National Archives Library Release No: 23/MAY 05-L/89/05/14 SPEECH by MR GOH CHOK TONG, FIRST DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER and MINISTER

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

National Archives Library Release No: 23/MAY 05-L/89/05/14 SPEECH by MR GOH CHOK TONG, FIRST DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER and MINISTER National Archives Library Release No: 23/MAY 05-l/89/05/14 SPEECH BY MR GOH CHOK TONG, FIRST DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTER FOR DEFENCE, AT THE VALEDICTORY DINNER FOR RETIRED MPs AT PARLIAMENT HOUSE GARDEN ON SUNDAY, 14 MAY 1989 AT 8.00 PM Successful Self-Renewal is a Tribute to the Retired MPs Tonight's special occasion is in honour of the 14 MPs who retired from Parliament before the last General Elections. They are, in descending order of their years of Parliamentary service: First Elected 1. Dr Toh Chin Chye 1959 2 S Rajaratnam II 3. Ong Pang Boon II l 4. E W Barker 1963 5. Jek Yeun Thong II 6. Fang Sip Chee II 7. Tang See Chim 1966 (By-election) 8. Dr Yeoh Ghim Seng (By-election) 9. Phua Bah Lee 1968 10. Eric Cheong I, 11. Yeo Choo Kok 1970 (By-election) 12. Dr Ang Kok Peng 1972 13. Chai Chong Yii I, 14. Lai Tha Chai I shall not pay tribute to them individually as it will take the whole evening. Also, no amount, or form of words, can adequately express our gratitude and debt to them for the part they played in first creating, and then, 2 building, today's independent Singapore. Suffice it for me to say that their contribution is immeasurable. Without them, in particular Dr Toh Chin Chye, S Rajaratnam, Ong Pang Boon and E W Barker, the course of Singapore's history would have taken a different turn. You may, however, wish to note this startling statistic. The fourteen of them have collectively served 312 man-years in Parliament. That is almost twice the life of modern Singapore, measured from 1819. It works out to an average of 22 years per person. Three of them, Dr Toh Chin Chye, S Rajaratnam and Ong Pang Soon, served Singapore as a Member of Parliament for 29 years each. When they first entered Parliament in 1959, I was still a teenager doing my 'A' levels. Our youngest MP, K Shanmugam, was then only two months old. Their departure from Parliament, and the entry of new MPs of Shanmugam's generation, marks vividly the successful completion of our first cycle of political self-renewal. Need for self-renewal Self-renewal may not be a pleasant experience for those who had to make way for the young, but it is an immutable fact that without it a species will go extinct. Whether it is plants, insects, fish or mammals, a species will become extinct unless it reproduces itself. so too for the species of PAP politicians. yet, if we reflect upon it, our process of systematic political self-renewal is unusual, and I believe, unique to Singapore. Politicians, as a species, are quite different from plants, insects, fish or other mammals. Their instinct is not to self-renew for it means their own displacement and political demise. Most politicians do not willingly give up power and retire. It goes against their grain. They fight to get into power. 3 Then they fight to stay on. They do not give up their power without a fight. Whether it is the leadership in communist countries like China and the Soviet Union, or democracies like Britain and Japan, political leaders fight to stay in power. Only in Singapore do we have leaders 'who seek to replace themselves. The PAP species of politicians is different from the general species. Its desire and capacity to replace itself are characteristics unique in the general world of self-interest politicians. This process of self-renewal started as early as 1970, I believe, with the by-elections in that year. It continued in 1972 and 1976, and picked up in earnest after that. In 1979, the Prime Minister wrote in the 25th Anniversary publication of PETIR: "What is the most compelling task at present? It is self-renewal. Sometime in the second half of the 1980's, a group of leaders, equal to the task of leading Singaporeans into the 1990's, must be in positions of authority. The best that Singapore has must be brought together and forged into a team". In the 1980 General Elections, 18 new MPs were brought in. In the 1984 General Elections, 24 more were recruited, followed by 19 in 1988. It took consider&be will, courage and foresight, for our party leadership to undertake the onerous task of self-renewal and to persuade our members, at all levels, that this was necessary for the survival of Singapore. In turn, it required considerable fortitude and understanding from those who had to make way to accept first the need, and then the quick pace of self-renewal. Today, the best that Singapore has, has indeed been brought together and forged into a team. This team is in place, ready to lead Singapore into the next decade and the next century. 