UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY

Native Students' Identity in Higher Education: Merging, Emerging or Struggling?

by

Barbara Gay Barnes

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

INTERDISCIPLINARY GRADUATE PROGRAM

CALGARY, ALBERTA

NOVEMBER 2009

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1*1 Canada Abstract

This study explored identity as it pertained to Aboriginal students in post-

secondary education. Sixty Aboriginal students were interviewed from six universities

in Western Canada. Five Aboriginal women and five Aboriginal men from each

university, who were in their third or fourth year of undergraduate studies participated in

this study.

Three research questions were the focus of this study. Do conventional

definitions of identity offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students

define their own identity as an Aboriginal person? The second question sought an answer

to whether identity development theories offer an adequate base for analyzing how

Aboriginal students define their own identity? Devon Mihesuah's Native Identity

Development Model was the main theory used in this study. The last research question

asked was: what role do Aboriginal students see post-secondary education playing in the

formation and confirmation of their identity.

Symbolic Interactionism and identity development theories were the theoretical

frameworks from which this study was viewed.

The findings showed that conventional definitions of identity do indeed

adequately reflect Aboriginal identity. As well, Mihesuah's identity development theory

does provide a base for analyzing Aboriginal identity development. Twelve additional points were suggested to Mihesuah's theory making it relate to Canadian Aboriginal people. The students' experience in post-secondary education was a very meaningful

ii experience. They were able to explore, understand and accept themselves as an

Aboriginal individual.

What all this means is that Aboriginal students explore, develop and come to understand their identity throughout their life, post-secondary education allowed the students to grow stronger and solidify their identity. They neither were drawn away from their Aboriginal self, nor cut ties with their Aboriginal communities in order to be successful at university as some researchers' have suggested. Identity is an important aspect in ones' life and has been worth exploring and comes closer to answering the question "Who am I?"

iii Acknowledgements

First of all I would like to thank all the Aboriginal students who participated in this study. Without your 'voice' this research would not have been written.

I would like to acknowledge my appreciation to my supervisor Dr. Cora

Voyageur for her tremendous guidance and mentorship. I fully respect and value our working together.

I also would like to thank the other members of my committee who offered support, Dr. Donald Smith, Dr. Lorraine Radkte, and Dr. Jim Field.

Huge thanks goes to my Department, Interdisciplinary Graduate Program, especially Pauline Fisk, for keeping me on track and for keeping paperwork organized.

I would like to show my gratitude to Dr. Tamara Seiler for her support and showing interest in my progression through the Ph.D. program. Thanks.

I would like to thank my very good friends Renee, Jean-Paul, Valerie, Bruce, Gail

Pauline and Wayne.

I would like to acknowledge my co-workers who listened to my many efforts writing. Thanks go to: Lisa, Karrie, Angie, Dave, Gerry, Raheleh, Shannon, Jeff, Mike,

Shandra, and Jenn.

Last but not least I would like to recognize my family members for their encouraging words and support.

iv Dedication

I dedicate this study to those individuals who dared to ask themselves the question

'Who am I?' and to those who are in process of searching for their identity.

I also would like to dedicate this study to the memories of my mother Marion and two brothers Paul and Thorn, as well as, to my remaining brothers Jim and Ken, and to my sisters Carol, Deb and Pat.

v Table of Contents

Abstract ii Acknowledgements iv Dedication v Table of Contents vi List of Tables ix List of Figures x

1.0 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION. 1 1.1. Introduction and Overview 1 1.2. Context for the Study 4 1.3. The Research Objectives 16 1.3.1. The Main Research Questions 17 1.4. The Importance of this Study 18 1.5. Dissertation Overview 19

2.0 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 22 2.1 Introduction 22 2.2 Definitions of Identity 24 2.2.1. Aboriginal Identity 35 2.3. History of Native Education 44 2.3.1. Education in the Indian Act 54 2.3.2. Current Aboriginal Education 65 2.4. Conclusion 68

3.0 CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 70 3.1 Introduction 70 3.2. History of Symbolic Interactionism 70 3.3. Furthering Symbolic Interactionism 73 3.4. Identity Development Theories 75 3.4.1. Introduction 75 3.4.2. History of Identity Development Theories 76 3.4.2.1. Marginal Man 77 3.4.2.2. Erikson's Theory of Identity Development 80 3.4.2.3. Marcia's Theory of Identity Development 81 3.4.2.4. Cross's Theory of African Identity Development 82 3.4.2.5. Parham's Nigrescence Model of Identity Development... 85 3.4.2.6. Atkinson etal's Minority Identity Development 88 3.4.2.7. Poston's Bi-Racial Identity Development 89 3.4.2.8. Smith's Ethnic Identity Development 91 3.4.2.9. Mihesuah's Native Identity Model 93

vi 4.0. CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGY 100 4.1. Research Objectives and Contribution 100 4.2. Study Design 100 4.3. Research Ethics 102 4.4. Description of Methodology 102 4.5. Research Protocols and Techniques 103 4.5.1. Invitation to be Interviewed 103 4.5.2. Development of Questionnaire 104 4.5.3. Conducting the Interviews 104 4.5.3.1. Telephone Interviews 104 4.5.3.2. Face-to-Face Interviews 104 4.5.3.3. Management of Interview Data 105 4.6. Operationalization 105 4.7. Limitations of Study 107

5.0. CHAPTER DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION RESULTS 109 5.1. Introduction 109

6.0. CHAPTER SIX-RESULTS: IDENTITY 130 6.1. Introduction 130 6.2. Identity 130 6.2.1. Symbolic Interactionism 135 6.2.1.1. Herbert Blumer's First Premise 136 6.2.1.1.1. Earliest Memories of Self. 137 6.2.1.1.2. Awareness of Racial Differences 137 6.2.1.1.3. Racism 140 6.2.1.1.4. Uncertainty about Identity 142 6.2.1.1.5. Adoption 143 6.2.1.1.6. Poverty 144 6.2.1.1.7. Knowing Aboriginal Self. 145 6.2.1.1.8. Seeing Direction for the Future 149 6.2.1.1.9. Questions about Place 151 6.2.1.2.0. Traditional Teaching 154 6.2.1.2.1. Clues to Identity 156 6.2.1.2.2. Things that remind them they are Aboriginal 162 6.2.1.2.3. Peers 162 6.2.1.2.4. Humour 163 6.2.1.2.5. Language 165 6.2.1.2.6. Analysis of Blumer's First Premise 166 6.2.1.2. Herbert Blumer's Second Premise 169 6.2.1.2.1. Experiences of Pride in Aboriginal Heritage 170 6.2.1.2.2. Experiences of Feeling Shame about their Aboriginal Heritage 172 6.2.1.2.3. Analysis of Blumer's Second Premise 175 6.2.1.3. Herbert Blumer's Third Premise 176

vii 6.2.1.3.1. Forget Who You Are 176 6.2.1.3.2. Do Not Know Self. 179 6.2.1.3.3. Do Not Like Self. 182 6.2.1.3.4. Lost 185 6.2.1.3.5. See Self Differently 190 6.2.1.3.6. Analysis of Blumer' Premises 193 6.3. Identity Development Theories 195 6.3.1. Pre-Encounter Stage 195 6.3.2. Encounter Stage 208 6.3.2.1. Becoming an Indian 208 6.3.2.2. Becoming More Indian/Rediscovering Indianness 210 6.3.2.3. Becoming Less Indian 212 6.3.3. Immersion-Emersion Stage 213 6.3.4. Internalization Stage 217 6.4. University Experience 220 6.4.1. Why Participants Attended University 220 6.4.2. Is University Meaningful 223 6.4.3. Can You Be Yourself as Aboriginal 227 6.4.4. Pushed or Pulled 229 6.4.5. Identity Development Formation 231 6.4.5.1. Course Influence 232 6.4.5.2. Formal Education's Influence of Traditional Beliefs 238 6.4.5.3. Influence on Belief Systems 243 6.4.5.4. Feeling Different About Ones Self. 245

7.0. CHAPTER SEVEN: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 249 7.1. Discussion 249 7.1.1. Defining Aboriginal Identity Using Various Models 250 7.2. Identity Development Theory 268 7.3. University Experience 276 7.4. Conclusion 280

References 289

Appendix A: Advertisement Poster 299 Appendix B: Questionnaire 300 Appendix C: Telephone Survey Consent Form 303 Appendix D: Face-to-Face Consent Form 305

viii List of Tables

Table 1: Percentage and Frequency of Participants Year of Study 109 Table 2: Participants by Year Born Ill Table 3: Participant by Age Range and Gender 113 Table 4: Participants Age, and Prior Education 115 Table 5: Percentage by Marital Status for participants 118 Table 6: Parenthood and number of children by frequency and percentage 119 Table 7: Participants children's age by number 122 Table 8: Frequency by Marital status and number of children 123 Table 9: Participants by area of study and gender 125

ix List of Figures

Figure 1: Nigrescence Model 86

x 1

1.0 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1. INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW:

The question 'Who am I?' as it pertains to identity, is the subject of much thought and much study. It has been asked by many people in the past and is still significant today. The amount of research that explores identity is immense. Philosophical discussions, psychological models and sociological perspectives demonstrate that the concept of identity is a continual topic of debate.

Early Greek philosophical debates suggested that the purpose of the human soul is to search for identity (D. G. Smith, 1996). During the early 1900s psychological models discussed identity as a 'social self and a combination of social appraisals. Sociologists, such as George H. Mead, agreed that identity was constructed through a group process of interaction and through relationships with others in ones' community (George Herbert

Mead, 1934). While perceptions of identity have changed over time, more recent views demonstrate that the definition of identity continues to become more refined. As one interacts with the environment there can be profound changes in the way one thinks, behaves and feels. Circumstances such as changing attitudes affect the way one thinks about themselves as one evolves emotionally and intellectually. With new experiences come changes that affect our sense of self. Why is the question of identity still so important? One explanation is that it signifies a sense of belonging to a group.

Throughout history people have identified with a community. Because of this, group membership is important to ones' identity. The community externally and internally validates ones' self and reinforces a sense of worth, attitude, values and beliefs.

This in turn influences what one does in their daily lives. 2

I realized that my personal struggle with identity was important to me because it affected the way I interacted in the world. I have come to understand that identity is an important life question that others might seek answers to as well because in discussions with others the topic of 'who am I' surfaced repeatedly.

Research focused on Aboriginal1 people has increased dramatically during the past twenty years, but little scholarly attention has been paid to Aboriginal people and their self-identity. This is a significant gap in the research literature. Furthermore, in

Canada, Aboriginal peoples' identity questions must be explored in the context of colonization.

Despite government attempts to assimilate them, the Aboriginal people of Canada continue to practice their cultures and strengthen their communities by reaching out to their community members through teaching traditions and language. Many Aboriginal people struggle to define their identity in the face of conflicting non-Aboriginal and

Aboriginal cultural traditions such as those who are Aboriginal but look Caucasian which makes them feel caught between the two cultures. As a result, identity is still very much a significant question to seek answers to.

1 "Aboriginal peoples mean the descendants of the original inhabitants of Native America. The Canadian Constitution recognizes three groups of Aboriginal people - Indians, Metis and Inuit. These are three separate peoples with unique heritages, languages, cultural practices and spiritual beliefs.

First Nations: a term that came into common usage in the 1970s to replace the word 'Indian' refers to the Indian peoples in Canada, both status, registered and treaty.

Indian: A person defined as Indian in the Indian Act and registered on a Band list. This person can also be called First Nations

Metis: People of mixed First Nation and European ancestry who identify themselves as Metis, as distinct from First Nations people, Inuit or non-Aboriginal people. The Metis have a unique culture that draws on their diverse ancestral origins, such as Scottish, French, Ojibway and Cree.

Inuit: An Aboriginal people in Northern Canada. In Re: Eskimo (1939), the Supreme Court of Canada's decision determined that Inuit are entitled to the same programs and services (funding) as provided to Indians." (INAC, 2009). 3

This project is unique in its emphasis on Aboriginal identity in post-secondary institutions. While the literature and research are diverse, they focus primarily on

Eurocentric definitions of identity .

Research concerning Aboriginal students' identity in higher education has had limited exposure. This project will offer new insights. This study moves beyond a simple understanding of Aboriginal students' concept of identity to determining the role a university education can play in the development of ones' self-identity. The research utilizes the theoretical Native Identity Development Model developed by Devon

Mihesuah (1998) and responds to William G. Tierney's comment that "education draws students away from who they are" (Tierney, 1993 p.320). Tierney suggests that, education might make Aboriginal students less Aboriginal. In addition to Tierney's comments, research by Vincent Tinto postulates that students drop out of university because of an incongruence between their goals and their commitment to study. Their families' background, their own skills and abilities plus their prior schooling are influencing factors to their remaining in university (Tinto, 1993). Although Tinto does not directly discuss Aboriginal people, the implications can be far-reaching given the different cultural values of Aboriginal students and non-Aboriginal students. Tinto notes that, "[students] persistence in college depends upon their becoming departers from their former communities" (Tinto, 1993 p.316). This implies that Aboriginal students must depart from their culture if they are to succeed [in university]. Hence, the question "who am I?" continues to be important for the Aboriginal person because if they must depart

2 I chose mainstream definitions of identity to understand the history of identity definitions and the concepts from early philosophers and sociologists were important as they were understood from mainstream audience. I also used these definitions because I understood my identity from these concepts prior to understanding my Aboriginal identity. 4 from their Aboriginal communities, who then are they to identify with? Can an

Aboriginal student maintain an Aboriginal identity within the Eurocentric dominated paradigm? Will attending university a Western Eurocentric institution, hamper, hinder or encourage an Aboriginal identity? For this reason, studying Aboriginal identity continues to be highly relevant in the creation and preservation of contemporary Aboriginal society and in the understanding and achievement of identity among individual Aboriginal students.

1.2. CONTEXT FOR THE STUDY:

As a First Nations woman, the issue of Aboriginal identity has been of personal interest to me. Having struggled with my own identity as a First Nations person and a post-secondary student, I questioned whether other Aboriginal students shared similar feelings of confusion, conflict, struggle, and eventually an emerging sense of self while in the post-secondary setting. My prior research explored identity issues on various levels.

As an undergraduate student taking a wide variety of courses in Psychology, Sociology,

History and Education I began researching the general concept and definition of identity.

The diversity of courses allowed exploration from a wide variety of approaches and disciplines. Defining identity proved intriguing and highlighted its complexity. Each area of study had its own unique way of defining identity. Initially the definitions seemed to differ from each other; however, upon closer observation many definitions overlapped. For example, several definitions involved a social component that involved interactions with people in order to understand oneself (George Herbert Mead, 1934).

Other definitions stressed separate and distinctive facets such as identifying as being a sister, brother or mother. The overall group of definitions of identity as described within 5 this study highlight key components that have value and when united a clearer sense of understanding of identity can be seen.

Narrowing the focus to Aboriginal identity and defining what constitutes an

Aboriginal person is demanding. When Europeans began to settle Canada, they believed that the Aboriginal people would vanish. For example, anthropologist Diamond Jenness wrote:

It is not possible now to determine what will be the final influence of the aborigines on the generations of Canadian people still to come. Doubtless all the tribes will disappear. Some will endure only a few years longer, others, like the Eskimo, may last several centuries (Jenness, 1932 [1963] p.264).

The influx of European society began and the people believed that Aboriginal people would assimilate into mainstream society over time. Their culture would vanish

making Aboriginals the same as other peoples (D. B. Smith, 2005b). Non-Aboriginals believed that through education and intermarriage that the Aboriginal would merge into

mainstream society. Their strong beliefs centered on moving Aboriginal people from:

Their uncivilized ways and move towards a more 'developed' sense of self within an advanced society. Thus attitudes had shifted away from thinking of First Peoples as peoples with rights as original occupants to thinking of them as marginal, uncivilized and in need of protection. Thus, restrictive definitions merely encouraged the movement of suitable candidates from one category (uncivilized heathen) to another category (citizens of Canada), thus eliminating Crown responsibility for large numbers of individuals (DeLisle, 1998 p.3).

