The Rhetoric of Law and Economics
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Argumentation and Fallacies in Creationist Writings Against Evolutionary Theory Petteri Nieminen1,2* and Anne-Mari Mustonen1
Nieminen and Mustonen Evolution: Education and Outreach 2014, 7:11 http://www.evolution-outreach.com/content/7/1/11 RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access Argumentation and fallacies in creationist writings against evolutionary theory Petteri Nieminen1,2* and Anne-Mari Mustonen1 Abstract Background: The creationist–evolutionist conflict is perhaps the most significant example of a debate about a well-supported scientific theory not readily accepted by the public. Methods: We analyzed creationist texts according to type (young earth creationism, old earth creationism or intelligent design) and context (with or without discussion of “scientific” data). Results: The analysis revealed numerous fallacies including the direct ad hominem—portraying evolutionists as racists, unreliable or gullible—and the indirect ad hominem, where evolutionists are accused of breaking the rules of debate that they themselves have dictated. Poisoning the well fallacy stated that evolutionists would not consider supernatural explanations in any situation due to their pre-existing refusal of theism. Appeals to consequences and guilt by association linked evolutionary theory to atrocities, and slippery slopes to abortion, euthanasia and genocide. False dilemmas, hasty generalizations and straw man fallacies were also common. The prevalence of these fallacies was equal in young earth creationism and intelligent design/old earth creationism. The direct and indirect ad hominem were also prevalent in pro-evolutionary texts. Conclusions: While the fallacious arguments are irrelevant when discussing evolutionary theory from the scientific point of view, they can be effective for the reception of creationist claims, especially if the audience has biases. Thus, the recognition of these fallacies and their dismissal as irrelevant should be accompanied by attempts to avoid counter-fallacies and by the recognition of the context, in which the fallacies are presented. -
Religion, Economy, and State: Economic Thought of Al-Mawardi in Adab Al-Dunya Wa-Al-Din by Aan JAELANI
Journal of Economics Library www.kspjournals.org Volume 3 September 2016 Issue 3 Religion, Economy, and State: Economic Thought of al-Mawardi in Adab al-Dunya wa-al-Din By Aan JAELANIa† Abstract. The relation between religion, economy and the country became a major topic in the development of public welfare systems. Humans are political creatures that have the potential to realise the level of moral conscience to meet the needs of a better life, but humans as spiritual beings must have a balance between religious morality and economic morality. With economic ethics are supported by religious morality, the welfare system can be realised systemically if the state, communities and individuals can realise the six- dimensional form: religious observance, good governance, justice, national security, the prosperity of society and the nation's vision. Keywords. Religion, Economy, State, Ethics, Welfare state. JEL. B30, I30, N30, P50, Z12. 1. Introduction or the analysis of the public welfare, al-Mawardi al-Baghdadi (d. 450/1058) start a discussion philosophically about political ethics and Muslim character F with an emphasis on the role of individuals and communities to create integrity and social balance. In fact, the goal was set to realise the happiness of living in the world and in the hereafter (al-Arzanjani, 1328: 221-223). By applying philosophical postulates for a solid religious grounds, al-Mawardi describes human beings as political creatures (Arkoun, 2000: 250). If a man is a political creature, because he is basically weak (QS. Al-Nisa ', 4: 28), then he can not live without the help of others, in contrast to animals capable of living independently (al-Mawardi, 1996: 92- 93; al-Arzanjani, 1328: 218-219). -
Discussion Paper: 11.09 November 2011 Aristotle's