4 The party, the government, and the country can now look to the future with pride and confidence knowing that there is a group of men and women able and ready to continue with the task of building a nation to better the lives of Singaporeans, and to uphold the same high standards of integrity and good government which our party stands for. The PAP has self-renewed itself. This to me is the greatest tribute we can pay to the 14 MPs who retired in 1988, as well as all those who retired earlier to make way for new blood. Changing Attitudes and Expectations It is now our duty to begin the next cycle of self- renewal. In this, we have to take into account changing attitudes and expectations. The public has become accustomed to very long periods of service in Parliament. Of the 14 retired MPs whom we are honouring tonight, 10 served for about 20 years and, as I said earlier, three, Dr Toh, Rajaratnam and Pang Boon, served for more than a quarter of a century. Why was this so? It was partly because many of them were outstanding individuals and partly because it was not easy to find good, dedicated MPs. As a consequence, this has been taken to be the norm which has shaped public attitudes and expectations. We, therefore, look upon retirement after a few terms as abnormal. When a MP steps down after one or two terms, eyebrows are raised -questions are asked: What did he do wrong? Did he make a big blunder? It is, therefore, not easy when the time cones for an honourable member to step down and for his place to be taken by another candidate. Yet, why should this be the case? Why should an honourable member retiring from a public life of service and sacrifice have to feel rejected or misunderstood by the 5 public? He came into Parliament and served in it because he had qualities of character, leadership and ability which were recognised. Why should the public suddenly neglect him just because he has retired from Parliament? His qualities obviously do not disappear. They remain with the honourable member. Not only should he leave with his head high for having served to the best of his ability at the highest national level, but he should also proceed to the next stage of his career (if he does not wish to go into retirement) making full use of his political experience and public record. He has contributed to Singapore's peace and progress. He should retire with pride and satisfaction. But since wrong perception still prevails each time there is a self-renewal, can we not change such attitudes or expectations, for example, by having situations in which some MPs come in for shorter term instead of for a lifetime? Of course, if we can find other men like Goh Keng Swee, Rajaratnam, Toh Chin Chye, it will be a great bonus. But how many of them can we get? In a politically stable period when opportunities abound, most young Singaporeans and their families do not relish the thought of devoting their entire lives to public service. Joining the PAP as an MP is like joining a “Holy Order", as Dr Goh Keng Swee once put it. It is this thought of being sequestered from a normal life for the rest of their lives that discourages many from joining us. In the US office-holders are appointed by the President. They serve not for a whole lifetime but very often for only periods of one or two terms. We can borrow such a practice. l 6 If a Singaporean of proven ability knows that he could stand for Parliament and become an MP or even an office holder for just one or two- terms, and then return to the private sector without any perceived loss of it may be easier for us to recruit him. In our talent-scarce situation where capable people are reluctant to commit their entire life to public service, we may indeed have no choice if we want to get more capable individuals to contribute to the nation. If such a person is prepared to come and serve as MP or office-holder for a limited period, say, one, two or three terms, we should welcome him. Of course, we want as many MPs as possible to dedicate their entire lives to politics. But it is not necessary to have all of them do so so long as there is a core of leaders who are prepared to do so. When there is this public understanding that we have MPs who willingly serve only two or three parliamentary terms, there should be no embarrassment for any MP who has served honourably and stepped down for others.
Recommended publications
  • Remembering Dr Goh Keng Swee by Kwa Chong Guan (1918–2010) Head of External Programmes S
    4 Spotlight Remembering Dr Goh Keng Swee By Kwa Chong Guan (1918–2010) Head of External Programmes S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Nanyang Technological University Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong declared in his eulogy at other public figures in Britain, the United States or China, the state funeral for Dr Goh Keng Swee that “Dr Goh was Dr Goh left no memoirs. However, contained within his one of our nation’s founding fathers.… A whole generation speeches and interviews are insights into how he wished of Singaporeans has grown up enjoying the fruits of growth to be remembered. and prosperity, because one of our ablest sons decided to The deepest recollections about Dr Goh must be the fight for Singapore’s independence, progress and future.” personal memories of those who had the opportunity to How do we remember a founding father of a nation? Dr interact with him. At the core of these select few are Goh Keng Swee left a lasting impression on everyone he the members of his immediate and extended family. encountered. But more importantly, he changed the lives of many who worked alongside him and in his public career initiated policies that have fundamentally shaped the destiny of Singapore. Our primary memories of Dr Goh will be through an awareness and understanding of the post-World War II anti-colonialist and nationalist struggle for independence in which Dr Goh played a key, if backstage, role until 1959. Thereafter, Dr Goh is remembered as the country’s economic and social architect as well as its defence strategist and one of Lee Kuan Yew’s ablest and most trusted lieutenants in our narrating of what has come to be recognised as “The Singapore Story”.