One way the Government of Canada used its control over Indian people was

through determining who was to be recognized as Indian and who was not. For example,

whereas psychologists and sociologists defined identity for the mainstream, the Indian

Act, government legislation enacted in Canada claimed the distinction of legally defining

Indian people. It is not a philosophical, psychological or sociological definition but a 6 legal definition, "This definition has had a profound impact not only in how we

[Aboriginals] are understood by non-Aboriginal people, but also how Aboriginal people have come to understand themselves" (Restoule, 2000 p. 106). The definition of Indian evolved over time.

The Government of Lower Canada determined that it must have legislation to deal with Indian people. For example, in 1850 the Indian Protection Act, for the purpose of

determining proprietary rights in respect of tribal lands broadly defined the term Indian in

Lower Canada and set it into law. It said that:

And for the purpose of determining any right of property, possession or occupation in or to any lands the following classes of persons are and shall be considered as Indians...

First.-All persons of Indian blood, reputed to belong to the particular Body or Tribe of Indians interested in such lands, and their descendants. Second. -All persons intermarried with any such Indians and residing amongst them, and the descendants of all such persons. Third.-All persons residing among such Indians, whose parents on either side were or are Indians of such Body or Tribe, or entitled to be considered as such: And Fourth.-All persons adopted in infancy by such Indians, and residing in the Village or upon the lands of such Tribe or Body of Indians, and their descendants (Jamieson, 1978 p.25).

In 1857 the Gradual Civilization Act was passed by the legislature of the province

of Canada (today's Ontario and Quebec) to move beyond assimilative efforts towards

Indians to one of citizenship through enfranchisement. When the Indian people could:

prove they had been educated, were debt-free, and of good moral character, they would be enfranchised and given twenty hectares of land.. .though the measure was designed to permit Indians to drop then- status in favour of full British North American citizenship, it began by defining Indians as non-citizens. In other words, legislation whose purpose was 'to remove all legal distinctions between Indians and Euro- Canadians actually established them' in law (Miller, 2000 p. 140).

3 Enfranchisement means that Indians could acquire full Canadian citizenship by relinquishing their ties to their community. This involved giving up ones' culture and traditions and any rights to land (Venne, 1981) 7

By 1869, a law existed whereby an Indian woman who married a non-Indian ceased to be an "Indian" within the meaning of the Act and her children also lost Indian status. As well an Indian woman marrying an Indian man ceased to be a member of her tribe and became a member of her husband's tribe (Venne, 1981 p.12).

In 1876 legislation continued to narrow the definition of Indian. The term

"Indian" now meant:

First. Any male person of Indian blood reputed to belong to a particular band;

Second. Any child of such person;

Third. Any woman who is or was lawfully married to such person (Jamieson, 1978; Venne, 1981 p.24).

The Indian Act was patriarchal, which meant that emphasis was placed on male lineage. Historically some of the First Nations tribes were matriarchal. The Indian Act set forth enormous change for First Nations.

Eurocentric thinking dominated and manifested the destiny of First Nations peoples. As mentioned earlier if an Indian woman married a non-Indian, she lost her status. Illegitimate children could be removed as a band member. Also membership in a tribe was denied to those Indians who resided in a foreign country for a period over five years (Venne, 1981 p.25). Indian status was denied to half-breeds who had taken scrip,4 a payment given to individuals described as Metis by law.

4 Scrip is a form of payment in either money or cash that was offered by the federal government, primarily to Metis people, instead of treaty benefits. However, because of the difficulty of establishing the presence of European ancestry, scrip was offered to other Aboriginal people to opt out of treaty benefits. Many Indian people in the prairie provinces and the territories took scrip.. .A person who took scrip and their descendants were not entitled to registration under the Indian Act (Thorstenson, Hanna, & Callison, 2006 P-79). 8

In Canada, the term 'Metis' originally referred to those persons of French and

Amerindian5 ancestry. "Half-breed" was used in the Thirteen Colonies6 and spread to

Canada in the early nineteenth century where it remained in use until after the Second

World War. "A term that came to be used in the fur trade but is seldom heard now is bois-brule. It is said by some to be a French version of the Ojibwa appellation wisahkotewan niniwak, "men partly burned'" an English version was "burnt (or scorched) wood people" (Dickason, 1999 p.70). Today, 'Metis' is generally adopted to mean all

Amerindian/non-Native admixtures in both French and English versions. The Metis also

"chose to see themselves in various collectivities distinct from their Indian neighbours and, in some instances, distinct from members of the "white" community" (Foster, 1985 p.73).

Some Canadians say that the, "Metis are only those who can trace their ancestry to the Red River settlement, as recognized in the Manitoba Act of 1980 and in the

Dominion Land Acts of 1879 and 1883" (Dickason, 1999 p.70). Historian Heather

Devine explored Metis historiography in her book "The People Who Own Themselves.

Aboriginal Ethnogenesis in a Canadian Family, 1660-1900". Devine provided a wider scope of interaction and family experience and her work in this book provided a historical and cultural perspective to those who also are exploring their Metis history. Other criteria spoken of when trying to define Metis is that a Metis is to be not less than one- quarter Amerindian admixture, or having Indian ancestry and who lives his/her life

5 Amerindian is used by Olive Dickason in her book titled "Canada's First Nation" (1997). 6 "The Thirteen Colonies were part of what became known as British America, a name that was used by Great Britain until the Treaty of Paris recognized the independence of the original thirteen United States of America in 1783. These British colonies in North American rebelled against British rule in 1775; this was due to the taxation that Great Britain was imposing on the Colonies. A provisional government was formed which proclaimed their independence, which is now celebrated as having occurred on July 4, 1776, and subsequently became the original thirteen United States of America (Absolute Astronomy, 2009). 9 associated with the Metis, or one who was accepted by the community, and who identified with Metis history and culture (Dickason, 2002; Ens, 1996; Sawchuk, 2001).

A variety of factors compound the issue of Metis identification. For example,

"Amerindians who missed signing treaties (usually because they were away hunting) and thus did not officially acquire Indian status are often referred to as Metis" (Dickason,

1999 p.70). Other factors could include those who are not registered on a reserve and those who became enfranchised. Bill C-31 allowed First Nations women married to non-

First Nations men to keep their status and pass it along to their children and this added a twist to those previously classified as Metis.

A Metis person reflects the fact that:

They were born of the meeting of two worlds, the first Canadians. Although their long official eclipse has ended, the work of rebuilding the Metis as a people has just begun a people whom many would define more on the basis of their history than on any other factor (Dickason, 1999 p.78).

Compared to the First Nations, defining Metis people is infinitely more complicated.

Overall, identity was decided for the First Nations in Canadian law, but not the Metis, who were recognized in law as citizens. "Why was it not a given that we could define for ourselves who we were?" (Restoule, 2000 p. 110).

"The Metis, as an Aboriginal people, found themselves caught in the middle of the changing legal definitions. "Like the non-Status Indians, the Metis were excluded from being "Indians" under the Indian Act definition of Indian" (Voyageur & Calliou,

2000/2001 p.l 11). This term remains to be defined in Canadian courts. Canada's Metis were recognized as an Aboriginal people in section 35 of the Constitution Act 1982. "No strings were attached, or definitions attempted.. .Few Canadian Metis realize how rare it 10 is for mixed-bloods to have legal recognition as a separate group, even though undefined"

(Dickason, 1999 p.70).

As well, any Indian from 1876-1880 who became a doctor, minister, lawyer or held a degree from any university was automatically enfranchised (Furi & Wherrett,

1996; Jamieson, 1978). However, the Indian Act of 1880 made this fact clearer by stating they must apply first:

Any Indian who may be admitted to the degree of Doctor of Medicine, or to any other degree by any University of learning, or who may be admitted in any province of the Dominion to practice law either as an Advocate or as a Barrister or Counsellor, or Solicitor or Attorney or to be a Notary Public. Or who may enter Holy Orders. Or who may be licensed by any denomination of Christians as a Minister of the Gospel, may, upon petition to the Superintendent-General, ipso facto become and be entitled to all the rights and privileges to which any other member of the band to which he belongs would be entitled were he enfranchised under the provisions of [sic] this Act; and the Superintendent-General may give him a suitable allotment of land from the lands belonging to the band of which he is a member (Venne, 1981 p.83).

By 1951 the establishment of the Indian Register determined who would be registered on the Band Lists and thus considered to be an Indian. The depth of the impact of the Indian Act has fuelled, and continues to fuel, the debate over membership in Indian communities, making it complex and multifaceted. Questions about what it means to belong to a community, about who has the right to define community membership, and

about the changing nature of the Indian population frames "how Native people think of things 'Indian'" (Lawrence, 2003 p.4).

In 1985, amendments to the Indian Act removed a number of discriminatory provisions from the Act. The formulation of Bill C-31 and its amendments were intended to, "remove discrimination, restore status and membership rights, and increase control by bands over their affairs" (Furi & Wherrett, 1996 p.3). For example, Indian women who 11 had married non-Indian men and been removed from the Register and often distanced from their communities, could now apply for reinstatement of Indian status (Restoule,

2000). Bands could now control their own membership based on their own membership rules, and Bill C-31 abolished the practice of enfranchisement:

Since Bill C-31 was passed, MAC (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada) has received approximately 232,928 requests from Aboriginal men and Aboriginal women for registration. By 31 December 2000, 114,512 people had gained Indian status based on Bill C-31 amendments, while 44,199 applications had been denied (Furi & Wherrett, 1996 p.3).

The process still involves having to meet the documentary demands of a large bureaucracy in the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs. Other peoples also have had to confront and seek to change federal government attitudes and policies regarding their Aboriginal status (Furi & Wherrett, 1996).

More recently Aboriginal people saw that Aboriginal identity involved aspects,

such as connecting to the land, storytelling, spirituality and a sense of community which

were vital to ones' Aboriginal identity. However, identity still became a pertinent

concern among some Aboriginal people. For example, Paula Gunn Allen, an American

Indian of Laguna Pueblo and Sioux (Dakota) heritage claims that colonial domination has

led modern Aboriginal women [and men] to face a problem of self-definition regarding

who they are as individuals. Allen claims that:

Modern American Indian women [and men], like their non-Indian sisters [and brothers], are deeply engaged in the struggle to redefine themselves. In their struggle they must reconcile traditional tribal definitions of women [and men] with industrial and postindustrial non-Indian definitions. Yet while these definitions seem to be more or less mutually exclusive, Indian women [and men] must somehow harmonize and integrate both in their own lives (Allen, 1986 p.43). 12

Allen points out that self-definition is a point of concern among Aboriginal peoples and important to understanding Aboriginal identity. In some instances,

Aboriginal people feel caught between two worlds: the Aboriginal and the non-

Aboriginal cultures. The result may be what Everett Stonequist titled, "The Marginal

Man". The marginal experience exists when two cultures collide, it makes adjustment to

either difficult.

The "Marginal Man's" fate is complicated by the different and sometimes

antagonistic cultures.

Whenever there are cultural transitions and cultural conflicts there are marginal personalities. If the cultural differences are of major importance, if they include sharp contrasts in race, and if the social attitudes are hostile, the problem of the individual whose sentiments and career are bound up with both societies may well be acute (Stonequist, 1937 p.2).

For Stonequist, the "Marginal Man" experiences the conflict "as an acute

personality difficulty or mental tension" (Stonequist, 1937 p.4). This idea of the

"Marginal Man" was reinforced early in the colonization of the North American

continent. For example, during the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries the expanding

empires, specifically the Western powers, such as Britain, France, and the United States,

"acquired and accumulated territory and subjects on a truly astonishing scale" (Said,

1993 p.8). Europeans proceeded on the basis that Northern North America was terra

nullius, or uninhabited land. Dickason writes, "Since [many of] the Amerindians led a

mobile life without settled abode, 'ranging' the land 'like beasts in the woods' rather than

inhabiting it, they could not be classed as inhabitants according to European law"

(Dickason, 2002 p. 153). This reinforced the idea that the land was there for Europeans

to take, as well as, reinforcing the attitude of Eurocentric domination. 13

The scholar, Edward Said comments on Eurocentric dominated acquisitions:

Neither imperialism nor colonialism is a simple act of accumulation and acquisition. Both are supported and perhaps even impelled by impressive ideological formations that include notions that certain territories and people require and beseech domination, as well as forms of knowledge affiliated with domination; the vocabulary of classic nineteenth century imperial culture is plentiful with words and concepts like 'inferior' or 'subject races', 'subordinate peoples', 'dependency', 'expansion', and 'authority'. Out of the imperial experiences, notions about culture were clarified, reinforced, criticized, or rejected (Said, 1993 p.9).

Since Europeans made contact with Aboriginal peoples several phases of interactions occurred. Initially relations began with cooperation and harmony but later degenerated into conflict and confrontation. Differences stemmed from the differing attitudes and values of each culture and the imperialist intention of Europeans. Because of the impact of colonialism and Eurocentric ideological formations, the 'other' cultures were made subordinate and thus became the "Marginal Man". Within this context the questions surrounding identity remains paramount for modern Aboriginal peoples still living as marginalized.

Colonization impacted Aboriginal people in a variety of ways. For example,

"Colonization created a fragmentary worldview among Aboriginal peoples" (Little Bear,

2000 p.84). Although colonial domination created trauma and stress for Aboriginal peoples, many seek to "initiate dialogue, advance a postcolonial discourse, and work actively for a transformation of colonial thought" (Marie Battiste, 2000 p.xxii). Marie

Battiste spoke with an Indigenous educator, Nata Inn ni Maki-Sacred Hawk Woman

(Rose von Thater) who had this to say:

We were bringing to conscious recognition those elements foreign to our knowing that had entwined themselves within us, sapping us of our natural strength. We were seeing the experiences that had defined our lives with new eyes. We were looking at our history, accounting for its impact 14

taking ourselves to the doorways of understanding, discovering new possibilities, other strategies, watching as sources of power and strength emerged to reveal themselves in a new light. From this place and from these days together we were selecting, like artists, the elements that would tell a new story, taking from the past, re-ordering the present, envisioning a future that felt very much like a vision that had been held for us until we could reach out and hold it for ourselves (Marie Battiste, 2000 p.xxii).

Effecting change, searching within oneself, searching for identity, these are challenges that remain contentious today.

In order to define identity it is useful to look at some identity development theories. As mentioned earlier, discussions by Everett Stonequist7 in 1937 set up the idea of a process of identity development into phases the individual experiences when seeking their identity. Erik Erikson followed with his identity development stage theory.

Erikson's work dominated the research from the 1950s to the 1980s which focused on adolescents and male participants. Yet more recently, identity development studies were broadened to meet the needs of understanding identity for persons of color and biracial individuals. The most notable was William Cross who in 1971 developed a "Cycle of

Nigrescence" (the Process of Becoming Black) Model. Cross's model stressed self- actualization of the Afro-American. Cross's model is significant as later researchers developed their models based on his work.

Other scholars such as Donald R. Atkinson, George Morten, and Derald W. Sue addressed identity development and focused on a model that emphasized identity development from the point of view of minority populations. Their "Minority Identity

7 Everett Stonequist's Minority Identity Development Theory will be described more fully later in dissertation. 15

o

Development Model" involved a five-stage theory or "schema to help counselors understand minority client attitudes and behaviors within existing personality theories"

(Atkinson, Morten, & Wing Sue, 1979 p. 194). According to their critics the research by

Atkinson et.al's, "has not supported its application to all minority populations.. .It does not recognize the many unique developmental experiences that occur in different ethnic and cultural groups" (Poston, 1990 p. 152).

