In the Memory of Sir Cyril Lodowic Burt
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Psychometric G: Definition and Substantiation
Psychometric g: Definition and Substantiation Arthur R. Jensen University of Culifornia, Berkeley The construct known as psychometric g is arguably the most important construct in all of psychology largelybecause of its ubiquitous presence in all tests of mental ability and its wide-ranging predictive validity for a great many socially significant variables, including scholastic performance and intellectual attainments, occupational status, job performance, in- come, law abidingness, and welfare dependency. Even such nonintellec- tual variables as myopia, general health, and longevity, as well as many other physical traits, are positively related to g. Of course, the causal con- nections in the whole nexus of the many diverse phenomena involving the g factor is highly complex. Indeed, g and its ramifications cut across the behavioral sciences-brainphysiology, psychology, sociology-perhaps more than any other scientific construct. THE DOMAIN OF g THEORY It is important to keep in mind the distinction between intelligence and g, as these terms are used here. The psychology of intelligence could, at least in theory, be based on the study of one person,just as Ebbinghaus discov- ered some of the laws of learning and memory in experimentswith N = 1, using himself as his experimental subject. Intelligence is an open-ended category for all those mental processes we view as cognitive, such as stimu- lus apprehension, perception, attention, discrimination, generalization, 39 40 JENSEN learning and learning-set acquisition, short-term and long-term memory, inference, thinking, relation eduction, inductive and deductive reasoning, insight, problem solving, and language. The g factor is something else. It could never have been discovered with N = 1, because it reflects individual di,fferences in performance on tests or tasks that involve anyone or moreof the kinds of processes just referred to as intelligence. -
Sex Differences in Mental Rotation and Spatial Visualization Ability: Can They Be Accounted for by Differences in Working Memory Capacity? ⁎ Scott Barry Kaufman
Intelligence 35 (2007) 211–223 Sex differences in mental rotation and spatial visualization ability: Can they be accounted for by differences in working memory capacity? ⁎ Scott Barry Kaufman University of Cambridge, England and Yale University, United States Received 11 July 2005; received in revised form 30 June 2006; accepted 15 July 2006 Available online 11 September 2006 Abstract Sex differences in spatial ability are well documented, but poorly understood. In order to see whether working memory is an important factor in these differences, 50 males and 50 females performed tests of three-dimensional mental rotation and spatial visualization, along with tests of spatial and verbal working memory. Substantial differences were found on all spatial ability and spatial working memory tests (that included both a spatial and verbal processing component). No significant differences were found in spatial short-term memory or verbal working memory. In addition, spatial working memory completely mediated the relationship between sex and spatial ability, but there was also a direct effect of sex on the unique variance in three-dimensional rotation ability, and this effect was not mediated by spatial working memory. Results are discussed in the context of research on working memory and intelligence in general, and sex differences in spatial ability more specifically. © 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords: Intelligence; Working memory; Spatial working memory; Verbal working memory; Sex differences; Spatial visualization; Mental rotation 1. Introduction with more specific types of spatial abilities listed in Stratum I (Carroll, 1993). Spatial abilities have long been thought to be an Research has also confirmed Carroll's view that important component of intelligence. -
Charles Spearman: Founder of the London School
Charles Spearman: Founder of the London School Arthur R. Jensen Few would dispute the claim that Charles Edward Spearman (1863-1945) is Britain’s premier psychologist and indeed one of the enduring figures in the history of behavioral science. Some twenty years ago, I asked a number of psychologists to list the names of whomever they considered to be the five or six most important persons in the history of psychological testing. Among all the nominations, only three names were common to everyone’s list: Galton, Binet, and Spearman. If Galton was the father of psychometrics, Spearman was its chief developer, architect, and engineer. He is far more famous today and much more frequently cited in the literature than any of his contemporaries in academic psychology in the first half of the twentieth century. In fact, citations of Spearman’s works in the technical journals have steadily increased since his death in 1945 and markedly so since about 1970. And the number of references to Spearman’s major contributions continues to climb. This accelerated rate of citations is an exceptionally rare phenomenon, as the annual number of citations of most scientists’ publications typically decline rapidly after they deaths. Their individual contributions are either forgotten or are amalgamated with the accumulated empirical background of their special field without any lasting personal identity. At least four reasons account for Spearman’s lasting and even growing renown: (1) His theoretical and methodological contributions were notably creative and original and have been continually used and developed further over the last fifty years. (2) They have engendered controversy, theoretical arguments, and an increasing rate of empirical research testing his theories. -