    [Show full text]
  • Singapore's Chinese-Speaking and Their Perspectives on Merger
    Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies, Volume 5, 2011-12 南方華裔研究雜志, 第五卷, 2011-12 “Flesh and Bone Reunite as One Body”: Singapore’s Chinese- speaking and their Perspectives on Merger ©2012 Thum Ping Tjin* Abstract Singapore’s Chinese speakers played the determining role in Singapore’s merger with the Federation. Yet the historiography is silent on their perspectives, values, and assumptions. Using contemporary Chinese- language sources, this article argues that in approaching merger, the Chinese were chiefly concerned with livelihoods, education, and citizenship rights; saw themselves as deserving of an equal place in Malaya; conceived of a new, distinctive, multiethnic Malayan identity; and rejected communist ideology. Meanwhile, the leaders of UMNO were intent on preserving their electoral dominance and the special position of Malays in the Federation. Finally, the leaders of the PAP were desperate to retain power and needed the Federation to remove their political opponents. The interaction of these three factors explains the shape, structure, and timing of merger. This article also sheds light on the ambiguity inherent in the transfer of power and the difficulties of national identity formation in a multiethnic state. Keywords: Chinese-language politics in Singapore; History of Malaya; the merger of Singapore and the Federation of Malaya; Decolonisation Introduction Singapore’s merger with the Federation of Malaya is one of the most pivotal events in the country’s history. This process was determined by the ballot box – two general elections, two by-elections, and a referendum on merger in four years. The centrality of the vote to this process meant that Singapore’s Chinese-speaking1 residents, as the vast majority of the colony’s residents, played the determining role.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction 1. Literally, They Are Called Asia's Four Little Dragons. Some
    Notes Introduction 1. Literally, they are called Asia's Four Little Dragons. Some prefer to call them Asia's Gang of Four. 2. This is particularly a view stressed by the theory of dependency, according to which colonialism has benefited the industrial countries in terms of the colony's supply of raw materials or cheap labour for the development of industries in the advanced countries. For a brief introduction of the concept, see Nicholas Abercombie, 1984, p. 65. 1 Social Background 1. In Singapore, considering that US$111 per month was the poverty line of the year 1976, the allowance of US$47.4 per household under the public assistance scheme was far below subsistence level (Heyzer, 1983, p. 119). In Hong Kong, most of those who receive public assistance have only about US$2 a day for their living expenses (HKAR, 1988, p. 150). Moreover, neither unemployment insurance nor the International Labour Organisation Convention (No. 102) on Social Security has been introduced. 2. The term 'caste', as suggested by Harumi Befu (1971, p. 121), refers to its 'class' frozen characteristics. Due to the limitation of stipends and the disposition of the Edo samurai to lead extravagant lives, the samurai faced considerable financial difficulties. These financial difficulties forced them to join in merchant activities and even to rely on the financial help of merchants. Thus more and more daimyo and samurai were in debt to merchants (see 1971, p. 122; Lehmann, 1982, pp. 70-1, 85). 3. The definitions of "art" is far wider in Japan than in the West.