W.S. Carlos Poston's Biracial Identity Development Model focused on the biracial individual. It is similar to the Cross, Erikson, Atkinson et.al models but stresses the uniqueness of biracial identity. For example: It emphases the individual's need to value and integrate multiple cultures and it specifies the social, personal, and status factors important in this process. It also delineates difficulties in identity development that are unique to the multiethnic individual. Finally, it emphasizes that the development process in biracial individuals progresses, for most persons, in a healthy fashion (Poston, 1990 p. 154).

The identity development models up to this point dealt with the Afro-American, minority and biracial individuals. Furthering research, a single identity development model that dealt specifically with Aboriginal individuals was found.

Choctaw scholar Devon A. Mihesuah developed "The Theory of Aboriginal

Identity" that was a modification of William Cross's Cycle of Nigrescence Model.

Mihesuah substituted American Indians into the model and added social, economic, and political components. This model provides a more comprehensive psychological explanation of Aboriginal identity development (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999).

All of the models explained identity development from a stage theory approach which involved periods of awareness, exploration, conflict, integration, resolution and

Theory described later in dissertation. 16

acceptance. One advantage in using stage theory is that it allows us to define ourselves

through developmental stages and helps us understand ourselves over time.

A study by William Tierney stated that education draws students away from who

they are which suggests that education of Aboriginal students may make them less

Aboriginal (Tierney, 1993). In addition, Vincent Tinto proposed that a person has to

disassociate themselves from their communities in order to succeed in college (Tinto,

1993). This influences the Aboriginal person as their relations with their communities

are significant, while Tierney's and Tinto's studies nullify the goal of Aboriginal

education.

1.3. THE RESEARCH OBJECTIVES:

By exploring the literature on defining identity, discovering its history, the first

objective of this study is to situate conventional definitions with Aboriginal students'

responses in regards to how they define themselves.

To date, Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Theory is the only theory

available that explains Aboriginal identity development. Mihesuah focuses on the

necessary themes of decolonization and empowerment strategies in her research. The

second objective is to apply her theoretical framework to this sample of 60 Aboriginal

post-secondary students. Mihesuah's model is American based and although the United

States's and Canada's history with Aboriginal people and the governing of Aboriginal people by Government legislation are similar, her model fits the purpose of this study.

The third objective is to explore Aboriginal students experience in a post-

secondary institution. James Youngblood Henderson comments: 17

In Canadian universities and colleges, academic curricula support Eurocentric contexts. When most professors describe the 'world', they describe artificial Eurocentric contexts and ignore Aboriginal worldviews, knowledge, and thought. For most Aboriginal students, the realization of their invisibility is similar to looking into a still lake and not seeing their images. They become alien in their own eyes, unable to recognize themselves in the reflections and shadows of the world. As their grandparents and parents were stripped of their wealth and dignity, this realization strips Aboriginal students of their heritage and identity. It gives them an awareness of the annihilation (Henderson, 2000 p.59).

Thus university education is an issue to focus on as it relates to Aboriginal students identity development.

1.3.1. The Main Research Questions:

• Do conventional definitions of identity offer an adequate basis for

analyzing how Aboriginal students define their own identity as an

Aboriginal person?

• Do identity development theories offer an adequate basis for analyzing

how Aboriginal students define their own identity?

• What role do Aboriginal students see post-secondary education playing in

the formation and confirmation of their identity?

Additional questions spurred by the literature are:

• Does education draw Aboriginal students away from who they are?

• Does the Aboriginal student have to cut ties with their community in order

to succeed?

• What, if any, role does a university education play in forming their

identity?

• Are Aboriginal individuals drawn away from who they are, as Tierney

mentioned in his study? 18

• Do Canadian Aboriginal students leave their communities in order to

succeed as Tinto concluded in his research?

1.4. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY:

This study is important in a variety of ways. First, Aboriginal identity is a growing phenomena. Since the 1960s there has been an increasing awareness of

Aboriginal identity and Aboriginal issues. The literature on Aboriginal peoples by

Aboriginal writers is growing. To have a 'voice' within the literature is important because in the past most written work on Aboriginal people had been written by non-

Aboriginals. With Aboriginal people writing about Aboriginal way of life they feel that they can give a better Aboriginal perspective. The question 'Who am I?' is significant as it is an aspect that most everyone asks of themselves at some point in their life.

Secondly, identity development is spurred on through our many social interactions. Literature in this area continues to be explored. How one develops their identity within life stages is also important, and is an aspect to be further developed.

Lastly, Aboriginal identity within the educational system encourages critical and analytic thinking and can pose barriers which can hinder or promote growth for the students. As there is limited research in this area it needs exploring and it is hoped that this study answers and attends to this aspect.

There is a growing awareness of identity among Aboriginal people and it is significant to look at the past and the present in order to look at a positive future. 19

1.5. DISSERTATION OVERVIEW:

This introductory chapter illuminates the difficulty of conceptualizing identity, and introduces identity development theories and post-secondary education as it pertains to Aboriginal students. The context, objectives and importance of this study set the stage for why studying identity is so important. The perceptions of identity have changed over time. It has tremendous value and understanding Aboriginal identity within this context provides meaningful thought to the subject of identity, identity development theories and post-secondary education. Overview of the research questions are also presented in this chapter.

Chapter two is the "Literature Review" which explores the research in trying to define identity. Many definitions are highlighted which pinpoint aspects that are crucial to ones' identity. Various definitions build on each other and become more inclusive of an individual's experience. An exploration of Aboriginal identity is also conducted. The significance of investigating identity and Aboriginal identity helps us answer the question

'Who am I?' Finally, this chapter highlights the history of Aboriginal education. This evolution sets the background for understanding the participants in this study and their experiences with education.

Chapter three discusses the "Theoretical Framework". Both symbolic interactionism and identity development theories are used as the analytical assessment tools. Symbolic Interactionism is valuable to this study because it gives an avenue to explore the importance of symbols that Aboriginal students give meaning to their identity. Identity development theories explore phases of identity development useful for this study. The uniqueness of the phases presents paths that guide development. As an 20 assessment tool identity development theories lays out important descriptions when exploring identity development.

Chapter four is the "Methodology" chapter. It explains the research question, the research methods used to answer my questions, and an explanation of protocols and techniques used in this study. Data was collected from 60 Aboriginal women and men who were in their third or fourth year of undergraduate studies. A structured questionnaire focused on how the students defined their identity, university experience, and where they were situated within identity development models. Using SPSS

(Statistical Package for the Social Science) computer program, statistical analysis and data management I made the information gathered available for analysis for interpretation.

Chapter five, "Results: Demographic Information" reported the unique and diverse aspects of the participants such as: age, marital status, prior education, and areas of study. The information sheds light on the varied components that has an influence on their identity. Information collected highlights the building blocks to who the participants are.

Chapter six, "Results: Identity" gives an account of the participants' experiences with identity, identity development, and university experience. Many personal accounts made by the students emphasize their exploration with their identity.

Chapter seven, "Discussion and Conclusion" pulls together the research questions. It answers the question "Do conventional definitions of identity adequately explain Aboriginal identity?" Support is found within the many definitions which reinforce the overall complexity that centered on defining identity. In answering the 21- research question "Do identity development theories adequately offer a basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their identity?" Utilizing Mihesuah's identity development theory, I propose 12 factors be added to her theory to tailor it to Aboriginal identity in Canada. Finally, it answers the question "What role does post-secondary education play in Aboriginal identity?"

This study focuses on identity, identity development and university experience for

Aboriginal students. This helps one come closer to answering the questions on identity and give relevance to the question 'Who am I'. 22

2.0 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. INTRODUCTION:

It is a uniquely human endeavour to try to understand 'who am I?', 'where have I come from?', 'where am I going?' and 'what is my responsibility?' (Anderson, 2000).

These questions are inextricably connected to the understanding of the self.

Identity is an essential aspect of ones' being. It is so important that its essence has been contemplated for centuries. For example, the philosopher Aristotle in the fourth century B.C. pondered the construct of self-identity. Throughout the many centuries other philosophers such as Emmanuel Kant, Charles Taylor and Paul Ricoeur; psychologists such as Erik Erikson, William James, and Alan Waterman; and sociologists such as Andrew Weigert, J. Smith Teitge and Joane Nagel have focused their research seeking answers to and understanding of the concept of identity.

Researchers involved in the study of identity furthered their understanding by developing and examining various theories on identity development. Each researcher developed their theory according to their philosophical, psychological and sociological discipline. The theories resemble each other more than one might think, with new theories building on previous concepts. All tend to borrow ideas from each other. For example, psychologist Erik Erikson believed the adolescent goes through an identity conflict in order to understand himself, and once it is understood he continues to move on to other phases of life experiences. Later theorists, such as James Marcia, built on

Erikson's theory to find support for the 'crisis' period and add to the theory his own unique perspective. Also, Marcia operationalized Erikson's theory enabling researchers 23 to test this theory, such as Ruth Josselson (1987), Alan Waterman (1982), Jean Phinney

(1996), Nancy Toder (1973) and J. Marcia and Meredith (1969).

To date few theories examine Aboriginal identity development. Devon

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Theory borrows from earlier researcher W.E.

Cross to explain identity development for Aboriginals. The progression of identity development theories will be explored later in this chapter capturing their importance.

The definition of identity and identity development theories explain Aboriginal identity during post-secondary education is worthy of exploration because more and more

Aboriginal students are entering post-secondary education institutions which is having an impact on their identity such as creating an awareness of their ancestry, culture, and understanding of themselves. As stated in the introductory chapter, the university experience can cause students to change their identity and this identity change can help create a new understanding of Aboriginal identity. Post-secondary education broadens ones' understanding of the world thus creating new awareness of self. In most cases education is an arena for exploring many aspects related to growth of the student.

This chapter explores the literature concerning defining identity. It goes on to explore literature on Aboriginal people and identity development. It also discusses the process of identity development and its crucial role in the understanding of the self.

Finally, the history of Aboriginal education is explored because of the impact of assimilationist education policy on Aboriginal cultures and peoples. Overall the focus is on Aboriginal identity and its implications on self understanding. 24

2.2. DEFINITIONS OF IDENTITY:

One of the earliest attempts to seek discussion about identity happened about

2500 years ago. Greek philosopher Aristotle was intrigued with the notion of identity.

At that time, the philosophers contemplated life and the workings of the world around them. One of Aristotle's beliefs was that, "everything that exists has a specific nature.

Each entity exists as something in particular and it has characteristics that are a part of what it is" (Landauer & Rowlands, 2001 p.l). Aristotle's law of identity stated:

The belief that there is an essential, irreducible / that is knowable, stable, and discussible may be largely an inheritance from Aristotle, particularly his theory of Substance, which covered three different aspects. Namely: substance; being possessing attributes (the subject); and that of which are predicates qualities (D. G. Smith, 1996 p.6).

Landauer and Rowlands (2001) also note that within Aristotle's law of identity they stated that:

Identity is the concept that refers to this aspect of existence; the aspect of existing as something in particular, with specific characteristics. An entity without an identity cannot exist because it would be nothing. To exist is to exist as something, and that means to exist with a particular identity.. .An entity can have more than one characteristic, but any characteristic it has is a part of its identity.. .The concept of identity is important because it makes explicit that reality has a definite nature. Since reality has an identity, it is knowable. Since it exists in a particular way, it has no contradictions (p.l).

Aristotle's attempts at arguing the importance of identity clearly showed the value of his

observations of the world around him. Still today, one of Aristotle's greatest

achievements was to set forth the principles of correct reasoning and developing a theory

of deduction (Hsieh, 2002; Shields, 2008; Suarez, 2005).

Saint Augustine some 1600 years ago was considered to be, "the most important

figure in the ancient Western church [he was fascinated] with philosophical questions and 25 methods that would remain with him throughout his life" (Christian Classics Ethereal

Library, 2008 p.l). Saint Augustine wrote thirteen autobiographical books known as, The

Confessions of St. Augustine. "His Confessions were an experiment in the art of introspection, with introspection being the means by which to unravel and describe all the ways the human soul could be devious in the search for its true, divinely inspired identity" (D. G. Smith, 1996 p.6). St. Augustine understood God better through reading of Scripture and came to understand his conception of self-identity. He comprehended his place in the world through understanding his selfhood in terms of faith and God.

"God rekindles spiritual life and self-identity" (Kersten, 2007 p.4).

St. Augustine furthered this relationship and understanding by continuing to ponder that:

All human consciousness and existence finds itself, Augustine discovers, in the memory, which is the foundation of identity.. .The self itself, seat of all identity, is not absolute but contingent. We do not find God in the self as much as we find that the self is in God (O'Donnell, 2007 p. 18)

For St. Augustine the authentic knowledge of self is through knowledge of God and the understandings and analysis of ones' memory. In Book 10 of his Confessions,

Augustine explores the inner mysteries of memory itself. Memories of the past and the interrelationship to the self is seen as powerful for Augustine (Hankey, 1998; Kersten,

2007; Outler, 1955). Although Aristotle and St. Augustine are pre-modern sources, their discussions on identity still affect modern thinkers. For example, their ideas on the relationship to God, and on memories associated with identity play a role in what later researchers contemplate. They have a useful place whether it is a specific nature or spiritual quest. Immanuel Kant is widely known as one of the world's most acclaimed

philosophers. During the eighteenth century Kant proposed that:

Every person's Self was actually composed of two aspects: a transcendental subject or ego which is the ground of all knowledge and perception, and an empirical ego which is what we observe when we introspect, or the thing we impute to other people, with qualities, attributes etc. (D. G. Smith, 1996 p.6).

Kant believed that the self, "the 'I think' that accompanies all our awareness, was a

construct of the activity of the mind in bringing together its sensations and cognitions.

He called this the Transcendental Unity of Apperception" (British Broadcasting

Corporation, 2008 p.2). Kant also believed that two sources of human knowledge were

. sensibility and understanding. When we perceive, identify, and reflect upon objects it

contributes to our experience (Gascoigne, 2002 p.3).

According to Kant:

All that our senses and understanding contribute to knowledge is preconditioned by the 'forms of our sensibility' (space and time) and by the 'categories of our understanding' that are not learned from experience, but enable us to make sense of our experience. Among them are space, time, quantity, quality, relation, modality, and their subforms. These concepts are essential if any creature is going to be able to make judgments about his experience (Gascoigne, 2002 p.3)

Much like St. Augustine, Kant gives importance to the activity of the mind. Kant

believed that we can know nothing which cannot be shown through our senses; hence,

our perceptions and cognitions are supplied by the mind itself.

Aristotle's, Saint Augustine's and Kant's discussions of identity are therefore, are

still having meaning today. Each contemplated what made man who he was. For

Aristotle identity was gained by introspection. While Saint Augustine saw it through

understanding of God. Kant furthered viewed identity as being formed through our senses, perceptions and cognitions. All these aspects are prevalent today and form the basis for understanding oneself and identity, and used as the foundation for further discussions.

Theorists from the field of psychology and the field of sociology have further refined the concept of identity. For example, in 1910, the American psychologist and philosopher, William James, presented the notion of the 'social self, wherein we come to know ourselves through our interactions with others. George Herbert Mead, also a well- known sociologist, agrees with James that the self arises through a process of social experience and activity. The development of the individual's self, and of his self- consciousness, "lies in the internalized conversation of gestures which constitutes thinking, or in terms of which thought or reflection proceeds. And hence the origin and foundations of the self, like those of thinking, are social" (George Herbert Mead, 1962 p. 173). According to Mead there are two stages in the development of the self which involve the organization of particular attitudes of other individuals towards himself and the organization of social attitudes towards the social group to which he belongs (George

Herbert Mead, 1962 p. 158).