O ENCONTRO DE PIAGET COM O TESTE DE INTELIGÊNCIA DE CYRIL BURT: UMA REVISÃO NARRATIVA Piaget Meeting with Cyril Burt's Intel
André Elias Morelli Ribeiro, Leonardo Lemos de Souza DOI: https://doi.org/10.23925/2175-3520.2020i51 p11-21 O ENCONTRO DE PIAGET COM O TESTE DE INTELIGÊNCIA DE CYRIL BURT: UMA REVISÃO NARRATIVA André Elias Morelli Ribeiro1; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1102-2286 Leonardo Lemos de Souza2; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3331-1847 Resumo O presente estudo tem por objetivo principal desenvolver uma narrativa que mostre a influência do teste de inteligência de Cyril Burt na criação do método clínico de Jean Piaget, auxiliando na composição de conhecimentos deste assunto pouco estudado. Piaget estudou em Neuchâtel, Zurique e Paris antes de integrar o Instituto Jean-Jacques Rousseau em Genebra, no qual lançou seus primeiros livros, que o levaram a lugar de destaque na psicologia mundial. O presente trabalho faz uma comparação entre os dados disponíveis na literatura para recompor essa trajetória até o ponto decisivo de mudança no trabalho experimental de Piaget, que aconteceu em Paris, onde estudou o teste de inteligência de Cyril Burt. Conhecer os elementos da criação do Método Clínico é importante para compreender os fundamentos ontológicos e epistemológicos dos dados gerados por ele e suas consequências teóricas. Do contato com esse teste, Piaget sofreu três impactos determinantes para sua vida e obra. A primeira está ligada à tradução do teste, que ressaltou questões sobre parte/todo na linguagem das crianças. O segundo é a possibilidade de Piaget de observar dezenas de amostras do raciocínio explicado das crianças por elas mesmas, o que permitiu o ingresso das técnicas de observação da zoologia em sua psicologia. -
Hans Eysenck's Theory of Intelligence, and What It Reveals About Him
Personality and Individual Differences 103 (2016) 116–127 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Personality and Individual Differences journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/paid Hans Eysenck's theory of intelligence, and what it reveals about him Linda S. Gottfredson School of Education, University of Delaware, Newark, DE 19716, USA article info abstract Article history: Hans Eysenck was a highly analytical, objective, independent-minded experimentalist. He personified the biolog- Received 18 March 2016 ical perspective of the Galton–Spearman ‘London School of Psychology’, which he led for many decades. His first Accepted 6 April 2016 (1939) and last publications (1998) were on intelligence. Returning to the topic in the 1960s, he formulated, tested, and promulgated the theory that general intelligence (g) is a biological phenomenon with broad social Keywords: consequences. I examine the status of Eysenck's theory, advances in the field, and social reactions to them during Hans J. Eysenck – – London School of Psychology the 1960s 1970s, 1980s 1990s, and since 2000. My perspective is that of a sociologist who, in testing alternative Intelligence theories of social inequality, was drawn inexorably into the intelligence literature, policy debates over fairness in g factor employee selection, and first-hand observation of the sort of controversies he experienced. Eysenck's 1979 and Intelligence theory 1998 textbooks on intelligence mark developments in his theory and supporting evidence during the first two Biological psychology periods. They exhibit considerable knowledge about the philosophy and history of science, and the nature of sci- Scientificcontroversy entific controversy. Advances in intelligence since 2000, in particular, from neuroimaging and molecular genetics, Social inequality vindicate his biological perspective. -
A Conjectural History of Cambridge Analytica's Eugenic Roots
ARTICLE https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-0505-5 OPEN Sordid genealogies: a conjectural history of Cambridge Analytica’s eugenic roots ✉ Michael Wintroub1 “Sordid Genealogies: A Conjectural History of Cambridge Analytica’s Eugenic Roots” explores the history of the methods employed by Cambridge Analytica to influence the 2016 US presidential election. It focuses on the history of psychometric analysis, trait psychology, the 1234567890():,; lexical hypothesis and multivariate factor analysis, and how they developed in close con- junction with the history of eugenics. More particularly, it will analyze how the work of Francis Galton, Ludwig Klages, Charles Spearman, and Raymond Cattell (among others) contributed to the manifold translations between statistics, the pseudoscience of eugenics, the politics of Trumpism, and the data driven psychology of the personality championed by Cambridge Analytica. 1 University of California, Berkeley, CA, USA. ✉email: [email protected] HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COMMUNICATIONS | (2020) 7:41 | https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-0505-5 1 ARTICLE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COMMUNICATIONS | https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-0505-5 translation of the Old Testament from Hebrew to Greek, they Once King Ptolemy gathered seventy-two elders and put might, in the same breath, have contested the veracity of its them into seventy-two houses, and did not reveal to them content. why he gathered them. He entered each room and said to “ ” Similar conundrums have troubled the ways we have thought them: Write the Torah of Moses your rabbi for me . The about translation since the invention of fiction as a genre in the Holy One, blessed by He gave counsel into each of their early modern period. -