MASSEY UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE DISCUSSION PAPER: 11.09 NOVEMBER 2011 JAMES E. ALVEY ARISTOTLE’S ETHICS AND ECONOMICS PART II: POLITICS (HIGH AND LOW) This series contains work in progress at the School of Economics and Finance, Massey University. Comments and criticism are invited. Quotations may be made on explicit permission of the author(s). The Secretary School of Economics and Finance Massey University Private Bag 11222 Palmerston North 4442 NEW ZEALAND Phone: 06 356 9099 Extn 7744 Fax: 06 350 5660 Discussion Paper 11.09 ISSN 1179-0474 (Online) ∗ Aristotle’s Ethics and Economics Part II: Politics (High and Low) James E. Alvey School of Economics and Finance Massey University Palmerston North New Zealand ABSTRACT This paper on Aristotle (384-322 BC) is part of a long-term research programme on the ancient Greeks. It is a companion to other work, which deals with the ancient Greek context, and the thought/work of Socrates (469-399 BC), Plato (427-347 BC), and Xenophon (434- 355 BC). The framework for the investigations is shaped by the Capabilities approach developed by Amartya Sen. This is the second of three papers concerning Aristotle. The first paper considered Aristotle’s ethics. The projected paper will focus on his economics. The current paper focuses on Aristotle’s politics. Aristotle distinguishes between a narrow and a broad definition of politics (politikē). The peak of politics in the polis, the legislative art, fundamentally affects private behaviour (and choice and character) by individuals through enactment of law. Political science, in this sense, is the ‘architectonic’ or ‘master’ science i.e. -
Argumentum Ad Populum Examples in Media
Argumentum Ad Populum Examples In Media andClip-on spare. Ashby Metazoic sometimes Brian narcotize filagrees: any he intercommunicatedBalthazar echo improperly. his assonances Spense coylyis all-weather and terminably. and comminating compunctiously while segregated Pen resinify The argument further it did arrive, clearly the fallacy or has it proves false information to increase tuition costs Fallacies of emotion are usually find in grant proposals or need scholarship, income as reports to funders, policy makers, employers, journalists, and raw public. Why do in media rather than his lack of. This fallacy can raise quite dangerous because it entails the reluctance of ceasing an action because of movie the previous investment put option it. See in media should vote republican. This fallacy examples or overlooked, argumentum ad populum examples in media. There was an may select agents and are at your email address any claim that makes a common psychological aspects of. Further Experiments on retail of the end with Displaced Visual Fields. Muslims in media public opinion to force appear. Instead of ad populum. While you are deceptively bad, in media sites, weak or persuade. We often finish one survey of simple core fallacies by considering just contain more. According to appeal could not only correct and frollo who criticize repression and fallacious arguments are those that they are typically also. Why is simply slope bad? 12 Common Logical Fallacies and beige to Debunk Them. Of cancer person commenting on social media rather mention what was alike in concrete post. Therefore, it contain important to analyze logical and emotional fallacies so one hand begin to examine the premises against which these rhetoricians base their assumptions, as as as the logic that brings them deflect certain conclusions. -
Ancient Economic Thought, Volume 1
ANCIENT ECONOMIC THOUGHT This collection explores the interrelationship between economic practice and intellectual constructs in a number of ancient cultures. Each chapter presents a new, richer understanding of the preoccupation of the ancients with specific economic problems including distribution, civic pride, management and uncertainty and how they were trying to resolve them. The research is based around the different artifacts and texts of the ancient East Indian, Hebraic, Greek, Hellenistic, Roman and emerging European cultures which remain for our consideration today: religious works, instruction manuals, literary and historical writings, epigrapha and legal documents. In looking at such items it becomes clear what a different exercise it is to look forward, from the earliest texts and artifacts of any culture, to measure the achievements of thinking in the areas of economics, than it is to take the more frequent route and look backward, beginning with the modern conception of economic systems and theory creation. Presenting fascinating insights into the economic thinking of ancient cultures, this volume will enhance the reawakening of interest in ancient economic history and thought. It will be of great interest to scholars of economic thought and the history of ideas. B.B.Price is Professor of Ancient and Medieval History at York University, Toronto, and is currently doing research and teaching as visiting professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology. ROUTLEDGE STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF ECONOMICS 1 Economics as Literature -
Were the Ordinalists Wrong About Welfare Economics?