In recognizing oneself and others in a social relationship the individual realizes him or herself, as a separate entity. James and Mead's development and treatment of the social interaction has an enormous role in the understanding of identity. In part, defining aspects of who we are, these philosophers begin the building blocks and lay a solid foundation that makes up our identity and help reinforce what subsequent researchers discover. For example, James and Mead's contributions on the subject of identity have influenced other researchers, in particular, psychologist Erik Erikson whose work on 28 identity has since become the leading reference in contemporary writings. Erikson's contribution to the field of psychology was made through his eight-stage developmental theory. He believed that humans develop throughout their life span and that a person's identity becomes stronger as ones' values and beliefs solidify. Erikson asserted that a person must pass through all eight stages in the stated steps in order to develop fully. The eight stages are: Trust vs. Mistrust, Autonomy vs. Shame and Doubt, Initiative vs. Guilt,

Industry vs. Interiority, Identity vs. Role Confusion, Intimacy vs. Isolation, Generativity vs. Stagnation, and Integrity vs. Despair. Erikson believed that the individual, at each stage, confronts and masters new challenges. If he/she is not successful in completing each stage, then problems may occur in the future. For example, during the Trust vs.

Mistrust stage, if the child does not learn to trust himself or others and the world around him, then he loses hope and struggles with failures in his life. Much the same can be said of the other seven stages (Erikson, 1968). This theory of eight stages of identity development is insightful in describing how personality emerges.

At each stage of identity development Erikson conceptualized the need for individuals to complete certain developmental tasks during specific developmental stages in order to achieve a healthy personality and successfully progress through subsequent developmental stages. Erikson's most noted aspect is the identity crisis experienced during adolescence. At this stage, he believes the individual seeks the answer to the questions 'Who am I? Where did I come from? What do I want to become?' According to Erikson identity formation begins where assimilation of childhood identification ends

(Erikson, 1968). This new configuration is dependent on the process by which society recognizes the individual. Erikson also notes that the sense of identity involves a 29 temporal or historical continuity. Ones' past and present, as well as a unity among various ascribed and achieved social roles, makes the individual unique and whole

(Erikson, 1968). Erikson states:

An optimal sense of identity is experienced merely as a sense of psychosocial well-being. Its most obvious concomitants are a feeling of being at home in ones' body, a sense of 'knowing where one is going', and an inner assuredness of anticipated recognition from those who count (p. 165).

Identity becomes a means of understanding and organizing ones' experiences, who one is or what one stands for in our world, and how one integrates this meaning to oneself and significant others. "Identity, then, is a dynamic fitting together of parts of the personality with the realities of the social world so that a person has a sense both of internal coherence and meaningful relatedness to the real world" (Josselson, 1987 p. 12).

Problems with Erikson's theory highlight the complexity of identity development.

Psychologist Alan Waterman, among others, found that "the absence of a definitive statement of the boundaries of the identity construct has posed a problem for researchers attempting to develop operational definitions that cover the range of aspects attributed to it" (Waterman, 1982 p.341). Erikson's explanation remained purely theoretical and not tested. Waterman continues to note that Erikson's theory refers to a proper sequence of stage development at a proper rate:

He (Erikson) does not, however suggest a timetable of the ages at which particular identity issues are most likely to arise, become a focus of development, and reach eventual resolution. Although wide individual differences in the timing of identity development may be expected, it should be of interest to determine if there are characteristic times (or developmental settings) associated with the greatest probability of change (Waterman, 1982 p.344). 30

Waterman is critical of Erikson since the theory does not define an age appropriate timeline. As well, Waterman sees the limitations of Erikson's stage theory which does not allow movement from each stage in opposite directions or whether change can occur simultaneously at various stages (Waterman, 1982).

Erikson's stage descriptions on identity development readily show one directional movement in defining identity. Another psychologist, Ruthellen Josselson departs from

Erikson stage theory and sums up identity in the following way:

Identity is the stable, consistent, and reliable sense of who one is and what one stands for in the world. It integrates ones' meaning to oneself and ones' meaning to others; it provides a match between what one regards as central to oneself and how one is viewed by significant others in ones' life. Identity is also a way of preserving the continuity of the self, linking the past and the present.. .At the same time that our identity is fundamentally interwoven with others' to gain meaning, contrasting ourselves with others heightens our sense of what is uniquely individual (Josselson, 1987 p. 10).

Her definition of identity focuses on the meaning we give to ourselves and our relationship with others. In her view, how we organize and understand our experience, and through discovering our differences in our relationships with significant others, defines our identity.

Josselson's definition of identity is important because it highlights aspects that

Aristotle mentioned about identity when he said that the T is knowable, stable, and discussable. As well, Josselson builds on James's definition in that identity involves social interactions, our interactions with others reinforces our knowledge of the self.

Josselson goes further yet to acknowledge that past history influences present identity.

This fact plays a significant role in identity development. 31

Another perspective which highlights a different set of features in defining identity is by Alan Waterman, for whom, identity involves the following aspects:

(a) a clear sense of self-definition; (b) the presence of commitments regarding goals, values, and beliefs; (c) the existence of activity directed toward the implementation of commitments; (d) the consideration of a range of identity alternatives; (e) the extent of self-acceptance, (f) a sense of personal uniqueness; and

(g) confidence in ones' personal future (Waterman, 1982 p.341).

Waterman's assessment of identity involves a more personal or self-directed orientation.

Each of the aspects requires an individual exploration of identity, rather than interactions with others that Mead, Erikson, or Josselson have suggested. Waterman's explanation of identity is significant as a person searching for identity needs to take a look at their inner feelings, as well as, outer influences. Waterman's treatment of identity aspects plays a large role in the definition of identity. For example, the individual must have a clear sense of self-definition, goals, confidence, and self-acceptance.

A disadvantage of Waterman's aspects of identity is that he does not explain how one comes to self-acceptance or what happens if one does not reach his attributes of identity. However, Waterman's aspects of identity are central. To add these factors to the previous researchers' findings, an increase understanding of identity definition is found.

Canadian philosophers Charles Taylor and Paul Ricoeur have enhanced the understanding of the boundaries of the identity construct. Taylor in his book Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (1989), states that we know who we are by knowing where we stand. Ones' identity is defined by moral commitments. "To know who you are is to be oriented in moral space, a space in which questions arise about what is good or bad, what is worth doing and what not, what has meaning and importance for you and what is trivial and secondary" (Taylor, 1989 p.28). Along with this moral orientation, Taylor argues that individual differences, spirituality, self-understanding, self-interpretations, community involvement and self-consciousness help us discover ourselves. Taylor summarizes:

[0]ur identity is deeper and more many-sided than any of our possible articulations of it...But to be able to answer for oneself is to know where one stands, what one wants to answer. And that is why we naturally tend to talk of our fundamental orientation in terms of who we are. To lose this orientation, or not to have found it, is not to know who one is. And this orientation, once attained, defines where you answer from, hence your identity (Taylor, 1989 p.29).

In Taylor's terms, the notion of the good or moral commitments and where one stands is closely tied to our understanding of the self.

As well, Taylor discusses new forms of narrativity which also is tied to how we make sense of our lives. For example, the stories we tell of our history, personal growth as a person all encompass aspects of who we are. He emphasizes that along with these forms of narrativity is the understanding of social bonds and relations with others. We interact with others and it is through our interactions that we come to understand ourselves on a deeper level (Taylor, 1989).

Taylor's idea of narrativity and importance of social interactions is reinforced by widely recognized and distinguished French philosopher, Paul Ricoeur. In his book,

Oneself as Another, Ricoeur states that individual identity can be seen as sameness or selfhood. A person can have the same qualities or characteristics as another or have a unique distinguishing nature. Without both sets of identity there can be no self (Ricoeur,

1992). Ricoeur believes that an individual recognizes aspects of others which he/she can 33 compare with, as well as, recognizing their own uniqueness. To acknowledge this sameness and differentness provides a balance and comparison when exploring identity.

In addition to this explanation, Ricoeur states that we make sense of our identity in the same way we make sense of characters in a story. Ricoeur stated, "The narrative constructs the identity of the character, what can be called his or her narrative identity, in constructing that of the story told. It is the identity of the story that makes the identity of the character" (Ricoeur, 1992 p. 147). We make sense of our identity by the stories we tell of our lives. We are the subjects in others stories and others are the subjects in our stories, linking our narratives with others' narratives. The connections and interactions with others is also an important factor in influencing each other's narratives. Ricoeur's narrative identity enables a person to make sense of him or herself through their interactions with others and it is through narrativity that identity is defined.

Both Taylor's and Ricoeur's concept of identity explains the ways of understanding ones' self in more detail than Waterman. Taylor's discussion that self- understanding, self-interpretation and spirituality support what St. Augustine noted about his understanding of self especially spirituality. Ricoeur's narrative construct is important in that what stories we tell of our self helps us make sense of our identity. To relate to others, our understanding of our experiences we are able to own who we are.

According to sociologists Andrew Weigert, J. Smith Teitge, and Dennis Teitge, the, "self is viewed as emergent, as a 'selfing' process, whereby an individual both shapes and is shaped by the situational and cultural contexts within which social interaction takes place" (Weigert, Teitge, & Teitge, 1986 p.40). Weigert, et.al. add to the definition of identity by suggesting that situational and cultural contexts are involved in 34 the definition. Situations that a person is involved in play a role in identity development.

For example, students in junior and senior high school experienced racism and this had a negative affect on how they saw themselves as Aboriginal person. In cultural contexts, such as a pow wow, students developed a strong appreciation for learning about traditions of an Aboriginal way of life. Weigert, Teitge, and Teitge's statement that situations and culture contexts are important to ones definition of identity hence, add to the definition.

Joane Nagel, a professor of Sociology at the University of Kansas agrees with

Weigert, Teitge', and Teitge in that ethnic identity is also composed of ones' view of self and the opinions of others. Nagel states that "ethnic identity lies at the intersection of individual ethnic self-definition (who I am) and collective ethnic attribution (who they say I am). Ethnic identity is, then, dialectic between internal identification and external ascription. It is a socially negotiated and socially constructive status that varies as the audiences permitting particular ethnic options change" (Nagel, 1996 p.21).

Amy Schulz, associate director of the Center for Research on Ethnicity, Culture and Health at the University of Michigan, supports Weigert's and Nagel's findings, but adds that, "social and historical factors [shape] both the process and the content or meanings of collective and self identities" (Schulz, 1998 p.337). Schulz believes that construction of identity is linked to the social, political, economic, and cultural contexts.

Changes over time influence the development of identity. Historically, these changes affected how Aboriginal people saw themselves. Schulz stated, for example, that prior to the 1960s Aboriginal women distanced themselves from negative stereotypes, and thus, changed their identity. But after the self-determination movements of the 1960s it created a process where Aboriginal constructed positive identities (Schulz, 1998). 35

Schulz's statement that historical factors influence identity formation was supported by

Josselson's comment that the past influences present behaviours.

Deirdre Jordan, a lecturer in the education department at the University of

Adelaide in Australia, defined identity as:

Location of the self in a particular world of meaning, both by the self and others. It is a product of interactions between individuals and others. Through this location of the self, individuals recognize their self-sameness and continuity in time and perceive that others recognize their self- sameness and continuity (Jordan, 1984 p.275).

Forming an identity is then dependent on the individual to objectify a symbolic universe where they can locate meaning for themselves and others, and where self-sameness and continuity is verified (Jordan, 1984). By recognizing aspects of identity which the person can incorporate as part of himself and that others can verify through commonality strengthens ones' identity. Early theorists thus developed various strategies to define identity. Each theory is important in the construction of identity but highlights the fact that defining identity is complex. These definitions are important to the definition of identity.

2.2.1. Aboriginal Identity:

Up to this point the definitions of identity have brought attention to factors that impact our understanding identity. Each definition describes aspects that build on each other, and thus, add value to the concept of identity. The definitions as reported above have important strengths and are unique in the understanding of identity. These definitions and aspects that Aboriginal people see as important in their understanding of themselves is expressed slightly different but reflect some of the definitions as earlier 36 stated in above passages. For example, Aboriginals' perspective on identity is expressed in one way:

Identity is understood as being neither neutral and passive, nor fixed. While identity is intrinsically an individual issue, it is also relational, juxtaposed with others' identities, with how they see themselves and see others...identity has been seen as something that a person does; in other respects, identity is seen as defining what a person is.. .Identity, in a sense, is about ways of looking at people, about how history is interpreted and negotiated and about who has the authority to determine a group's identity or authenticity. For Native people, individual identity is always being negotiated in relation to collective identity, and in the face o/an external, colonizing society (Lawrence, 2003 p.4).

Lawrence's description of Aboriginal identity has value. Her point of view of Aboriginal identity reflects previous definitions of identity. For example, the interpretation of past history influencing ones' identity is an important aspect for Aboriginal people. The role that ancestors played in the past is of value to Aboriginal people. There is a form of acceptance and connection to how ancestors lived and their influence on understanding

Aboriginal issues today. Ancestors' role is part of the circle of life where individuals understand all things.

The Aboriginal sense of community and identity with ones' members is significant. Ones' relations with others is stressed in the definitions of identity as previously explored such as Mead's social aspect of identity, which I believe is an essential part of ones' identity.

A factor that Aboriginal people feel that is important to their identity is connections to the land. Aboriginal philosophy states that everything is connected to the land, to the people, and to the great mystery of creation. Kateri Akiwenzie-Damm, a member of the Chippewas of Nawash in Ontario, explains the connection to this land as: It is our connection to the land that makes us who we are, that shapes our thinking, our cultural practices, our spiritual, emotional, physical, and social lives...Land, community, culture, and spirituality are intricately woven together. This interconnectedness is expressed and reinforced through our arts, language, ceremonies, songs, prayers, dances, customs, values, and daily practices, all of which have been developed over generations over thousands and thousands of years of living on the land (Akiwenzie-Damm, 1998 p.84).

The interconnectedness of all things where everything has meaning is a big part of ones' identity. I believe this interconnectedness is essential to the understanding of ones' experiences and the relationships of all things. Everything is related to everything in life.

Specific values are related to the land, people and the spiritual. It is also believed that there are no boundaries or hierarchies in creation. "Animals, rocks, and things are also people, rocks can be grandfathers, for example, and that deserves the same respect and has functions similar to those of teachers, providing guidance and wisdom" (Harder, 2005 p.344). Aboriginal people have countless ways of seeing connectedness.

Indigenous worldview "sees humans not at the top of an evolutionary pyramid but rather as a link in a circle of creation in which every entity is endowed with spirit" (Harder, 2005 p.348). The circle of creation co-exists with what Akiwenzie-Damm reported. The circle of creation has been explained as connecting physical, emotional, spiritual and social relationships. Worldview holds together a people with distinct values, identity, rootedness, belongingness and a sense of continuity (Graveline, 1998). As Barman, Hebert and McCaskill report: Canada's aboriginal peoples are not returning to a previous era; rather they are affirming their identity by selecting aspects of the old ways and blending them with the new...In many Indian communities, people are emerging with bicultural identities, with an identity firmly anchored in the traditional cultural world of their people and a consciousness of the skills necessary to succeed in the dominant society (1987, p.5).

A person can never truly physically return to the past exactly as it was but many aspects or traditions can be remembered and kept alive through current ceremonies. The past and how it is interpreted, such as the Canadian government defining who is an

Indian, is one determining factor in how an Aboriginal person defines himself. Despite external influences, such as the Government, Aboriginal people continue to focus their relationships and identity in terms of their relations with their communities.

Regardless of colonizing efforts Aboriginal people continued to reinforce aspects of identity that they knew are parts of who they were as Aboriginal people. For

Aboriginal people self-perception is a key component of identity. For some, Aboriginal identity may only be a personal belief about heritage expressed on a census form. Other times, the individual has a "changing sense of who he or she is perhaps leading to a rediscovered sense of being Native" (H. N. Weaver, 2001 p.244). Sometimes identity is influenced by social, economic, and political factors. For example, "a climate filled with discrimination may lead an individual to reject a Native identity, whereas a climate in which a Native identity is seen as fashionable and perhaps financially profitable may lead an individual to assert an indigenous identity" (H. N. Weaver, 2001 p.244). Thus, it can be said that many internal and external factors play a role in determining identity.