The Mailroom Door
FACULTY OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology and Neuroscience FACULTY OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology THE2016-2017 AnnualMAILROOM Newsletter DOORand Neuroscience FACULTY OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology and Neuroscience Department of Psychology and Neuroscience Dalhousie University The Department of Psychology and Neuroscience consists of 25 full-time faculty and five part-time faculty who exhibit a strong committment to integrating their research interests into their training and teaching. The department has clear strengths in the high calibre of research expertise and level of funding achieved to support this research. FACULTY OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology and Neuroscience FACULTY OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology and Neuroscience FACULTY OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology and Neuroscience Message from the Chair Tara Perrot, PhD Thanks to staff and faculty for meeting with me during January. It was nice to hear from everyone and I learned a lot about each of you, but more so, about the department. Overwhelmingly, people had positive things to say about being part of our department. That is not to say that things couldn’t be better and I also heard many suggestions for improvements. We will have a chance to discuss these as part of strategies for moving forward at the retreat on June 17. The date was chosen to accommodate as many people as possible through the doodle poll, so obviously some of you can’t make it. Even if you can’t be there, your opinions are welcome. You can direct general departmental comments or strategy ideas to me or Suzanne, comments regarding the The summer is a time to gather our thoughts undergraduate program to Leslie Phillmore, for the next year. -
Understanding Human Intelligence: Where Have We Come Since Spearman?
HORN 4/3/2006 1 Understanding Human Intelligence: Where Have We Come Since Spearman? John L. Horni University of Southern California [Note. Dr. John Horn has given permission for this pre-publication draft of this paper to be made available by Kevin McGrew via IAP’s blog/listserv/web page. The chapter will be published in a book titled Factor Analysis at 100, edited by R. Cudeck and R. MacCallum, and published by Lawrence Erlbaum, 100 Mahwah, NJ.] HORN 4/3/2006 2 One hundred years have passed since Charles Spearman (1904a, 1904b) published papers in which --it has been said --nearly all the basic formulas that are particularly useful in test theory are found (Gulliksen, 1950, p.1), and g, “a general mental ability that enters into every kind of activity requiring mental effort, was discovered” (Jensen, 1998, p.18). Such thoughts led to a question that led to organizing a conference, which led to writings and the idea of putting the writings together in a book. The question was: “What have we learned about test theory and human intelligence since Spearman wrote those articles that seemed to say it all?” In this chapter I’ll talk about the part of the question that pertains to human intelligence. To deal with this part of the question we will lay out knowledge acquired from Spearman’s work. In doing this we find that what often is assumed to be known is not known. We find, also, that we learned a lot that did not come directly from Spearman’s work even as it did come from following leads that Spearman laid down. -
Charles Spearman: Discoverer of G
Page 92 Photo of Charles E. Spearman reprinted courtesy of the Archives of the History of American Psychology—The University of Akron. Page 93 Chapter 6— Charles E. Spearman: The Discoverer of g Arthur R. Jensen A person who wants to become a psychologist but, for whatever reason, must begin study for a degree later than most PhD candidates can take heart from the career of Charles Edward Spearman (1863–1945). Spearman began his formal study of psychology when he was 34 years old and did not complete his PhD until 10 years later. As this chapter will attest, one reason for his delayed entry into the field seems to be inherent in the history of Spearman's intellectual development. Another was the happenstance of war, which interrupted his graduate study. His late start seems in no way to have hindered his brilliant career, however. He went on to become the most influential figure in British psychology in the 20th century and was one of the great originators in psychology, especially in the fields of differential psychology (the study of individual differences) and psychometrics (the measurement of mental traits). The history of these specialties could not be written without recognition of Spearman's creative achievements. After Sir Francis Galton (chap. 1, Pioneers I) founded these fields in the second half of the 19th century, Spearman, in the first half of the 20th was their chief engineer, architect, and developer. Spearman once described his career as ''one long fight" (1930a, p. 330). Although he held one of the most prestigious professorships in Britain and earned many honors, including election as fellow of the Royal Society and membership in America's National Academy of Sciences, his contributions were by no means universally esteemed. -
Associative Learning Predicts Intelligence Above and Beyond Working Memory and Processing Speed
