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Dear Author, Please, Note That Changes Made to the HTML Content Dear Author, Please, note that changes made to the HTML content will be added to the article before publication, but are not reflected in this PDF. Note also that this file should not be used for submitting corrections. PAID-07519; No of Pages 12 Personality and Individual Differences xxx (2015) xxx–xxx Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Personality and Individual Differences journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/paid 1Q1 Hans Eysenck's theory of intelligence, and what it reveals about him 2Q2 Linda S. Gottfredson 3 School of Education, University of Delaware, Newark, DE 19716, USA 4 5 article info abstract 6 Article history: Hans Eysenck was a highly analytical, objective, independent-minded experimentalist. He personified the biolog- 15 7 Received 18 March 2016 ical perspective of the Galton–Spearman ‘London School of Psychology’, which he led for many decades. His first 16 8 Accepted 6 April 2016 (1939) and last publications (1998) were on intelligence. Returning to the topic in the 1960s, he formulated, 17 9 Available online xxxx tested, and promulgated the theory that general intelligence (g) is a biological phenomenon with broad social 18 1011121314 consequences. I examine the status of Eysenck's theory, advances in the field, and social reactions to them during 19 29 Keywords: – – 20 30 Hans J. Eysenck the 1960s 1970s, 1980s 1990s, and since 2000. My perspective is that of a sociologist who, in testing alternative 21 31 London School of Psychology theories of social inequality, was drawn inexorably into the intelligence literature, policy debates over fairness in 32 Intelligence employee selection, and first-hand observation of the sort of controversies he experienced. Eysenck's1979and 22 33 g factor 1998 textbooks on intelligence mark developments in his theory and supporting evidence during the first two 23 34 Intelligence theory periods. They exhibit considerable knowledge about the philosophy and history of science, and the nature of sci- 24 35 Biological psychology entific controversy. Advances in intelligence since 2000, in particular, from neuroimaging and molecular genetics, 25 36 fi Scienti ccontroversy vindicate his biological perspective. It was controversial during his lifetime because he was so far ahead of his 26 37 Social inequality time. 27 © 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd. 28 383941 40 42 1. Introduction to a remarkable scholar in social context 1.2.Preview 64 43 1.1. Eysenck's approach to intelligence I will offer an answer to the onlookers' question, but first take us 65 back to the tumultuous 1960s and 1970s to examine Eysenck's intelli- 66 44 “Objective, quantitative, analytical, biological.” (Jensen, 1986). gence work in historical context. Although his first publication 67 45 Eysenck'sscientific approach was a sure-fire recipe for controversy (Eysenck, 1939) had been on intelligence, he did not return to the 68 46 when he began writing again on intelligence in the late 1960s. And so topic until the late 1960s. I focus on his 1979 book, The Structure and 69 47 it remains today, especially if one tracks the footprints of human varia- Measurement of Intelligence, where he outlines a theory of intelligence 70 48 tion in intelligence—objectively, quantitatively, and analytically—from that integrates prior research. I then move forward to the 1980s and 71 49 the biological realm into the cultural, as Eysenck did. 1990s to examine the last statement of his theory, Intelligence: A New 72 50 But why did Jensen also list ‘biological’ as if it might be a fourth sci- Look (1998), written just before his death in 1997. Did either his theory 73 51 entific virtue? After all, we are awash today in brain imaging and molec- or the climate of the times change much, and how? Any evaluation of a 74 52 ular genetic studies of intelligence, not to mention behavior genetic scientist's contributions must take into account how well they hold up 75 53 research documenting genetic correlations between intelligence and beyond his own lifetime. I next show that his theoretical paradigm not 76 54 brain physiology, behaviors, life outcomes and events. The older only holds up, but is even more compelling today. Eysenck spent only 77 55 among us will recall, however, that any notion of biological influences a fraction of his multi-faceted career on intelligence, so his leadership 78 56 on mentation and behavior had been anathema for some time. It was in the field is all the more remarkable. 