A difficulty arises for Aboriginal people between the self-definitions and the external definitions of identity. The problem exists when Aboriginal people feel confident in who they are, versus the way others see them, and even how other 39

Aboriginal people see each other. Internal and external aspects reflect a role exhibited in the definition of determining a person as Aboriginal. Internal aspects include self definition (who I am), intuition and acceptance of Aboriginal identity. External aspects that help or hinder Aboriginal identity involves the expectations by others, both

Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal. A stalemate can occur when it becomes impossible to reach an agreement between the internal and external expectations. Here I provide a story to Lakota Hilary Weaver by her father about his conflict between self-definition and external definition of Aboriginal identity:

"THE BIG GAME"

The day had come for the championship game in the all-Native basketball tournament. Many teams had played valiantly, but on the last day the competition came down to the highly competitive Lakota and Navajo teams. The tension was high as all waited to see which would be the best team.

Prior to the game, some of the Lakota players went to watch the Navajos practice. They were awed and somewhat intimidated by the Navajos' impressive display of skills. One Lakota who was particularly anxious and insecure pointed out to his team-mates that some of the Navajo players had facial hair. "Everyone knows that Indians don't have facial hair," he stated. Another Lakota added that some of the Navajos also had suspiciously dark skin. They concluded, disdainfully, that clearly these were not Native people, and, in fact, were probably a "bunch of Mexicans." The so-called Navajos should be disqualified from the tournament, leaving the Lakota team the winner by default.

That same afternoon, some Navajo players went to watch the Lakota team practice. The Lakotas had a lot of skilful moves that made the Navajos worry. One Navajo observed, "That guy's skin sure looks awful light." Another added, "Yeah, and most of them have short hair." They concluded, disdainfully, that clearly these were not Native people and, in fact, were probably a "bunch of white guys." The so-called Lakotas should be disqualified from the tournament, leaving the Navajos the winners by default. The captains from both teams brought their accusations to the referee just before game time. Both teams agreed that Native identity must be established before the game could be played and that whichever team could not establish Native identity to everyones' satisfaction must forfeit. The Lakota captain suggested that everyone show his tribal 40 enrolment card as proof of identity. The Lakotas promptly displayed their "red cards," but some of the Navajos did not have enrolment cards. The Lakotas were ready to celebrate their victory when the Navajo captain protested that carrying an enrolment card was a product of colonization and not an indicator of true identity. He suggested that the real proof would be a display of indigenous language skills, and each Navajo proceeded to recite his clan affiliations in the traditional way of introducing himself in the Navajo language. Some of the Lakotas were able to speak their language, but others were not. The teams went back and forth proposing standards of proof of identity, but each proposed standard was self-serving and could not be met by the other team. As the sun began to set, the frustrated referees cancelled the championship game. Because of the accusations and disagreements that could not be resolved there would be no champion in the indigenous tournament. (H. N. Weaver, 2001 p.241)

This story highlights confusion and conflict surrounding identity and "the pain

[Aboriginal people] inflict on each other as a result of internalized colonization" (H. N.

Weaver, 2001 p.247).

For Aboriginal people living in urban areas, or living on the reserve, being

connected to Aboriginal communities or Aboriginal organizations is an important and

active component of identity. Weaver writes, "Indigenous identity is connected to a

sense of peoplehood inseparably linked to sacred traditions, traditional homelands, and a

shared history as indigenous people" (H. N. Weaver, 2001 p.244). Connections to

Aboriginal communities are an important aspect because communities can validate and reinforce the identity of Aboriginal people.

Another aspect in defining Aboriginal identity is the traditional relationship and

modern connection or re-connection to the land. Anderson states, "Too many Native

women [and men] reclaiming a relationship to land is as important as recreating

Indigenous social and human relations, because the land is something through which we

define ourselves, and it is essential in our creation" (K. Anderson, 2000 p. 180). The 41 connection to the land or "Mother Earth"9 is a vital component to the sense of belongingness to the world for Aboriginal people, hence strengthening identity.

Storytelling is a foundation for strong Aboriginal identity. Stories passed down from grandparents, elders, parents connect an individual to their ancestors (i.e. Creation stories). This connection helps define who they are, and is a part of ones' Aboriginal identity. Storytelling is an important aspect because along with tying Aboriginal people to their ancestors it also guides behaviour, values, and beliefs. Stories always had a purpose, such as being honest, being responsible and being kind.

The final aspect that is central to Aboriginal identity is spirituality which is an active aspect of identity. Willie Ermine (1995) discusses Aboriginal epistemology which involved seeking the reality of existence and harmony with the environment by turning inward. Ermine states, "In their quest to find meaning in the outer space, Aboriginal people turned to the inner space. This inner space is that universe of being within each person that is synonymous with the soul, the spirit, the self, or the being" (Ermine, 1995 p. 103). By finding wholeness in both the inner and outer space, "their fundamental insight was that all existence was connected and that the whole enmeshed the being in its inclusiveness" (Ermine, 1995 p. 103). The notion Willie Ermine expresses is that all of life is a manifestation of spiritual reality. A central belief is in the unity of all living things and that the universe's power equalizes reciprocity. Another belief felt by the

Aboriginal people is in balance and responsibility by observing natural and spiritual laws or rules of behaviour in order to maintain and respect the order of the universe (Royal

Commission on Aboriginal People, 1996).

9 "Mother Earth the name given by Aboriginal people as part of their spiritual appreciation gave and nourished the Indians and through her food and water they grew and replenished their bodies. All things on earth are from Mother Earth" (McGaa, 1990). 42

Kim Anderson proposes that contemporary Aboriginal women [and men] must engage in a process of self-definition that includes four steps: resisting negative definitions of being, reclaiming Aboriginal tradition, constructing a positive identity by translating tradition into the contemporary context and acting on that identity in a way that nourishes the overall well-being of our communities (K. Anderson, 2000).

In order to define ones' self according to Anderson, step one is important for self- esteem. Resisting negative stereotypes is very difficult. One would think after all the years of negative stereotypes that the behaviour of Aboriginal individuals would change and challenge the stereotypes, but it is not easy. For example, more Aboriginal students are entering university and graduating. This example counters the stereotype of

Aboriginals being lazy.

What is distinctly Aboriginal is the way in which past, present and future is understood to be inextricably connected... In trying to walk the traditional path there are four lifelong questions we ask ourselves: Who am I? In order to answer that I have to know where have I come from? And once I know where I have come from, I have to know: Where am I going? And once I know where I am going, I need to know: What is my responsibility? We ask ourselves these questions and every time we think we know that answer to one, it changes all the others (K. Anderson, 2000 p.15).

One way of creating a positive identity is to reclaim Aboriginal tradition. By holding traditional ceremonies it reinforces the ties of the past with celebrations of the present. Thus, this positive identity is built stronger in the contemporary context.

Because of this, the positive behaviour is spilled over to Aboriginal communities. In the four-step process (resisting negative definitions of being, reclaiming Aboriginal tradition, constructing positive identity and acting in a way that nourishes communities) self- 43 definition, the past, present and future are connected thus identity development is enhanced.

In summary, a definition of identity has been long sought after by many scholars and has proven to be very complex. Early philosophers sought answers to the question

'Who am I?' Notions about identity have varied widely and included a 'social self, to involving a temporal or historical continuity linking the past and present, involving self- acceptance and moral commitments, to being tied to a narrative interaction involving social interactions. Identity seems to transcend many aspects. The first legal definition of Indian identity was imposed by the government on Indian peoples in Canadian legislation. However, defining identity among Aboriginal peoples in the present day has since involved historical and cultural aspects including self-perception, connections to the land and to the Aboriginal communities, storytelling and spirituality. Aboriginal literature speaks highly of these aspects as being a base to which Aboriginal people define their identity. Aboriginal identity is more understood as a relational phenomenon:

The experience of belonging to and identifying with a community of shared ancestry and historical continuity [and] the degree to which Aboriginal.identity development is inherently dynamic, always a process rather than a result [thus a connection and] shared commitment to one another in community over time (Schouls, 2003 p.59, 154).

Summing up all the aspects from the above definitions, the definition of identity is a life long process, involving self-acceptance, self-definition and reconciliation of internal components, such as intuition and external components, such as feedback from others. 44

2.3. HISTORY OF NATIVE EDUCATION:

Education has a profound effect on students because new challenges and new

information can enhance self-esteem and identity. As this project focuses on Aboriginal

students in higher education, the history of education for Aboriginal students in Canada is

central to an understanding of the challenges facing these individuals and their identity

development. Understanding the historical relationship between education to Aboriginal

students is paramount because it shows the complex role that education played on them.

During the early seventeenth century the main goal of the French in Canada in their interactions with the Aboriginal peoples was to "francize" them. "[F]rancization

seemed to mean conversion to Catholicism, adoption of sedentary agricultural or artisanal

life, adoption of European manners, customs, laws and habits, and use of the French

language in daily intercourse" (Marie Battiste, 1986; Jaenen, 1986 p.47). Early efforts at

francization and integration into a French lifestyle met with failure. "Little by little, there

was a realization on the part of the educators that Amerindian cultures were not easily

eradicated, that traditional beliefs were well rooted, and that the colonial environment

favoured many of the Amerindian customs and practices" (Jaenen, 1986 p.59; J. D.

Wilson, 1986)).

According to Jaenen, efforts were focused on a four-phase educational program in

their attempt to civilize Aboriginal people. The first phase of francizing the Aboriginal

people centered on the youth. Recollets' the French missionaries attempted to teach the

Hurons between 1615 and 1625. They met with little success. Attempts were also made

among the Montagnais, Micmac, and Algonkins but these too were unsuccessful because

the educational program was alien to Aboriginal peoples. They made no attempt to 45 understand Indian beliefs, values or way of life (Cardinal, 1969 p.45) As these attempts were a failure, efforts were then turned to phase two: educating the Aboriginal elite in

France.

Aboriginal youth were sent to France to be educated so that they could return to

Canada and help in the evangelization and francization of the Aboriginal peoples

(Dickason, 1984; Jaenen, 1986). Problems existed because most of the children died in

France while those who returned did not fit back into his/her traditional way of life. For example, one boy became "a 'lost soul' caught between two cultural worlds, in neither of which he felt at home" (Barman, Hebert, & McCaskill, 1986; Jaenen, 1986 p.50). By

1639 this second phase came to an end since it failed by, "not producing an Aboriginal comprador (elite), a go between or collaborator, capable of directing the work in the colony under the supervision of the missionaries. Scarcely a dozen had returned to the colony in one whole generation to assist the evangelizers" (Jaenen, 1986 p.51).

Phase three of the education of Aboriginal students involved initiating day schools on reserves. The resettlement of Aboriginal people in a selected region suitable for agriculture seemed to be a solution to the nomadic ways of tribes (J. D. Wilson, 1986)

Day schools were a solution at educating Indian children who divided their time between their homes and the day school. Because of this relationship of divided attention between home responsibilities and school, the day schools did not last. For example, attendance was low at various times of the year for the children because hunting and fishing by the family was more important for survival of the Indian communities. As well, attitudes

10 The elite were sons or daughters of Indian chiefs. The missionaries promised to take the children to France teach them the ways of French people then return them. Indian children who were physically fit and most likely to survive the boat trip back to France were the ones chosen. This decision was part of insuring alliances between the French and Indians (Jaenen, 1986, p.51). 46 between the Euro-Canadian community and the Aboriginal communities and meagre

Indian involvement diminished efforts at keeping day schools operative (Coates, 1986;

Gray, 1995; Jaenen, 1986). Phase three ended in part because the reserves became an institution of segregation and the Aboriginal students seemed to have learned little French or the French way of life.

Phase four saw attempts of educating Aboriginal children in seminaries or boarding schools. The Recollets, Jesuit priests and the Ursuline nuns all made efforts to

educate Indian children. In this type of school, children were separated from their

families, and thus the children found it unbearable. The children realized that the

education was impractical hence, the students were indifferent and resistant to the

missionaries efforts (Carney, 1995; Jaenen, 1986). Due to a lack of Aboriginal students,

lack of funding and lack of success each abandoned their efforts at educating the

Aboriginal student and turned their efforts towards the growing population of French

children instead (Jaenen, 1986). Early efforts at education, although unsuccessful were

not to be totally abandoned they were just delayed.

Early efforts at setting up boarding schools in the Six Nations territory on the

Grand River during the 1780s and 1790s were met with both temporary success and

eventual failure and thus the schools were closed. Part of the reason for the lack of real

success was the Indian parents' reluctance to make their children go to the schools. In

one report from a school in Upper Canada, some Six Nations Indian elders were

suspicious of formal education. They had this to say:

Many of the old men are not certain whether this School is of use or not- for some by learng [sic] to read not only become idle, but contract habits of Idleness which prevent them from excelling the [?]. They also object & this is a remarkable objection, that while they are under the care of the 47

Schoolmaster their manners are neglected; & again that many who have learnt to read & write are not the better for it unless they continue to read after they have left school. This is an objection of a nature which I fear is but too common; for they cannot have any great number of Books: & it is needless to add that the improvement of those who cannot get access to these few, must necessarily be inconsiderable (Johnston, 1964 p.245)

In New Brunswick, the New England Company, a non-sectarian Protestant missionary organization, opened six 'Indian Colleges' in 1795. These colleges were unsuccessful and eventually were closed. At Sussex Vale apprenticed Aboriginal children who were farmed out to local farmers provided agricultural work for them. The so-called apprenticeship was nothing more than a free labour scheme where the children were mistreated and sexually exploited. This maltreatment was eventually investigated and led to its closure (Miller, 1996).

Reactions towards education among the Aboriginals themselves varied and their attitudes of whether education was of value wavered. By 1829 for example, an attempt at a boarding school was made on the Six Nations reserve near Brantford. The Mohawk

Institute was in. operation and proved to be a success because the 'Mechanics' Institution had introduced manual training, with a mechanics shop where carpentry, blacksmithing, wagon-making and tailoring were taught to the boys. Girls were taught spinning, weaving and housekeeping (Ennamorato, 1998; Graham, 1997).

The relationship between Europeans and Aboriginal changed by the 1820s after the War of 1812. More peaceful times brought an influx of British immigrants.

Aboriginal people were, "no longer essential to the realization of the goals that non-

Aboriginals were pursuing in North America. No longer were they valued for their skills in the fur trade or their proficiency in warfare.. .[they were] perceived.. .as an obstacle.. .a 48 liability to people.. .the Indian had become irrelevant" (Miller, 1996 p.62). With the change in relations, state and church focused on civilization as the ideal for the

Aboriginal, and fitting Aboriginal people to the European way of life.

In 1830, with the end of First Nations' military utility, the civil authorities assumed responsibilities in the interior colonies of Lower and Upper Canada (Miller,

1996). Miller stated, "After some initial fumbling, Britain and its Upper Canadian administrators were to come to the conclusion that the metamorphosis in Indians that they desired would come about through residential schools, institutions under the benevolent

(and inexpensive) care of church and other humanitarian organizations" (Miller, 1996 p.63).

The government saw it as its duty to raise the Aboriginal from their 'barbaric' life and introduce them to the, "industrious and peaceful habits of civilized life" (J. D.

Wilson, 1986 p.66). Even some Aboriginal people recognized a change in the way of life and saw a need to adapt. For example, in 1832 Chief Augustine Shingwauk had a dream that a school would be built and the Aboriginal children would be taught to live like their

European counterparts:

I told the Blackcoats I hoped that before I died I should see a big teaching wigwam built at Garden River, where children from the Great Chippeway Lake would be received and clothed, and fed, and taught how to read and how to write; and also how to farm and build houses, and make clothing; so that by and bye they might go back and teach their own people (Miller, 1996 p.6).