Intelligence 37 (2009) 374–382 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Intelligence Associative learning predicts intelligence above and beyond working memory and processing speed Scott Barry Kaufman a,⁎, Colin G. DeYoung b, Jeremy R. Gray a,c, Jamie Brown d, Nicholas Mackintosh d a Yale University, Department of Psychology, USA b University of Minnesota, Department of Psychology, USA c Yale University, Interdepartmental Neuroscience Program, USA d University of Cambridge, Department of Experimental Psychology, UK article info abstract Article history: Recent evidence suggests the existence of multiple cognitive mechanisms that support the Received 25 April 2008 general cognitive ability factor (g). Working memory and processing speed are the two best Received in revised form 16 February 2009 established candidate mechanisms. Relatively little attention has been given to the possibility Accepted 16 March 2009 that associative learning is an additional mechanism contributing to g. The present study tested Available online 9 April 2009 the hypothesis that associative learning ability, as assessed by psychometrically sound associative learning tasks, would predict variance in g above and beyond the variance Keywords: predicted by working memory capacity and processing speed. This hypothesis was confirmed in Intelligence Associative learning a sample of 169 adolescents, using structural equation modeling. Associative learning, working fi Working memory memory, and processing speed all contributed signi cant unique variance to g, indicating not Processing speed only that multiple elementary cognitive processes underlie intelligence, but also the novel Elementary cognitive processes finding that associative learning is one such process. © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction important to discover other processes that might similarly contribute to intelligence. -
Charles Spearman
Charles Spearman William Revelle Northwestern University Charles Spearman (1863-1945) was the leading psychometrician of the early 20th century. His work on the classical test theory, factor analysis, and the g theory of intelligence continues to influence psychometrics, statistics, and the study of intelligence. More than 100 years after their publication, his most influential papers remain two of the most frequently cited articles in psychometrics and intelligence. Charles Edward Spearman (born: London, Septem- Spearman. ber 10, 1863; died London, September 17, 1945) was the leading psychometrician of the early 20th A late start century. He was the founder and head of the “Lon- don School” of psychology at University College, Spearman came late to psychology, having been London (UCL) where he and his many students an officer in the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Mun- combined an experimental with a psychometric ap- ster Fusiliers in India from 1885 to 1897. The proach to the study of cognitive ability. He be- last two years he spent (1895-1896) in the British came Reader in Experimental Psychology at UCL Staff College near London where his education in- in 1907 and was made the Grote Professor of Mind cluded modern languages and philosophy. Having and Logic at UCL in 1911. This professorship was read some psychology while in India, he resigned eventually (1928) renamed as the “Professorship of his commission in 1898 and at the age of 34 he Psychology”. He was elected as Fellow of the Royal started his graduate training in experimental psy- Society in 1924. Although officially retiring from chology with Wilhelm Wundt at the University of UCL in 1931 he continued an active research career Leipzig. -
Theories of Learning
Theories of Learning SAGE Library of Educational Thought & Practice Edited by David Scott Institute of Education Four-Volume Set In recent years, research into learning has become increasingly important as a significant academic pursuit. Bringing together a wide range of articles, written by internationally renowned scholars, this four-volume collection provides an overview of the many theories of learning, from Aristotle to Jean-Jacques Rousseau to Michel Foucault. Editor David Scott, in an extensive introduction, presents a comprehensive account of the subject, which ranges from philosophical, sociological and psychological perspectives on learning and models of learning, to those important relations between learning, curriculum, pedagogy and assessment, and finally concludes with ideas and themes related to learning dispositions, life-long learning and learning environments. The whole work consists of 80 articles (including the introduction) organized into four volumes: Volume One: Philosophical, Sociological and Psychological Theories of Learning Volume Two: Models of Learning Volume Three: Learning, Curriculum, Pedagogy and Assessment Volume Four: Learning Dispositions, Lifelong Learning and Learning Environments October 2012 • 1600 pages Cloth (978-1-4462-0907-3) Price £600.00 Special Introductory Offer • £550.00 (on print orders received before the end of month of publication) Contents VOLUME ONE: PHILOSOPHICAL, 16. Where Is the Mind? 30. Vygotsky, Tutoring SOCIOLOGICAL AND Constructivist and and Learning PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES Sociocultural Perspectives on David Wood and OF LEARNING Mathematical Development Heather Wood Paul Cobb 31. Aporias Webs and 1. Intellectual Evolution from 17. Multiple Intelligences Go Passages: Doubt as an Adolescence to Adulthood to School: Educational Opportunity to Learn Jean Piaget Implications of the Theory Nicholas Burbules, 2.