journal of Economic Literature Vol. XXII (June 1984), pp. 507-530 Were the Ordinalists Wrong About Welfare Economics? By ROBERT COOTER University of California, Berkeley and PETER RAPPOPORT New York University Useful comments on earlier drafts were provided by Sean Flaherty, Marcia Marley, Tim Scanlon, Andrew Schotter, Mark Schankerman, Lloyd Ulman and two anonymous referees. We are grateful to the National Science Foundation and the C. V. Starr Center at New York University for financial support. Responsibility for accuracy rests with the authors. pE DEVELOPMENT of utility theory has economics.1 The intuitive idea of scientific experienced two definitive episodes: progress is that new theories are discov the "marginalist revolution" of the 1870s ered that explain more than old theories. and the "Hicksian" or "ordinalist revolu We shall contend that the ordinalist revo tion" of the 1930s. While the first event lution was not scientific progress in this established a central place for utility the sense. For example, the older school was ory in economics, the second restricted concerned with economic policies to the concept of utility acceptable to eco bring about income redistribution and al nomics. The term "ordinalist revolution" leviate poverty, and the ordinalists did not refers to the rejection of cardinal notions offer a more general theory for solving of utility and to the general acceptance these problems. Instead, the trick that car of the position that utility was not compa ried the day for the ordinalists was to ar rable across individuals. The purpose gue that the questions asked by the older of this paper is to analyze the events school, and the answers which they gave, comprising the ordinalist revolution with 1 For example, Kenneth Arrow, referring to the a view to determining whether they earlier school, wrote: achieved the advances in economic sci . -
Aristotle's 'Natural Limit' and the Economics of Price Regulation Lowry, S Todd Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1974; 15, 1; Proquest Pg
Aristotle's 'Natural Limit' and the Economics of Price Regulation Lowry, S Todd Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1974; 15, 1; ProQuest pg. 57 Aristotle's 'Natural Limit' and the Economics of Price Regulation s. Todd Lowry N LIGHT OF contemporary concern with price stability and in I flation, it is interesting to consider the approach to this problem found in Aristotle's Politics (1256b40-1258a20).1 Economists who have studied Aristotle's writings, as well as the classicists they have influenced, have generally construed Aristotle's dictum that «retail trade is not a natural part of the art of getting wealth" (1257a15-20) as a moral repudiation of commercial activity lacking analytical significance. This interpretation has tended to reinforce the notion that Aristotle never developed an analytical formulation of the commercial process, but rather limited himself to ethical prescriptions and descriptions of administrative policies. The historian of economic thought J. A. Schumpeter, for example, asserted that Aristotle «was primarily concerned with the <natural' and the <just' as seen from the standpoint of his ideal of the good and virtuous life,"2 although he did acknowledge Aristotle's contributions in the areas of value theory, interest and money. Aristotle's theory of money, he wrote, His the basis of the bulk of all analytic work in the field."3 M. I. Finley contended that Hnowhere in the Politics does Aristotle ever consider the rules or mechanics of commercial ex change" and that Hhis insistence on the unnaturalness of commercial gain rules out the possibility of such a discussion ... Of economic analysis there is not a trace."4 Both Schumpeter and Finley failed to recognize the clearly reasoned analysis of economic relations found in this passage from the Politics. -
Why Economics Needs Rhetoric
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor OSSA Conference Archive OSSA 10 May 22nd, 9:00 AM - May 25th, 5:00 PM The failure of certainty: Why economics needs rhetoric Jerry Petersen Utah Valley University, Department of English Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/ossaarchive Part of the Philosophy Commons Petersen, Jerry, "The failure of certainty: Why economics needs rhetoric" (2013). OSSA Conference Archive. 132. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/ossaarchive/OSSA10/papersandcommentaries/132 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Conferences and Conference Proceedings at Scholarship at UWindsor. It has been accepted for inclusion in OSSA Conference Archive by an authorized conference organizer of Scholarship at UWindsor. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The failure of certainty: Why economics needs rhetoric JERRY PETERSEN Department of English Utah Valley University Orem, UT, 84058 USA [email protected] ABSTRACT: Privileging deductive first principles over inductive contingencies, I argue, contributed to the economic meltdown of late and will continue to limit the range of reasonable solutions available to solve entrenched economic problems. I cite Toulmin’s critique of scientific certainty and the rancor over the demise of the ninth planet Pluto to posit a role for rhetoric in making valid claims across all fields of study, calling for more productive uncertainty subject to vigorous argumentation. KEYWORDS: Adam Smith, deduction, economics, financial crisis, induction, philosophy, political economy, rhetoric, scientific method 1. INTRODUCTION The last forty years of American economic policy, according to former longtime head of the Federal Reserve, Alan Greenspan, marked an experiment to test the assumed efficacy of persons acting in their self-interest for the benefit of all. -
Economics As a Force of Nature in Aristotle's Politics: an Antireductionist View