Shingwauk and other leaders/elders recognized that this change was necessary in the years to come.

Efforts towards education were not terminated however. Reverend John West set out to establish a boarding school for Native students. At Red River, a settlement at the 49 meeting of the Red and Assiniboine rivers, Reverend West recognized that it was important for Aboriginal students to retain some of their traditional skills; he encouraged these traditional practises along with learning agricultural skills. Heavier emphasis was placed on the agricultural skills however. The school at Red River was short-lived and operated for 13 years. Miller stated, "It illustrated, as had the several failed initiatives in

New France, that residential schooling for assimilative purposes would not succeed so long as there was an economic alternative to sedentary agriculture available to the indigenous peoples" (Miller, 1996 p.70).

In Upper Canada mission day schools were first introduced by the Methodists in the mid-1820s. They had limited success with teaching literacy, Christianity and agriculture. Hence, boarding schools gained favour. The religious denominations, whether Catholic, Methodist or Anglican, all sought various day or boarding schools.

The rivalry between the denominations "would be profoundly altered by the direct and massive intervention of the new federal state in the 1870s and 1880s. The first stage in the growing federal presence was the making of a series of treaties" (Miller, 1996 p.96).

Aboriginal people were becoming more aware, "of the changing circumstances in which they found themselves in an age of immigration and agricultural settlement"

(Miller, 1996 p.81). Thus, they saw that in order for their children to be successful in this new way of life, they needed schools and sought to have schools promised to them during the treaty negotiations.

Government sanctioned education can be divided into two phases. The first phase, from Confederation (1867) until the end of the Second World War, has been labelled the 'paternalistic ideology' (Frideres & Gadacz, 2001). Aboriginal children were 50 educated in isolation from other Canadians. "The schooling provided aimed to

'Christianize' and 'civilize' them.. .The Indians were treated as conquered people and the

Indian Affairs Department was characterized by the indifference and arrogance associated with colonial administrations" (Titley, 1980 p. 18).

Treaties One from 1871 through Treaty Eleven in 1921, a stipulation for education was made in the treaties, for example, "Her Majesty agrees to maintain a school on each reserve hereby made whenever the Indians of the reserve should desire it"

(INAC, 2006b p.3). Education of the Aboriginal people was made in all of the treaties and can be reviewed in the documentations of the treaties. In some of the treaties, the government stated that it will pay the salaries of teachers and in Treaty 8 assurances of education were made without the stipulation that the band move to a reserve (Daniel,

1999 p.80). In choosing education, the Indians would have "complete freedom in choosing education under the religion of their choice, in government supported schools"

(Daniel, 1999 p.97).

A shift from on-reserve to off-reserve schools took place in the 1870s. The deviation from the treaty commitment towards education off-reserve was made for economic and social reasons. Industrial schools sprung up in Upper Canada in the 1840s and Western Canada in the 1880s. Initially they were met with poor attendance by Indian children, then poor health, and resistance by the children. However, after initial growing pains industrial schools were felt to be successful. However, the cost of running the schools posed problems for their continuation (Gresko, 1975; Titley, 1986a). To prepare for off-reserve schools, Sir John A. Macdonald's cabinet in 1879 hired journalist

Nicholas Flood Davin to investigate industrial schools in the United States and make 51 recommendations about the feasibility of creating industrial schools in Canada. In

Davin's recommendations, he felt that the education of Native students should be held in some form of residential establishment. Davin was impressed with the running of industrial schools in the United States, thus felt that it could be successful in Canada

(Titley, 1986a). Davin's attitudes about setting up industrial schools in Canada were reinforced by politicians in the United States. He felt that day schools were ineffective because of the children's ties at home were strong and what they learned in school was

soon forgotten. Davin also felt that educating the children was important and necessary to be taught at a young age (Haig-Brown, 1988). Davin further stated that the new

establishments should be denominational in character to replace Indian mythology by a process of civilization. He also stated that education be made compulsory and that the

character of the teacher be morally and intellectually sound (Davin, 1879; Gresko, 1975;

Titley, 1986a). The focus turned to industrial schools, mentioned earlier which were built far away from the reserve. In addition, a purpose of the industrial school, "intended

to be the culmination of an education deliberately designed to sever young Indians'

connections with their ancestral culture" (Titley, 1986b p.78). Boarding schools were

usually located on reserve and catered to students between the ages of 8 and 14.

Education or assimilation was made difficult because the children were still under the

influence of their parents (Ennamorato, 1998). Industrial schools that were off reserve,

close to towns and cities and took children until the age of 18. The children lived there

year round. The curricula combined half-day classroom subjects and half-day practical

training. Boys would learn agriculture and trades, and girls would be taught domestic

arts (Titley, 1986a) 52

Dickason stated, "By 1900, out of a total Canadian population of about 20,000 between the ages of 6 and 15, 3,285 children were enrolled in 22 industrial and 39 boarding schools, and another 6,349 were in 226 day schools" (Dickason, 2002 p.316).

In time, the distinction between industrial and boarding schools was lost and they came to be referred simply as 'residential schools'. The expansion of residential schools continued for decades.

Expectations of what residential schools purposes should be, differed for

Aboriginal people, the Government and the churches. For example, the Aboriginal people wanted education. The federal government wanted, "to bring about Aboriginal economic self-sufficiency, principally through cultural assimilation and vocational instruction" (Miller, 1996 p.414). The churches sought to convert the Aboriginal people to Christianity. Their "educational objective was a combination of religious conversion, cultural assimilation, and economic adjustment to Euro-Canadian ways" (Carney, 1995;

Haig-Brown, 1988; Miller, 1996 p.415; Titley, 1986a). The majority of the students who experienced residential school received inadequate instruction, cultural oppression, inadequate care-giving, outright abuse (Dyck, 1997; Furniss, 1992; Grant, 1996; Jaine,

1993; Miller, 1996 p.418). The negative effects of residential schools spilt over into whole communities and succeeding generations of Aboriginal people. As Dickason writes:

When an Indian comes out of these places it is like being put between two walls in a room and left hanging in the middle. On one side are all the things he learned from his people and their way of life that was being wiped out, and on the other are the white man's way which he could never fully understand since he never had the right amount of education and could not be part of it. There he is, hanging in the middle of the two cultures and he is not a white man and he is not an Indian. They washed 53

away practically everything an Indian needed to help himself, to think the way a human person should in order to survive (Dickason, 2002 p.318).

Incidents of abuse and the assimilationist policy and practices in residential schools led to growing disillusionment and disappointing results. As one report makes note in 1902:

Returns from the industrial schools show that up to the 30 June last there had been 2752 pupils admitted and of these 1700 had been discharged. Of the latter number 506 are known to be dead; 249 lost sight of; 139 in bad health; 86 transferred to other schools; 121 turned out badly and 599 said to be doing well (Titley, 1986b p.80).

But not all Aboriginal students felt the negative influences of residential schools. Some were able to maintain their sense of self. "In some cases, survivors of a midlife crisis found in the process of 'becoming whole again' that they also rediscovered and embraced

anew the cultural identity that school had tried to strip from them" (Fournier & Crey,

1997; Miller, 1996 p.430). Some former students even emerged into political leaders, such as, James Gladstone, John Tootoosis, Phil Fontaine, and Matthew Coon Come.

Dickason writes:

Despite their efforts to transform Indians, educators became aware that Indians were using the system to obtain 'the best that the white man had to teach' and were 'endeavouring to work out their own plans and their own self-determination'. The vast majority remained distinctly Indian; as one official observed, the 'most promising pupils are found to have retrograded and to have become leaders in the pagan life of their reserves' (Dickason, 2002 p.317).

What was being relearned in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was the same lesson

discovered in New France in the seventeenth century, that the personality of a culture is highly resistant to change. According to Hallowell (1955) if a personality structure is

acquired and stabilized early in life:

We can hardly adopt the hypothesis that changes in personality organization throughout a society would be among the earliest efforts of 54

acculturation. Indeed it is hard to imagine how a psychological change of this depth could be brought about in less than several generations. By its very nature a typical personality, once established as an integral part of a sociocultural system, would seem to be highly resistant to change. If this is so, then one of our fundamental hypotheses would be that the modal personality structure of a society may be expected to persist until conditions arise that enforce change (Hallowell, 1955 p.308).

Even though there were negative effects resulting from the experience of residential schools, the basic foundation of numbers of Aboriginal students appeared to remain intact, resulting in some strong Aboriginal leaders.

By 1920 school attendance was made compulsory for all Aboriginal children between the ages of 7 and 15. According to Dickason, (2002) ten years later children were being committed to boarding schools until age 18 "on the authority of the Indian agent, a measure far in excess of anything applied to non-Natives" (p.317). Needless to say, the government and churches still had control over the Indian's education.

Throughout all of this, Aboriginal people had no say about the content of the studies or control over the schools. The education provided worked at "cross-purposes with the goals and ideals of the Indian nations: politically, by seeking to undermine the authority of traditional governments, economically, by seeking to replace traditional ways of life with others less suitable; and spiritually, by seeking to replace Indian religions and values with Christian ones (Longboat, 1987 p.23).

Through education the Canadian government and churches were gaining control over the survival of Aboriginal people as distinct.

2.3.1. Education in the Indian Act:

A Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons was appointed in 1946 to revise the Indian Act. One of the recommendations was to have Indian children and non-Indian children schooled together (Barman et al., 1986). Thus, the second phase of government education was called 'democratic ideology' referring to the 'open door 55 policy' which allowed the Indian student to receive an education off-reserve. This meant that First Nations students would be integrated with white public schools operated by the provincial governments.

"The Indian Act is the basic legal document determining the respective jurisdictions of federal, provincial and municipal governments in the field of Indian education" (Hawthorn, 1966 & 1967 p.63). Sections 114 to 123 of the Indian Act11 deal with education. "The federal government could legally arrange for provincial governments and religious organizations to provide Aboriginal education" (Frideres &

Gadacz, 2001 p. 101). Some of the changes in the Indian Act have been previously mentioned above. Other government responsibilities toward education are:

The Governor in Council may authorize the Minister (of Indian Affairs and Northern Development), in accordance with this Act, to enter into agreements on behalf of Her Majesty for the education in accordance with this Act of Indian children, with:

a) The government of a province, b) The Commissioner of the Northwest Territories, c) The Commissioner of the Yukon Territory, d) A public or separate school board, and

e) A religious or charitable organization (Venne, 1981 p.350).

The Act further states in sections 115-117 that the Minister is responsible to establish, operate and maintain schools for Indian children, transport children to and from school, and "apply the whole or any part of moneys [sic] that would otherwise be payable to or on behalf of a child who is attending a residential school to the maintenance of that child at that school" (Venne, 1981 p.350). The Act required that children age 6 to 16 attend school. Even children up to the age of 18 were required to attend school if the Minister advised it. Stipulations were included in the Act where the child would be 11 In the Indian Act, an Act respecting Indians, chapters 1-5, specifically sections 114-123 deals with education and will be used here as explanations on the government's role in education. accommodated if he/she missed school. Under certain conditions, for example, for reasons of missing school would be due to sickness or other unavoidable causes. Section

117 of the Act states:

Every child who is required to attend school shall attend such school as the Minister may designate, but no child whose parent is a Protestant shall be assigned to a school conducted under Roman Catholic auspices and no child whose parent is a Roman Catholic shall be assigned to a school conducted under Protestant auspices, except by written direction of the parent (Venne, 1981 p.351).

Under the Indian Act section 117, the Minister was also able to hire a truant officer to enforce attendance of Indian children. As well, section 121 of the Act stipulated that if a band belonged to a particular religious denomination, then the school on the reserve would be taught by a teacher of that denomination (Venne, 1981 p.352).

The Indian Act legislation has been used to change Indian culture. According to

Dianne Longboat (a member of the turtle clan of the Mohawk Nation, Grand River

Territory, currently co-ordinator of the Health Careers program at the University of

Toronto) stated:

There is nothing in the Indian Act that could give a [Indian] community any leverage in gaining control over its education.. .The community has no right in law to have any input into the nature or contents of any education agreement into which the minister enters. Legally, control is concentrated in one person: the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. There is no right of appeal or review (Longboat, 1987 p.33).

With the revision of the Indian Act in 1951 the federal government made financial agreements with the provincial and other authorities to have Indian children attend public and private schools. "By 1960, almost a quarter of the 38,000 young Indians in school were attending provincially-controlled institutions, and the total proportion of Indian 57 pupils beyond grade 6 doubled over the decade to almost 20 per cent" (Barman et al.,

1986 p.13).

The change towards integrated education, along with other significant events, altered the relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal especially with regards to education. For example the American civil rights movement in the United States during the 1960s influenced activism in the U.S. and in Canada. For example:

Community development programmes initiated by the Department of Indian Affairs to make Indians more self-reliant were a logical extension of this movement. Such activity, which also included leadership training courses and encouragement of local school communities, gave Indians new self-confidence in their potential to effect change. As well, the Christian churches, led by the Anglicans, began to reassess their historical basis of interaction with Indians and move toward greater equality in the relationship, to become facilitators of Indian aspirations rather than agents of assimilation (Barman et al., 1986 p. 14).

Two political organizations developed as a result of the events in the 1960s, the

Federation of Saskatchewan Indians in 1961, and the National Indian Brotherhood in

1968. Both organizations focused on self-determination and resolving problems faced by

First Nations people.

As a means to pacify First Nations people during the 1960s, the federal government in 1963 appointed anthropologist "Harry B. Hawthorn to investigate social, educational, and economic conditions" of First Nation's people (Dickason, 2002 p.375).

The Hawthorn Report, A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada: Economic,

Political, Educational Needs and Policies, identified the difficulties experienced by First

Nations' students and made recommendations to education for solutions to the problems

(Hawthorn, 1966 & 1967). 58

One recommendation of the Hawthorn Report was to grant Indian people "special status as 'citizens plus' in order to ensure "the right derive(d) promises made to them"

(Hawthorn, 1966 & 1967 p.6). The Hawthorn Report discusses issues such as,

"employment, income, resources, economic outlook and opportunities, the administration of reserves and the political conditions and prospects of Indian life.. .the provision and the adequacy of schooling for the Indian child and adults, and to leadership, organization and the direction of reserves" (Hawthorn, 1966 & 1967 p.5). Regarding education the

Report made 41 recommendations. The integration of Indian children into public schools was regarded with the utmost importance. The success of this integration was stressed throughout the report. General recommendations noted that special and remedial programs were required for the education of Indian children; expectations of teachers and school authorities towards the intellectual capacity be the same for both Indian and non-

Indian children; that programs take into account the difference in values, motivations, and backgrounds of the Indian student, and that the teachers should learn Indian culture in order to know their Indian students. Further recommendations stressed the special educational services, health, curriculum, communication and public relations needs, vocational training and placement programs that may be required (Hawthorn, 1966 &

1967 p. 12-16). Hawthorn concluded that the learning necessary for the Indian student must have meaning.

Between 1968 and 1969 the Government of Canada held historic hearings with

First Nations across the country. The focus of the meetings was on amending the Indian

Act. First Nations' people demanded that the treaties, land claims, and to recognize

Aboriginal title and rights (First-Nations.info, 2009). 59

A year after the Hawthorn Report was released; Canada's Liberal government led by Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau came to power on the promise of a "just society".

Trudeau's vision for Canada was a just society. His now famous quote stated:

The Just Society will be one in which all of our people will have the means and the motivation to participate. The Just Society will be one in which personal and political freedom will be more securely ensured than it has ever been in the past. The Just Society will be one in which the rights of minorities will be safe from the whim of intolerant majorities. The Just Society will be one in which those regions and groups which have not fully shared in the country's affluence will be given a better opportunity...The Just Society will be one in which our Indian and Inuit populations will be encouraged to assume the full rights of citizenship through policies which will give them both greater responsibility for their own future and more meaningful equality of opportunity. The Just Society will be a united Canada.. .(Trudeau, 1968).