    [Show full text]
  • Government, National Identity, and the Arts in Singapore
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2013-2014: Penn Humanities Forum Undergraduate Violence Research Fellows 5-2014 State of the Arts: Government, National Identity, and the Arts in Singapore Shawn Teo University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2014 Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Cultural History Commons Teo, Shawn, "State of the Arts: Government, National Identity, and the Arts in Singapore" (2014). Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2013-2014: Violence. 1. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2014/1 This paper was part of the 2013-2014 Penn Humanities Forum on Violence. Find out more at http://www.phf.upenn.edu/annual-topics/violence. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2014/1 For more information, please contact [email protected]. State of the Arts: Government, National Identity, and the Arts in Singapore Abstract In the 1960s, countries in Southeast Asia such as Indonesia and Malaysia were wreaked by ethnic violence. Race riots broke out in Malaysia in 1969 between Chinese and Malays. In 1973 and 1974 anti- Chinese riots and pogroms erupted in Indonesia. Amidst a sea of ethnic unrest, the Singaporean government became aware that the multiethnic nature of Singapore rendered it vulnerable to riots.Memories of the 1964 race riots and the 1950 Maria Hertogh riots were still fresh. The government hoped that the creation of a cohesive national identity would reduce the risk of ethnic and racial violence. In this project I examine the development of national identity in Singapore from 1965-1990 to see how the government and civil society interacted to create a national identity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Loss of The'world-Soul'? Education, Culture and the Making
    The Loss of the ‘World-Soul’? Education, Culture and the Making of the Singapore Developmental State, 1955 – 2004 by Yeow Tong Chia A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Yeow Tong Chia 2011 The Loss of the ‘World-Soul’? Education, Culture and the Making of the Singapore Developmental State, 1955 – 2004 Yeow Tong Chia Doctor of Philosophy Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto 2011 Abstract This dissertation examines the role of education in the formation of the Singapore developmental state, through a historical study of education for citizenship in Singapore (1955-2004), in which I explore the interconnections between changes in history, civics and social studies curricula, and the politics of nation-building. Building on existing scholarship on education and state formation, the dissertation goes beyond the conventional notion of seeing education as providing the skilled workforce for the economy, to mapping out cultural and ideological dimensions of the role of education in the developmental state. The story of state formation through citizenship education in Singapore is essentially the history of how Singapore’s developmental state managed crises (imagined, real or engineered), and how changes in history, civics and social studies curricula, served to legitimize the state, through educating and moulding the desired “good citizen” in the interest of nation building. Underpinning these changes has been the state’s use of cultural constructs such as ii Confucianism and Asian values to shore up its legitimacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Our Symbols, Our Spirit, Our Singapore
    Our Symbols, Our Spirit, Our Singapore 1 “Honouring and respecting our symbols, however, is not something that is achieved only by legal regimes or protecting copyright; we must also cultivate and sustain the strong connection and respect that Singaporeans feel for symbols and songs. All of us have a part to play in upholding our symbols and passing them down to future generations.” Mr Edwin Tong Minister for Culture, Community and Youth and Second Minister for Law Response to Parliamentary Question on Safeguarding the use of our national symbols and national songs, 2021 2 04 A Cherished History, A National Identity How do we visually unite a young nation? 1959: National Flag 1959: National Anthem 1959: National Coat of Arms (State Crest) 1966: National Pledge 1981: National Flower 1986: Lion Head Symbol 1964: The Merlion 23 Through the Lens of Today Do our symbols mean the same to us? 32 The Future of Our Symbols Will Singapore need new national symbols? 38 Our Symbols, Our Spirit, Our Singapore 39 Acknowledgement A report by the Citizens’ Workgroup for National Symbols (2021) 3 A CHERISHED HISTORY, A NATIONAL IDENTITY "They were necessary symbols… since although we were not really independent in 1959 but self-governing, it was necessary right from the beginning that we should rally enough different races together as a Singapore nation." Dr Toh Chin Chye Former Deputy Prime Minister National Archives of Singapore, 1989 4 HOW DO WE VISUALLY UNITE A YOUNG NATION? From renewing our commitment by reciting the National Pledge, to singing the National Anthem, and hanging the National Flag approaching 9th August; How have the symbols of Singapore become familiar sights and sounds that make us wonder what it means to be a Singaporean? Our oldest national symbols were unveiled in 1959 before Singapore gained independence, and much has changed in Singapore since.