Digital Commons @ Assumption University Philosophy Department Faculty Works Philosophy Department 2016 Economics as a Force of Nature in Aristotle's Politics: An Antireductionist View Molly Brigid McGrath Assumption College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/philosophy-faculty Part of the Ethics and Political Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Flynn, Molly Brigid. "Economics as a Force of Nature in Aristotle's Politics: An Antireductionist View." Engaging Worlds: Core Texts and Cultural Contexts: Selected Proceedings from the Sixteenth Annual Conference of the Association for Core Texts and Courses, New Brunswick, New Jersey, April 15-18, 2010. Edited by Robert D. Anderson, Molly Brigid Flynn, and J. Scott Lee. University Press of America, 2016, pp. 129-134. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. i'I i ~·.i Economics as a Force of Nature in Aristotle's Politics: An Antireductionist View Molly Brigid Flynn Assumption College THE PROBLEM Of ECONOMICS IN POLITICS As Richard Mulgan emphasizes. '"Aristotle believes the political conflicts of his day are principally due to a clash between two economic groups. the rich and the poor. who support two different types of constitution (oligarchy and democracy) with dif ferent political principles (wealth and freedomr· (64). Yes. According to Aristotle. the rich regularly hold oligarchic positions. the poor democratic positions. and their factions despise each other. -
Fallacies of Relevance1
1 Phil 2302 Logic Dr. Naugle Fallacies of Relevance1 "Good reasons must, of force, give place to better." —Shakespeare "There is a mighty big difference between good, sound reasons, and reasons that sound good." —Burton Hillis "It would be a very good thing if every trick could receive some short and obviously appropriate name, so that when a man used this or that particular trick, he could at once be reproved for it." —Arthur Schopenhauer Introduction: There are many ways to bring irrelevant matters into an argument and the study below will examine many of them. These fallacies (pathological arguments!) demonstrate the lengths to which people will go to win an argument, even if they cannot prove their point! Fallacies of relevance share a common characteristic in that the arguments in which they occur have premises that are logically irrelevant to the conclusion. Yet, the premises seem to be relevant psychologically, so that the conclusion seems to follow from the premises. The actual connection between premises and conclusion is emotional, not logical. To identify a fallacy of relevance, you must be able to distinguish between genuine evidence and various unrelated forms of appeal. FALLACIES THAT ATTACK I. Appeal to Force (Argumentum ad Baculum ="argument toward the club or stick") "Who overcomes by force has overcome but half his foe." Milton. "I can stand brute force, but brute reason is quite unbearable. There is something unfair about its use. It is like hitting below the intellect." Oscar Wilde 1 NB: This material is taken from several logic texts authored by N. -
What Does It Mean to Say That Economics Is Performative?
PAPIERS DE RECHERCHE DU CSI - CSI WORKING PAPERS SERIES N° 005 2006 What does it mean to say that economics is performative? Michel Callon Centre de Sociologie de l’Innovation Ecole des Mines de Paris michel.callon(a)ensmp.fr Centre de Sociologie de l’Innovation Ecole des Mines de Paris 60 Boulevard Saint-Michel 75272 Paris cedex 06 FRANCE http://www.csi.ensmp.fr/ Copyright with the author - Copyright de l’auteur 1 What Does it Mean to Say that Economics is Performative? Michel Callon (July 2006) Forthcoming in: D. MacKenzie, F. Muniesa and L. Siu (Eds.), Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics, Princeton University Press. "L'homo œconomicus n'est pas derrière nous, il est devant nous ; comme l'homme de la morale et du devoir ; comme l'homme de la science et de la raison. L'homme a été très longtemps autre chose ; et il n'y a pas bien longtemps qu'il est une machine, compliquée d'une machine à calculer"1 (Mauss 1960, p.272) "Economists have long recognized the importance of technological innovation for economic growth; however, economists have generally studied only such contributions of the physical sciences, overlooking the fact that economics itself has been the source of a surprising number of inventions." (Faulhaber and Baumol 1988, p. 577) 1 "Homo oeconomicus is not behind us, he is ahead of us: like the moral and dutiful person; like the person of science and of reason. The person has long been something else, and only recently has the person been a machine, complicated by a calculator" (my translation). -
Phrenology, Physiognomy, and the Character of Big Business, 1895-1914 Coleman Sherry Undergraduate Senior Thesi
Corporate Heads: Phrenology, Physiognomy, and the Character of Big Business, 1895-1914 Coleman Sherry Undergraduate Senior Thesis Department of History Columbia University 29 March 2021 Seminar Advisor: Professor Samuel Roberts Second Reader: Professor Richard John Abstract In this thesis I argue that practical phrenology—a loose set of practices for reading character in heads, faces, and bodies—played an important and underappreciated role in the popular coverage of the large new corporations that emerged from the “Great Merger Movement” around the turn of the twentieth century. I suggest that the scope and pace of the transition from proprietor to corporate ownership created a crisis of economic representation, defined by a lack of stable, mature conventions for describing and illustrating the actual activities of the new consolidated firms. In this context, journalists and cartoonists borrowed from the wildly-popular practical phrenology and personalized the corporations, describing the firms as if they were the straightforward extensions of famous individual owners. Through a close, comparative reading of biographical profiles published in Fowler and Wells’ Phrenological Journal, McClure’s Magazine, and the muckraking cartoons of Puck, I document the trespass of phrenological methods, language, and assumptions into popular contexts and publications. This phrenological personalization allowed public commentators to publish powerful polemics focused on the character of the new firms, but obscured and distorted their true forms. Table