Jean Chretien, Trudeau's Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, introduced a policy proposal which was named, The Statement of the Government of

Canada on Indian Policy 1969, also known as the White Paper. It proposed a partnership between Indians and the Canadian Government. It advocated equality and an end to the

special status of Indians (Barman, Hebert, & McCaskill, 1987; Longboat, 1987; Milloy,

1999). According to the White Paper necessary steps included the disbandment of Indian

Affairs and Northern Development Department, ending the legal distinction between

Indians and other Canadians, dissolving the Indian Act, ending separate services to

Indians who would be served by provincial and local systems, transferring remaining responsibilities of Indian and Northern Affairs Development to other departments, terminating treaties, and allowing Indians to take control of their land, subject to provincial laws (Chretien, 1969).

With input by the Indian Association of Alberta committee, "the question of rights and their extension to Indian peoples was linked to the concept of treaty rights [The 60 presentations by the Indian Association of Alberta showed] the historical precedent of the more contemporary 'citizens plus' position on treaty rights" (Drees, 2000 p.155).

However, if the White Paper goals were to be accepted, the Indians' special status would cease. Many feared that the elimination of the Indian Act would limit protection for

Indian people and their lands and compel assimilation. Initial responses to the White

Paper were favourable to mixed, by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people.

"Antagonism crystallized" in the following days by Indian leaders. Two basic reasons for the rejection of the White Paper were that, "the policy had not been developed in good faith in terms of the participation that had been assured Indians, and that the policy was a denial of their special rights" (S. M. Weaver, 1981 p. 173). Dave Courchene, an

Indian spokesman, strongly denounced the White Paper and, "his personal sense of outrage soon became the standard Indian response [which was seeing] the White Paper as an attempt to thwart the development of Indian organizations, which were beginning to articulate Indian goals and objectives" (S. M. Weaver, 1981 p.174).

As a result, a number of Aboriginal organizations objected strongly and took an offensive strategy responding to it. A Union of BC Indian Chiefs was formed as a result of the White Paper and was intended to "speak with one voice on the question of Indian status, land claims, claims based on Aboriginal title, the administration of Reserve Lands, and similar questions to general application to us as Indians throughout British

Columbia" (Lowe, 2004 p.21) One of the mandates of the Union was to prepare a counterproposal to the White Paper. The result was A Declaration of Indian Rights: The

BC Indian Position Paper, also known as the 'Brown Paper'. The Brown Paper emphasized "cultural pluralism, aboriginal rights and Indian Act wardship under the 61 guise of self-determination. Drawing on the 'Citizens Plus' ideology advocated by H. B.

Hawthorn, E. Davie Fulton [the Union's lawyer], demanded 'the right to determine our own destiny without jeopardizing our aboriginal rights and our special relationship with the Federal government'" (Lowe, 2004 p.23).

The Alberta Indian people presented "Citizen Plus", also known as the "Red

Paper". Some of the key points of the "Red Paper" were:

The legislature and constitutional basis of Indian status and rights should be maintained until Aboriginals are prepared and willing to renegotiate them, the Indian Act should be reviewed, but not repealed. It should only be reviewed when treaty rights issues are settled and if there is a consensus among Aboriginal peoples on such changes regarding their historical and legal rights, and only Aboriginals and Aboriginal organizations should be give the resources and responsibility to determine their own priorities and future development lines" (Indian Chiefs of Alberta, 1970).

Manitoba Indians presented the "Wahbung" paper in response to the White Paper.

Three fundamental facts were presented throughout their response to the White Paper.

They are:

First, we are determined to remain a strong and proud and identifiable group of people. Second, we refuse to have our lives directed by others who do not and cannot know our ways. Third, we are 20th century people, not a colourful folkloric remnant. We are capable and competent and perfectly able to assess today's conditions and develop ways of adjusting positively and successfully to them (Indian Tribes of Manitoba, 1971).

Both the Wahbung: Our Tomorrows by the Indian Tribes of Manitoba, and

Citizens Plus by the Indian Chiefs of Alberta highlighted education as an important aspect in objection to the assimilationist policies as set out in the White Paper (Citizens

Plus, 1970; Drees, 2000; Wahbung: Our Tomorrows, 1971). 62

The arguments presented by Indian Leaders gave the Indians the confidence and

self-determination to stand up and take control of their destiny. As far as education was concerned, the solution lay in Indian control of Indian education. The shift away from dominant society's goal of assimilation moved towards Indian self-determination to

Indian activism, which was inspired by the 1960s grassroots activism in the United

States. Indians became more self-reliant. Taking "leadership training courses and [with] encouragement of local school committees, [this] gave Indians new self-confidence in their potential to affect change [and] Christian churches... [became] facilitators of Indian

aspirations rather than agents of assimilation" (Barman et al., 1986 p. 14).

Indians were taking control of education. This confidence led Indians to take

action. For example, with the schools and teachers being alien to Aboriginal culture and

imposing an agenda of external culture on Aboriginal, Aboriginal people in Northern

Alberta became more incensed to the point that they held a month-long sit-in by 300

Indian people, taking over the federal school, Blue Quills .

In October 1969 Blue Quills was being phased out. Indian students were going to be transferred to a new high school in St. Paul and Blue Quills was to become a residence for a non-Aboriginal high school students. Alarmed over this plan, committee members proposed that Blue Quills be turned over to Indian management. After an

initial refusal to meet and discuss the issue by the Department of Indian Affairs they eventually met with the group and signed the agreement after the building was occupied

12 Blue Quills residential school at St. Paul, Alberta in 1970. Blue Quills was built to house two hundred Indian children. Students studied in the classroom half the day and worked at school jobs for the other half. Blue Quills was like other residential schools, where missionary work, punishments, rewards, and regulations were similar (Persson, 1986). 63 by community members and "Blue Quills Native Education Centre became the first

Indian controlled school in Canada" (Bashford & Heinzerling, 1987 p.126).

The school became on-par with any high school in the province in academic

standards of education but included Indian language and culture curriculum. Emphasis

was placed "on the desire that our children progress in the White man's education, while

continuing to retain their dignity and self-respect as Indian people" (Bashford &

Heinzerling, 1987 p. 129).

The radical physical takeover of Blue Quills in 1970 was a logical consequence of

the decades of assimilation policy aimed at Indian students. Indian people were taking a

stand on regaining control of their education. "The most significant aspect of the

takeover of Blue Quills is that it marked the end of a passiveness to the imposition of

external values; it turned the tide towards Indian self-determination, at Blue Quills and

across Canada. A new era in Indian education had begun" (Persson, 1986 p. 167).

"The White Paper's formal retraction soon followed. Objections to the White

Paper proposal had been heard. Prime Minister Trudeau remarked that the government

was in no hurry to force the White Paper solutions onto the Indian people. On March

1971, Minister of Indian Affairs Jean Chretien delivered a speech formally rejecting the

White Paper. He stated:

The Government put forward its proposals for a future Indian Policy a year and a half ago. These stimulated and focused a debate and have served a necessary purpose. They are no longer a factor in the debate. The Government does not intend to force progress along the directions set out in the policy proposals of June 1969. The future direction will be that which emerges in meetings between Government and Indian representatives and people (emphasis in original) (S. M. Weaver, 1981 p.187). 64

The retraction of the White Paper was a victory for Indian people. "After more than a century, cultural assimilation was finally abandoned as the official goal of the government of Canada" (Barman et al., 1986 p.15).

In 1972, the National Indian Brotherhood issued a position paper called Indian

Control of Indian Education. Its overarching philosophy toward education was to teach and develop pride in ones' Aboriginal self, secondly it reached out to understand ones'

Aboriginal fellowman, and to live in harmony with all things in this world. "We want education to give our children the knowledge to understand and be proud of themselves and the knowledge to understand the world around them" (NIB/AFN, 1972 p.l). The main focus of education was to reinforce Indian identity:

We want education to provide the settling in which our children can develop the fundamental attitudes and values which have an honoured place in Indian tradition and culture. The values which we want to pass on to our children, values which make our peoples a great race, are not written in any book. They are found in our history, in our legends and in the culture. We believe that if an Indian child is fully aware of the important Indian values he will have reason to be proud of our race and of himself as an Indian (NIB/AFN, 1972 p.2).

The idea of the importance of education was recognized and valued as essential to Aboriginal identity.

We want education to give our children a strong sense of identity, with confidence in their personal worth and ability. We believe in education: as a preparation for total living, as a means of free choice of where to live and work, [and] as a means of enabling us to participate fully in our own social, economic, political and educational advancement (NIB/AFN, 1972 p.3).

Mary Young, an Aboriginal director of Native Studies at the Manitoba university, in her book Pimatisiwin:Walking in a Good Way, a Narrative Inquiry into Language and

Identity also comments about Indian identity when she says: 65

The reason why Indians have persevered, that we have not vanished and there continues to be hope for such a thing as Indian education are rooted in the spiritual values and traditions that make us who we are. These traditions stretch back into the dawn of our existence as Indian peoples, and it is the morning star of the East that reminds us of what is Indian, the origins of our existence (Young, 2005 p. 168).

The Indian Control of Indian Education paper was almost immediately accepted in principle by the federal government. In 1973 it was officially recognized by the

Minister and he committed the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development to implement the goals of the document. However, due to lack of direct legal basis the actual control over education remained the responsibility of the government. According to Barman, et.al (1986) "The principle area of contention centres on control over finance and thereby on the boundaries of Indian decision-making authority" (p. 16). However, no legal grounds existed in the Indian Act for:

the transfer of control of educational programmes to Indian bands...The departmental response was to retain ultimate responsibility for education but to enter into agreements with bands capable of control (as defined by the department) and to emphasize controls on quality to meet required provincial standards (Barman et al., 1986 p.6).

Despite the impasse in negotiations and the lack of operational guidelines for

Indian control, Indian bands took over the operation of schools on reserves. Indian survival schools were established, curriculum developed, Indian teacher education and post-secondary programmes were produced (Ibid.).

2.3.2. Current Aboriginal Education:

The number of First Nations managed schools increased by 33% from 372 in

1993-1994 to 496 in 2003-2004. Students enrolled in Kindergarten to Grade 12 remained fairly constant between 1990-2000 at 71,432 and 2003-2004 at 70,600. Students enrolled in Grade 12 who graduated, in Canada, 1996-1997 was 1785. In 2002-2003 it was 1945. The overall statistics show an increase in staying in school for Aboriginal students, but it is less than the average non-Aboriginal student (Department of Indian Affairs and

Northern Development, 2005).

Current statistics show that students funded by DIAND13 for elementary/secondary (Kindergarten, elementary and secondary schools) 1995-1996 was

111,115 to 2003-2004 was 120,421 (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern

Development, 2005; Stonechild, 2006). There are 502 schools on reserves and all but 8 are administered entirely by First Nations. The students are staying in school even longer and as a result more Aboriginal students are graduating from high school and enrolling in university programs.

The number of status Indian and Inuit students in post-secondary education in all of Canada in 1965/66 was about 100 (D. B. Smith, 2005b). In programs in 1977-1978 there were about 3,600 students. Between 1988 and 2005 the number of Status Indians and Inuit students grew from 15,572 to approximately 27,172 in 1997-1998. At its highest, to 22,881 in 2004 and 2005 (Malatest & Associates, 2008). "Between 1981 and

1996, the proportion of Aboriginal people aged 20 to 29 with a post-secondary degree or diploma improved from 19 to 23 percent" (INAC, 2006a p.2). Of the 3580 post- secondary graduates in 2002-2003, 60% obtained a non-university certificate or diploma while 38% received an undergraduate or graduate degree from a university (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND), 2005). There is a steady increase in the number of Indian students entering post-secondary institutions, yet at a lower rate than non-Indian students.

Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development changed its name to Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 67

Aboriginal students, on average, are older than the national average upon entrance to university. The median age for Indians is 29; for the national average graduating group it is 24 (Ponting and Voyageur, 2005). One of the reasons for the difference is that some Aboriginal students need to upgrade. Their schooling was interrupted for various reasons and they have returned to complete their Grade 12 equivalencies hence, they enter university as a mature student. As the Aboriginal participation rates continue to increase more and more Aboriginal students are motivated to complete their program of study in order to help their communities. As well, "child care facilities are being built on many reserves, allowing women to attend school or work.. .distance-learning programs help Aboriginal people gain educational credentials without having to leave home.

Programs such as Aboriginal Head Start assist Aboriginal children with school readiness

(J. R. Ponting & Voyageur, 2005 p.431).

Aboriginal students, "struggle for survival on several planes - intellectual, emotional, physical, and spiritual - and striving for success on their own terms in a cultural setting not their own. The crucial journey [at a university is about] learning to walk this path in balance without losing oneself in the process that is vital" (Garrod &

Larimore, 1997 p.l). Cultural incongruence is, at times, the result of finding this balance.

According to Garrod and Larimore (1997):

When academics depict the often difficult experiences of Native American students at institutions of higher learning, many evoke the image of an individual trying to walk between two worlds. This metaphor implies that in order to survive and participate successfully in mainstream culture, Native American students must learn an alien way to walk, talk, think, and act, behaving as themselves only when they are at home in the Indian world. This expectation places the burden of assimilation squarely on the shoulders of Native American students and can be.. .brutalizing to ones' identity and spirituality (p.3). Cultural identity is as much about home communities as it is about higher learning. The love of learning and need to disprove racist stereotypes of Aboriginal people being

"underachieving, unintelligent, and alcoholic [drives the underlying] wish to use higher education to help their home community and the deeply rooted desire to contribute in some way to its cultural survival" (Ibid.)(Garrod & Larimore, 1997 p.4). This 'wish' is a strong motivator for the Aboriginal student, but there can be many barriers to graduating from a university.

In summary, the history of Aboriginal education in Canada has been a stormy one. During the seventeenth century early efforts of education focused on assimilating the Aboriginal children. This method failed. In the 1700s schools were again attempted but these too failed. During the 1800s residential schools were established and education of the Aboriginal student was sought in earnest. Residential schooling had both positive and negative effects, but ultimately led to Indian control of Indian education in the 1970s.

Completing elementary, secondary school and university for the Aboriginal student remains below the national average population; however, the numbers are strongly beginning to increase.

2.4. CONCLUSION:

Upon surveying the literature on defining identity it is evident that many researchers identify various significant criteria as part of the concept of identity. For the purposes of this study the definitions of identity can not stand alone; however, collectively the definitions provide a range of aspects which together result in a greater

inclusive concept. 69

Philosophers, psychologists, and sociologists generally view identity as a social component of personality involving historical continuity linking the past and present.

Aspects of self-acceptance and self-definition are important, just as are reconciliation of external and internal components. Defining Aboriginal identity has been determined historically by Canadian legislation. Aboriginal people today define their identity in part with being connected to the land and Aboriginal communities through the teaching of storytelling and spirituality.

The history of Aboriginal education highlights the transformation of identity of

Aboriginal students from a person who is to be assimilated into Euro-Canadian culture to a person who has taken control of Indian education. Even though Aboriginal students in university are smaller in numbers compared to the national averages, their determination to persevere reflects a sense of a strong identity.

By exploring the definition of identity, identity developmental theories and the history of Aboriginal education, we can understand the context and we can contemplate the answers to the questions: Who am I? Where have I come from? Where am I going? and What is my responsibility? Race, ethnicity, and language are ways we make sense of who we are, and "the places from which we speak, our encounters with others, the relationships we establish and the experiences we have" (James & Shadd, 2001 p.3).

