May 2, 1768, Archivo General de Indias, Papeles Procedentes de Cuba, legajo 109, folios 1117–25, microfilm reel 18, Missouri History Museum Library and Research Center, St. Louis; Thomas Jefferson to a Delegation of Indian Chiefs, January 4, 1806, Donald Jackson, ed., Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, vol. 47. The most notorious examples of this harmful stereotype of Native 1, reprinted in Rivers, Eden, Empires: Lewis & Clark and the Revealing of Americans in history come from the works of Francis Parkman and America (Washington, DC: Library of Congress), https://www.loc.gov/ Frederick Jackson Turner. exhibits/lewisandclark/transcript45.html; “Indian Speech to Jefferson,” 48. Fausz, Founding St. Louis; Jay Gitlin, Bourgeois : French January 4, 1806, in Jackson, ed., Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Towns, French Traders, and American Expansion (New Haven, CT: vol.1, https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/lewisandclark/transcript46.html. Yale University Press, 2009); DuVal, The Native Ground; Juliana Barr, 45. DuVal, The Native Ground; Witgen, An Infinity of Nations; Barr, “Geographies of Power: Mapping Indian Borders in the ‘Borderlands’ Peace Came in the Form of a Woman; Hämäläinen, The Comanche Empire. of the Early Southwest,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, (January 2011): 46. “Relation de l’arrivée en France de quatre Sauvages de Missicipi,” 5–46; Juliana Barr and Edward Countryman, eds. Contested Spaces of 2858. Early America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014).

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