79 57 still the age of behaviorism. Eysenck, however, was a persistent and 58 vocal advocate of psychology as a biological science throughout B. F. 1.3.Personalperspective 80 59 Skinner's intellectual reign.UNCORRECTED PROOF 60 Onlookers frequently wonder why any researcher would provoke My account reflects the perspective of a disciplinary outsider who 81 61 derision and hostility by seeming to repudiate the consensus in social would became deeply involved in efforts to understand individual dif- 82 62 science and offend public sensibilities. Do they seek or revel in contro- ferences in general intelligence (g) and how societies respond to 83 63 versy? Are they pushing an ideological agenda? What motivates them? them. My interest in intelligence theory eventually converged with 84 Eysenck's but from a different direction, his from biology and mine 85 from sociology, which was (and remains) decidedly ‘biophobic’ (Ellis, 86 1996). Eysenck had worked for decades in personality, psychopathol- 87 E-mail address: [email protected]. ogy, and other domains of individual differences. I came via vocational 88 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.04.036 0191-8869/© 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Please cite this article as: Gottfredson, L.S., Hans Eysenck's theory of intelligence, and what it reveals about him, Personality and Individual Differ- ences (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.04.036 2 L.S. Gottfredson / Personality and Individual Differences xxx (2015) xxx–xxx 89 counseling, personnel selection psychology, and other applied fields languished during the intervening decades as testing became a big busi- 139 90 often embroiled in litigation and disputes over public policy and ethical ness. Tests had improved, but it was often unnecessary, impolitic, or fi- 140 91 practice owing to the dilemmas posed by sizeable individual and group nancially unwise for developers and users to clarify the construct being 141 92 differences. measured. 142 93 As a new PhD in sociology in 1977, I had no particular interest in in- Eysenck's aim in the book was to present the paradigm to which 143 94 telligence. My work asked a traditional question in the discipline: what 80 years of research had converged. To this end, he included the very 144 95 creates and sustains social inequality? Because my work simultaneously latest advances in the field: Rasch's new measurement model, Maher 145 96 addressed a neglected question in vocational psychology (what abilities and Jinks' improvements in the analysis of genetic data, and studies 146 97 do different occupations require?), I concentrated on occupational in- showing a relation between intelligence and strictly biological phenom- 147 98 equality (who gets ahead on the occupational hierarchy, and why?). I ena such as inbreeding depression and shape of the jaw bone. He also 148 99 was skeptical of the prevailing explanation in my field, social class con- described the first ever study on the heritability of educational attain- 149 100 flict theory, so I set up a contest with its competitor in the field, func- ment (.44), adult occupation (.46), and income (.48), by economist 150 101 tional theory: which one better explains the occupational hierarchy Paul Taubman (1976). He then described another first ever analysis, 151 102 itself? namely, how David Fulker (1978) used a new technique, multivariate 152 103 More particularly, why does the hierarchy's ordering of occupations behavior genetic analysis, to calculate the genetic correlations (.44 to 153 104 by social status mimic their ordering by average worker IQ? Is it a power .62) among the three outcomes in Taubman's study. They shared most 154 105 hierarchy that the elite's disguise as meritocratic to justify their privi- of their genetic variance in common—essentially, a general success fac- 155 106 leges (conflict theory), or does the parallel ordering of status and IQ re- tor—which Eysenck interpreted as probably reflecting genes in common 156 107 flect society's need to recruit more talented workers to perform its most with g. Later studies would confirm that supposition. 157 108 consequential work (functional theory)? In short, does intelligence Eysenck conceptualized intelligence as a biological phenomenon 158 109 have a functional value on the job? that shapes social life, his outlook a legacy from the London School of 159 110 To test the theories, I examined the work actually performed in dif- Psychology's earliest GaltonianOOF days. Eysenck enlarged the legacy with 160 111 ferent jobs, something sociologists had totally ignored. So, while his students and colleagues even during the long dark decades of behav- 161 112 Eysenck had tested Spearman's vs. Thurstone's claims about a general iorism, which rejected mind and genes alike. Fig. 1 summarizes his the- 162 113 factor of intelligence (yes vs. no) early in his career, early in mine I ory. It links phenomena at different levels of analysis, as good theories 163 114 tested competing claims about whether the occupational hierarchy or- do, from genes to life outcomes. It takes into account prior empirical ev- 164 115 ders occupations according to the functional importance of intelligence idence and alternative interpretations too, as any good theory must. 165 116 in performing the work (no vs. yes). He confirmed a g factor dominating Eysenck substantially expanded the evidentiary base and scope of 166 117 individual differences in mental ability.
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