    [Show full text]
  • Lee Kuan Yew Lee Kuan Yew Blazing the Freedom Trail Blazing the Freedom Trail Lee Kuanyew
    Anthony Oei Anthony For Review onlyLEE KUAN YEW LEE KUAN YEW BLAZING THE FREEDOM TRAIL BLAZING THE FREEDOM TRAIL YEW LEE KUAN It was the 1950s, a tumultuous time for post-war Singapore. Disgruntled with the British ruling power, anti-colonial forces were calling for independence. The main contenders were the People’s Action Party led by nationalist Lee Kuan Yew and the Communist Party of Malaya headed by Chin Peng. Displaying their political acumen, Lee and his team overcame all adversities to win the people’s mandate. Lee, who became Singapore’s first Prime Minister in 1959, orchestrated the movement to build a prosperous FREEDOM TRAI Singapore. When he stepped down in 1990, he left behind B L an efficient government, world-class infrastructure and a AZING THE thriving economy. When he died in 2015, he left behind a shining Singapore as his legacy. This book is an updated and revised edition of Days of Thunder: How Lee Kuan Yew Blazed the Freedom Trail (2005). It explores Lee’s leadership during Singapore’s early years and the question: Could Singapore have L achieved as much without Lee Kuan Yew, the founding father of modern Singapore? Marshall Cavendish Editions SINGAPORE/POLITICS ISBN 978-981-4677-77-6 Exploring the leadership of Singapore’s ,!7IJ8B4-ghhhhg! first Prime Minister from 1959 to 1990 Anthony Oei For Review only LEE KUAN YEW BLAZING THE FREEDOM TRAIL QUOTES BY LEE KUAN YEW For Review only The verdict of the people is a terrifying thing. To build a country, you need passion. You will trample over us, over our dead bodies.
    [Show full text]
  • Upholding Integrity in the Public Service
    UPHOLDING INTEGRITY IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE UPHOLDING INTEGRITY IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE UPHOLDING INTEGRITY IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE EDITORIAL TEAM Writers: Eddie CHOO, Cindy TAN, TOH Boon Kwan Editorial Advisors: Luke GOH, LIM Teng Leng, Premarani SOMASUNDRAM, Keith TAN, TAN Li San, Stephanie TAN Editorial support: Liza LEE, Sheila NG Prepared and published by the Institute of Governance and Policy (IGP) at the Civil Service College. IGP is a node for research on strategic policy issues facing Singapore. It aims to further new insights, catalyse thought leadership in the Public Service, and advance Singapore’s model of public governance. The Civil Service College (CSC) Singapore is a statutory board under the Public Service Division with a mission to develop people for a first-class Public Service. As the public sector’s core institution for training, learning, research and staff development, CSC builds strategic capacity in governance, leadership, public administration and management for a networked government in Singapore. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Institute of Governance and Policy, Civil Service College acknowledges the assistance provided by the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau and the Public Service Commission Secretariat in the writing of this paper. ISBN: 978-981-09-3673-0 (pbk) ISBN: 978-981-09-3674-7 (ebk) © 2015 Civil Service College, Singapore All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, modified, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission from the Civil Service College, Singapore. For feedback or comments, please email [email protected] Civil Service College 31 North Buona Vista Road Singapore 275983 www.cscollege.gov.sg INTRODUCTION “Corruption must never be tolerated.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Political Leadership Style of Lee Kuan Yew
    Global Politics Review, Vol. 1 No. 1, October 2015: 35-52 A Big Frog in a Small Pond or a Giant of Asia? Understanding the Political Leadership Style of Lee Kuan Yew H.M.S. Amanda Herath Abstract: The passing of a national political leader, widely regarded as a world figure, marked the beginning of the year 2015. The long standing Senior Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew left an undeniably significant mark upon the political leadership sphere. In order to assess his intriguing leadership style I will be using three theoretical models namely; Kouzes and Posner Model (1995), Blondel Model (1987) and Simonton Model (1988). The paper will mainly focus on Lee Kuan Yew’s attempts at building a new Singaporean Identity from a multiethnic pluralistic society. By this exercise I try to answer the question of whether another leader can adopt Lee Kuan Yew’s leadership style as a guiding principle. Key Words: Lee Kuan Yew; Singapore; Political Leadership; Identity; Leadership Styles. Introduction eadership is as old as mankind. It is universally present in every aspect of human society. From the smallest unit of family to the nation-state, leadership is Lomnipresent and inescapable. Among these leaders that we see in our day-to-day life, political leaders command much more attention than other leaders: [a]mong the various aspects of leadership, political leadership, in particular in the nation- state, occupies a special position. It is not that it is intrinsically different in kind or character from leadership in other organizations, but it is vastly more visible and, ostensibly at least, vastly more important.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fight for Women's Rights in Singapore
    BIBLIOASIA OCT – DEC 2018 Vol. 14 / Issue 03 / Feature of Peace. They volunteered at feeding (Facing page) In the 1959 Legislative Assembly general election, the People’s Action Party was the only centres set up by the colonial government political party to campaign openly on the “one man one wife” slogan. As voting had become compulsory by for thousands of impoverished children then, women came out in full force on polling day. Ministry of Information and the Arts Collection, courtesy who were denied food and basic nutrition. of National Archives of Singapore. Others banded together to establish the (Below) War heroine Elizabeth Choy (in cheongsam) was the president of the Singapore Council of Women’s first family planning association in Sin- Protem Committee (1951–1952). As president, she helped to unite the diverse women groups in Singapore. Image reproduced from Lam, J.L., & Chew, P.G.L. (1993). Voices & Choices: The Women’s Movement in gapore, convinced that families should Singapore (p. 116). Singapore Council of Women’s Organisation and Singapore Baha’i Women’s Committee. have no more children than they could (Call no.: RSING 305.42095957 VOI). feed, clothe and educate. Women recreated an identity for themselves by setting up alumni associa- tions (such as Nanyang Girls’ Alumni), recreational groups (Girls’ Sports Club) race-based groups (Kamala Club), reli- gious groups (Malay Women’s Welfare Association), housewives’ groups (Inner Wheel of the Rotary Club), professional groups (Singapore Nurses’ Association), national groups (Indonesian Ladies Club) and mutual help groups (Cantonese Women’s Mutual Help Association). One association, however, stood out amidst the post-war euphoria – the Singapore Council of Women (SCW).
