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Migratory Labor and the Texas Border, 1943-1952

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Migratory Labor and the Texas Border, 1943-1952 CREATING FOREIGN POLICY LOCALLY: MIGRATORY LABOR AND THE TEXAS BORDER, 1943-1952 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Robert S. Robinson, B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Peter L. Hahn, Advisor Approved by Robert J. McMahon _________________ Stephanie J. Smith Advisor Graduate Program in History Copyright by Robert Steven Robinson 2007 ABSTRACT Texas participated in the bracero program until 1943, when the Mexican government instituted a labor embargo against the state because of numerous reports of racial discrimination there. For the next several years, Texas officials worked to convince Mexican leaders to rescind the embargo through a wide variety of policies including investigating cases of discrimination, reforming aspects of the state education system, negotiating directly with Mexican officials, enlisting the cooperation of the U.S. federal government, and working to improve the image of Texas among the Mexican public. Texas created new government bureaucracies to coordinate these efforts, including the Inter-Agency Committee, the Council on Human Relations, and most importantly, the Good Neighbor Commission. Collectively, these efforts represent a striking effort by Texas leaders and private citizens to influence the foreign policy between their state, and sometimes their individual community, and the Mexican government. Despite these efforts, the embargo dragged on for years. This dissertation argues that the slow resolution of the labor embargo was due less to the intransigence of the Mexican government than to the inability of Texas leaders to effect the kinds of changes within Texas society, such as passing legislation ii to punish acts of discrimination, which would have convinced the Mexican government that their embargo was no longer necessary. First, the existence of the Jim Crow system in Texas was a constant brake on the nature of programs that could be considered by Texas. Texans were also quite conservative. Their view of government’s appropriate role in society left them with the feeling that educating, investigating, and persuading marked the extent of their reach. Other key lessons to be drawn from this study include the intractable nature of illegal immigration across the U.S.-Mexican border. This study also reveals something about how the Truman administration approached foreign relations with those nations on the periphery of the Cold War struggle. Truman hoped to protect vulnerable groups of laborers, both U.S. and Mexican. His approach to the issue revealed the part of himself that supported the Fair Deal, rather than the part that enunciated the Truman Doctrine. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I have benefited from the expertise of an exceptional faculty at the Ohio State University. My advisor Peter L. Hahn has been a steady and supportive influence for six years. In addition, the professors who served on my master’s and candidacy committees, including Kenneth J. Andrien, Carole Fink, Michael J. Hogan, and David L. Stebenne have earned my gratitude. Finally, Robert J. McMahon and Stephanie J. Smith provided excellent feedback and support as members of my dissertation committee. I am grateful for the help and collegiality of the community of current and former Diplomatic History graduate students of the Ohio State University. Dustin Walcher, Brian Etheridge, and Nathan Citino deserve special mention. I owe a debt of gratitude for funding received from the Mershon Center for International Security Studies, which made research in Mexico possible. The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations provided further funding for research in Mexican newspapers. The Harry S. Truman Library Institute and the American Foreign Policy Center supported my studies with grants to visit their respective collections. Finally, the Department of History, Graduate School, and College of iv Humanities at the Ohio State University supported my research with a number of grants, fellowships, and travel reimbursements throughout my graduate school experience. I would like to thank the staff of the Archivo General de la Nación and the Acervo Historico de Relaciones Exteriores in Mexico City, as well as the National Archives in College Park, Maryland. Also, the knowledgeable and friendly staff of the Harry S. Truman Library in Independence, Missouri was particularly anxious to provide assistance. In Austin, the librarians and administrators at the Texas State Library and Archives Commission, the Benson Latin American Collection and the Collections Deposit Library at the University of Texas were unfailingly helpful. I am, of course, most grateful for the constant support of my family, Miriam, James, Lauren, and Mark. v VITA 1977……………………………………………………Born-Ft. Collins, Colorado 2001……………………………………………………B.A., History, Colorado State University 2002……………………………………………………M.A., History, The Ohio State University 2002-Present…………………………………………..Graduate Teaching Associate, The Ohio State University FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: History Studies in: U.S. Diplomatic History Modern U.S. History Latin American History vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract……………………………………………………………………iii Acknoweldgements………………………………………………..………v Vita………………………………………………………………………...vii Chapters: 1. Introduction…………………………………………………….……..1 2. The Origins Of The Good Neighbor Commission: Race, Economics, And Politics In Texas, 1943-1947……………………….18 3. Successes And Setbacks: Texas And The U.S.-Mexican Labor Agreement Of 1947……………………………………………62 4. The El Paso Incident And The Failure Of The Bracero Program In 1948………………………………………………………99 5. The 1949 Bracero Agreement: Institutionalizing Disagreements……131 6. The President’s Commission On Migratory Labor, Public Law 78, And The Future Of The Bracero Program, 1950-1952……...167 7. Conclusion…………………………………………………………….205 Bibliography……………………………………………………………...214 vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The United States and Mexico are deeply intertwined economically, culturally, militarily, and geographically. As a consequence, the foreign relations between the two nations have been uniquely multi-layered. Beyond the actions and policies of decision-makers in Washington and Mexico City, this relationship was defined at the state and local level by governors, individual government employees such as border patrol agents, non-governmental organizations such as unions and advocacy groups, employers, and millions of ordinary citizens. The U.S.-Mexican border has become a significantly blurred boundary, where economic zones, cultural modes, and even sovereignty have eluded precise division. This boundary has also eluded exact control by the federal governments of either country. Developments along the border have shaped the course of the relationship, constrained the boundaries of the possible, and forced issues into the consciousness of presidents and secretaries of state. In ways unique to this relationship, U.S. state governments joined the federal government in its interest in foreign policy toward Mexico. The movement of money, workers, and material into and out of border states made Mexico impossible 1 to ignore for the governors of Texas, Arizona, New Mexico, California, and other states beyond the border itself. Local leaders, such as the mayors of towns like El Paso, Brownsville, or San Diego were also vitally interested in what happened in Mexico, and how Mexico and Mexicans affected their communities. Outside of government, private organizations such as labor unions, chambers of commerce, advocacy groups, and churches were deeply concerned with and affected by this binational interaction. Finally, individual U.S. citizens interacted with Mexico and its people as tourists, friends, relatives, and in numerous other ways. In perhaps no other U.S. foreign relationship were more people at more levels so deeply concerned and involved. This work captures some of the complexity of this relationship in the 1940s and early 1950s by focusing on interactions between the two nations at multiple levels. The goals, thoughts, and actions of federal leaders will be considered. To this traditional perspective will be added the actions, programs, problems, and worldviews of state and local leaders in an effort to show that meaningful foreign policy decisions were made not only in Washington and Mexico City. Border states such as Texas maintained active foreign policies with Mexico and other nations independent of the concerns of national leaders in the State Department and the White House. This project focuses on Texas to a large extent as a case study within which to examine these issues. This work focuses on perhaps the single most significant issue between the United States and Mexico, the migration of Mexican citizens to the United States for 2 work. The 1940s and early 1950s is a useful period to study when considering migration issues. This period marked the beginning of the immigration trends that have become so important over the last half-century, characterized by high levels of both legal and illegal immigration. Immigration from Mexico had been significant in the first three decades of the 20th century, but the Great Depression reversed the flow during the 1930s, with Mexicans and Mexican-Americans streaming southward either by choice or compulsion. This trend reversed itself again with the beginning of World War II. In 1942, the U.S. and Mexican governments created the bracero program to bring Mexican
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