    [Show full text]
  • Press Release Statement from the Prime Minister's
    1 PRESS RELEASE STATEMENT FROM THE PRIME MINISTER’S OFFICE Dr. Toh Chin Chye, Deputy Prime Minister, has been offered the Vice-Chancellorship of the University of Singapore by the University Council when it met on the 6th March, 1968. The post has been vacant as a result of the death of the former Vice-Chancellor, Professor Lim Tay Boh. At an informal meeting on 7th March with members of the Senate of the University, the Prime Minister informed them that he intended to release Dr. Toh from his present ministerial duties, so that he can take up this appointment as Vice-Chancellor. However, Dr. Toh will remain a member of the Cabinet as Minister for Science and Technology. His ministerial staff will be with him at the office of the Vice-Chancellor in the University. His duties will be to co-ordinate development of the University of Singapore, the University of Nanyang, the Polytechnic, and later the Ngee Ann Community College. lky\1968\lky0309.doc 2 Dr. Toh has been Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Polytechnic since 1959. With increasing emphasis on industrialisation, a faculty of engineering, particularly marine engineering, naval architecture, and several other faculties in the applied sciences will be established, either as part of the University of Singapore, or Nanyang, or an Institute of Technology into which the Polytechnic will move. These institutions should complement and not duplicate each other in their fields of specialisation. In the next few years, major decisions will have to be made on the siting of the new Institute of Technology, since the location of the Singapore Polytechnic is too limited and unsuitable for expansion.
    [Show full text]
  • Goh, C. B., & Gopinathan, S. 2008. the Development of Education In
    Title The development of education in Singapore since 1965 Author Goh, C. B. and S. Gopinathan Source S.K. Lee, C.B. Goh, B. Fredriksen & J.P. Tan (Eds.), Toward a Better Future: Education and Training for Economic Development in Singapore since 1965 (pp. 12-38). Published by Washington, DC: The World Bank and the National Institute of Education (NIE) at Nanyang Technological University. Goh, C. B., & Gopinathan, S. 2008. The development of education in Singapore since 1965 © World Bank. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/6432. License: Creative Commons Attribution licence (CC BY 3.0 Unported licence). Citation: Goh, C. B., & Gopinathan, S. (2008). The development of education in Singapore since 1965. IN S.K. Lee, C.B. Goh, B. Fredriksen & J.P. Tan (Eds.), Toward a Better Future: Education and Training for Economic Development in Singapore since 1965 (pp. 12-38). Washington, DC: The World Bank. - CHAPTER Tl Singll devel COUlll tries< The Development of Education The a in Singapore since 1965 Singa GOH Char Boon and S. GOPINATHAN SUR\ Since cap it~ growt imba. class he aftermath of World War II in the Pacific created severe social and economic proce dislocations for the people of Singapore in 1945. Although the British rulers stronl Treclaimed control of the trading port, the people clamored for political free­ tutior dom and economic opportumt1es. There were frequent industrial strikes and (Dixc unrest. The population grew from about 960,000 in 1948 to about 1.6 million in durac 1954. There was high unemployment and an acute shortage of public housing. condi The years 1959 to 1968 represent some of the epochal years in Singapore's existiJ modern history.
    [Show full text]