Memories of our past, our perceptions, and our analysis of social situations also increase our understanding of who we are. 70

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

3.1. INTRODUCTION:

The theoretical framework that I use to explore Aboriginal students identity in post-secondary education is symbolic interactionism. The students' perception of their

Aboriginal identity, and whether they believe that their university experience plays a role in their interpretation of self is critical in how they construct or interpret the world around them. Symbolic interactionism emphasizes socially constructed processes of groups and considers their historical, sociological and cultural contexts. Barbara Lai (1995) stated,

"The acquisition of culture [and eventually identity] plays the crucial role of orienting the individual in his or her activities by transmitting to his or her pattern of symbolic meanings through which the members of a collectivity grasp their worlds" (p242).

Symbolic interactionism is valuable for this study because the symbols14 that

Aboriginal students use to give meaning to their identity and it may change or be adjusted while in university. Because symbolic interactionism focuses on how we interpret the meanings of all ones' experience, it allows the Aboriginal students to explore, understand, and give voice to their experiences.

3.2. HISTORY OF SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM:

Symbolic interactionism was born of individuals trying to make sense out of their world, truth, and reality. These individuals develop perspectives on how this might be done. "Perspectives are vitally important. They make it possible for human beings to make sense out of what is 'out there'" (Charon, 2001 p.5).

Symbols are objects, thoughts, behaviors, feelings to which meaning is derived. 71

Early predecessors and contributors to symbolic interaction were: Georg Simmel,

Robert Park, William Isaac Thomas, Charles Horten Cooley, and George Herbert Mead.

George Simmel (1858-1918) was a German Sociologist and was known for his work on sociological methodology. In his article, "The Problem of Sociology" Simmel discussed that Sociology was a new method in relationship to existing sciences. He said induction was "a new principle of investigation" which aided in new solutions to discussing behavior of societies. Simmel stated that "every individual phenomenon is determined by innumerable influences from its human environment" (Simmel, 1909 p.289). Simmel went on to say that, "individuals are in reciprocal relationship^] [and that] inseparable elements of every social being and occurrence - an interests, purpose, motive, and a form or manner of the reciprocity between the individuals through which, or in the shape... of which, that content attains social reality" (297). Individuals were connected to others by interaction and thus "anticipate the ideas of symbolic interaction theory" (Stryker, 1980 p.41). Simmel believed that society was its system of interactions pieced together by thinking that all things come together as a whole.

Robert Ezra Park (1864-1944) was an American sociologist and his work focused on understanding human nature and society. In his article "Human Nature, Attitudes and the Mores", Park's primary concern was describing the system of relationships and social behavior. He said that every science deals with description and explanation and that

"there is a very intimate relation between point of view, nature of the conceptual object, units of analysis, and methods of procedure" (Park, 1931 p. 18). With this in mind Park's contributions were many, especially to the field of social psychology and the theory of personality. Although Park made many significant contributions, his greatest was race 72 relations and the conflicts of cultures. Park's use of life histories for the investigation of personalities had an intense effect on the findings of scientific sociology. His "theoretical system bear the distinctive imprint that marked the worlds... of Dewey, Cooley, Mead, and Thomas" (Perdue, 1986 p.228).

William Isaac Thomas (1863-1947) was an American sociologist and social psychologist. Thomas' interests were in "social change and social disorganization

[especially through] which an adult self came to be redefined" (Stryker, 1980 p.30). His major contributions in the field of methodology was with utilizing documentary materials, such as letters, life histories, intimate newspaper accounts, court records, and records of social agencies. Thomas interpreted the documents, observed the persons personality evaluation and analyzed the information (Bogardus, 1949). Thomas goes on to say that:

the structuralization of cultures, their diversification and the direction of their development, the total configuration of the patterns they contain, and the reaction of personalities to the cultural situation can best be approached in terms of the definition of the situation... that is to say, an interpretation, or point of view, and eventually a policy and behavior pattern (Thomas, 1936 p. 184).

Thomas stated that, "every concrete activity is the solution of a situation"

(Thomas & Znaniecki, 1958 p.68). This situation involves three kinds of data: (1) The objective conditions and values to which one acts, (2) the pre-existing attitudes, and (3) the definition of the situation (Thomas, 1936). Thus, Thomas' work on methodological emphasizes definitions of situations and life histories or personal documents that are closely related and contain elements to major themes of symbolic interactionism.

Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1929) was an American sociologist whose contributions to symbolic interactionism was the introduction of the concept of the 73

'looking-glass self. He believed that "the self you understand as a result of the information reflected back at you in the judgments of others with whom you interact"

(Wallace & Wolf, 1986 p. 191). Three elements of the looking-glass self that Cooley identified were: "the imagination of our appearance to the other person; the imagination of is judgment of that appearance, and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or mortification" (Cooley, 1922 p. 184). Cooley stated that these imaginations are social aspects that are important when looking at oneself. As well, ones' actual experience and what one imagines other's thoughts of oneself to be is part of social reality, therefore must be the "chief aim of sociology." (Wallace & Wolf, 1986 p. 192).

George Herbert Mead (1863-1931) was an American philosopher whose contribution to social psychology was his discussion how the human self comes into being through the process of social interaction. Mead emphasized that meaning is derived through awareness of self-consciousness, through gestures from others, and through communication (George Herbert Mead, 1910). Mead argued that the individual is an acting organism and that social interaction involves ones' communication with others especially because one speaks the same language, and that significant symbols have meaning allowing one to interact with others (Denzin, 1970; Dingwall, 2001;

George Herbert Mead, 1934; Stryker, 1980). Simmel, Thomas, Park, Cooley and

Mead's contribution to the concept of symbolic interactionism has been valuable to the understanding of self therefore this study is needed.

3.3. FURTHERING SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM:

Symbolic interactionism provides a perspective that offers an "understanding" and a unique contribution to sociological knowledge. It is a perspective that places 74 primary values on subjective meaning and on processes as opposed to structure. It emphasizes social processes. It can produce insightful accounts of human interaction (L.

Anderson & Snow, 2001; Dingwall, 2001; Lai, 1995; Lopata, 2003). According to

Wallace and Wolf (1986) symbolic interactionism is a social-psychological perspective that emphasizes the role of "the individual 'with a self and the interaction between a person's internal thoughts and emotions and his or her social behavior" (Wallace & Wolf,

1986 p. 189). Symbolic interactionism is a process where decisions and opinions are formed and focuses on negotiations constructed to give meaning to the individual in the process of communication (Wallace & Wolf, 1986 p. 189). Symbolic interactionism is a process where decisions are made and opinions are formed when one constructs meaning

in everything one experiences (Wallace & Wolf, 1986)

Understanding a person's point of view is important because through interaction

with others, meaningful explanations of the self can be made. Herbert Blumer

systematized symbolic interaction by building on the early predecessors' work. For

example, although other researchers discussed components to the theory symbolic

interactionism, Blumer in 1969 was the first to label his theory Symbolic Interactionism.

It was based on the "social behaviorist philosophy of mind and action developed by

Mead" (Dingwall, 2001 p.237). According to Blumer (1969) symbolic interactionism rests on three simple premises:

The first premise is that human beings act toward things on the basis of the meaning that the things have for them. Such things include everything that the human being may note in his world—physical objects, such as trees or chairs; other human beings, such as a mother or a store clerk; categories of human beings, such as friends or enemies; institutions, as a school or a government; guiding ideals, such as individual independence or honesty; activities of others such as their commands or requests; and such situations as an individual encounters in his daily life. 75

The second premise is that the meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with ones' fellows. The third premise is that these meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretative process used by the person in dealing with the things he encounters (Blumer, 1969 p.2).

Gallant & Kleinman (1983) say that "Symbolic interactionism conceives of the individual as 'making sense' of.. .reality within the interactive matrix which constrains the whole gamut of experience" (p. 8). Thus, the meanings of the social world that people have are important and central, as are the source of meanings and the process of interpretation.

3.4. IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT THEORIES:

3.4.1. Introduction:

This study also uses the identity development theory framework. One of the core aspects in understanding how the participants make sense of their identity is in understanding how identity is developed.

Historically, identity development theories helped explain life transitions. Within the theories, individuals experience their world with ever changing events. In the beginning, scholars felt that individuals move in a linear fashion through phases of development when understanding their self (Erikson, 1963; Marcia, 1966; Park, 2007;

Stonequist, 1937). As theories developed, they allowed for the movement from one phase to another and back and forth if necessary (Atkinson et al., 1979; Cross, 1980;

Parham, 1989; Poston, 1990; E. J. Smith, 1991). Each theory builds on other's concepts, and promotes the emergence of theory development and growth. Devon Mihesuah's (1997) Native Identity Development Theory is important to this study because her theory focuses on Aboriginal identity development.

At each phase of development the participants in this study formulate perceptions and give meaning to their experiences. Identity development theories allow one to understand aspects that influence identity development. Much like symbolic interactionism, identity development is important because it explains behavioural and sociological concepts that individuals experience, thus helps in understanding human behaviour, and in this case Aboriginal identity.

3.4.2. History of identity development theories:

Over the last five hundred years, no part of the world escaped European colonization, commerce or culture. It was believed that there was a hierarchy of 'races', thus race theory was developed. "The race concept provided content to the notion of social construction, theorizing race as a political category that is a product of social relations of power, domination, and resistance" (Olson, 2002 p.l). This concept explained one difference between groups or cultures. "By the mid-twentieth century scholars realized that social, political, economic, and geographical factors better explained human difference than biology" (D. B. Smith, 2005a p. 120). Well-known pan-

Africanist W.E.B. DuBois also realized that "historical investigation, statistical and anthropological measurements, and sociological interpretation [was necessary for] studying social phenomena" (Hynes, 2007 p.2).

Palestinian American literary theorist Edward Said wrote Orientalism as a system of knowledge about the Orient, "an accepted grid for filtering through the Orient into

Western consciousness" (Said, 1979 p. 12). Throughout his book Said states that it is a 77 distribution of geopolitical awareness into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological, historical, and philological texts" (Said, 1979 p. 12). Its purpose is to understand not only the Orient but Western culture. DuBois and Said agreed that these factors play a role in explaining human difference.

3.4.2.1. Marginal Man:

Other devastating changes occurred, such as the, "interpenetrating of peoples and a fusion of cultures" creating what Robert Park and later Everett Stonequist titled, "The

Marginal Man". Park, a sociologist, was crucial in developing the theory of assimilation as it pertained to immigrants in the United States, in particular racial issues. He believed in a universal model for the social evolution of races. Park stated there were four steps to the Race Relations Cycle in discussion about the immigrant. The steps were: contact, competition, accommodation and assimilation. His four stage cycle begins with:

Contact/competition: the struggle for existence, organization of society is created Conflict: is the contest between individuals, racial conflict is evident Accommodate: describes changes in the habit of the person. It is a desired state Assimilate: groups fuse and share experiences, history and cultural life (Elias, 2005 p.5).

Park understood that through assimilation the characteristics of having a "shared language, shared beliefs, modes of behaviour, customs, mores, and cultural practises are essential aspects of the race relations cycle" (Elias, 2005 p. 12).

Everett Stonequist was Park's student and furthered his idea of the "Marginal

Man". Stonequist analyses individual's social processes as cultures merge. In his view, due to time and place, out of conflict of races and cultures, new society's clashes as well as worldviews collide. For the marginal man "[t]he fate which condemns him to live, at the same time, in two worlds is the same which compels him to assume, in relation to the 78 worlds in which he lives, the role of a cosmopolitan and a stranger" (Stonequist, 1937 p.xvii).

The concept of a person living in two worlds continues to play out in the present day. Tension or conflict arises as groups seek to adjust themselves to the dominant society. Inequality exists and the minority group becomes partially assimilated without being fully accepted, thus are in the marginal position. According to Stonequist a pattern of development for the marginal individual can be found. Three significant phases which the marginal man experiences are:

(1) a phase when he is not aware that the racial or nationality conflict embrace his own career, (2) a period when he consciously experiences this conflict, and (3) the more permanent adjustments, or lack of adjustments, which he makes or attempts to make to his situation (Stonequist, 1937 p. 121).

In the first phase the individual does not have an inner conflict. He/she is not sensitive to his/her race or nationality because he/she is not race-conscious. "Race-consciousness is one form of self-consciousness-a consciousness which arises in the person when he becomes aware that others regard him in a certain way because he belongs to a particular racial group" (Stonequist, 1937 p. 122).

During phase two the individual becomes marginal. He/she experiences a crisis where habits and attitudes break down.

There is an important change in his conception of himself. Although the total transformation may come only after a prolonged and painful process, especially if the crisis has been severe. The individual must then 'find himself again. He must reconstruct his conception of himself as well as his place or role in society (Stonequist, 1937 p. 122).

While crisis can cause a change in self-perception a marginalized individual can adapt to this crisis and alter or explore his attitude. 79

The third phase consists of his/her adjustments to the situation. The individual may make a successful adjustment and evolve out of the marginal position. Also during this phase the individual may fluctuate from the successful adjustment to a condition of conflict. He may become a partially adjusted marginal man if his role, which normally organizes his life, "does not completely free his consciousness from his situation

[or]...the difficulties may be so overwhelming, relative to the individual's resources, that he is unable to adjust himself and so becomes disorganized" (Stonequist, 1937 p. 123).

Stonequist notes that these three phases correspond to the protected environment of early childhood, to the crisis stage of adolescence, and to the necessary accommodation of maturity in later adulthood.

The marginal man is a key component of merging cultures. Cultures come together, conflict, and work out mutual adjustments. "He is the crucible of cultural fusion.. .[a]nd it is in the mind of the marginal man that the inner significance and the driving motives of such culture change are most luminously revealed" (Stonequist, 1937 p.221).

Stonequist's "Marginal Man Model" was one of the first to introduce bi-racial identity development. "This model suggested that mixed racial heritage serves to exacerbate problems associated with normal identity development by creating uncertainty and ambiguity in individual identification with parents, group identification with peers, and social identification with a specific ethnic or racial group" (Herring, 1995 p.30).

One drawback to Stonequist's model is it places identity concerns solely within the individual. It does not address the issue of in-group prejudice which may carry over to the individual to which he/she may internalize the biased beliefs. "It may be argued that 80 group antagonism (i.e., between group prejudice), not the disparity between cultures, is the key source of difficulties" (Poston, 1990 p. 153). W.S. Carlos Poston, associate professor University of Missouri, Kansas City, also noted that it was possible for the biracial individual to have a healthy personal identity without the conflict required by the

Marginal Man's Model. Individuals participating in research saw their bi-racial identity as an asset making them multicultural rather than a marginal person (Poston, 1990).

In summary, Stonequist's The "Marginal Man Model" is a deficit model. It

"assumes that the identity development of people who are of 'mixed race' is problematic and views their adjustment and identity development as 'marginal'" (Poston, 1990 p.153). Stonequist's model continues to be significant as other researchers make reference to his model even in today's search on identity development.

3.4.2.2. Erikson's Theory of Identity Development:

Erik Erikson remains an important contributor on the topic of a theory of identity development. In his book Childhood and Society (1963), the psychologist divided a person's lifespan development into five stages. In the first stage, infancy (0-2 years) the child is initially unable to differentiate between the self and the world around it. By the second year, the child develops a sense of self as separate from its own surroundings.

In the second stage (3-6 years) the child begins to compare itself from others, begins to notice differences and begins to notice gender identity. Racial awareness also develops here. In middle childhood (7-11 years) the child defines self and others based on traits.

Prejudice develops in that they understand in-groups and out-groups. Racial and ethnic constancy is understood. In stage four, adolescence (12-18 years) self-knowledge begins and awareness of how one is regarded by others is developed. This period can also be a 81 time of identity conflict, especially in the search for self. The final stage is adulthood. It entails a combination of continuity and change. Continuity is enhanced by the development explored up to this point. Change in self concept is based on his/her life experiences from the events he/she has examined by asking the question who am I

(Erikson, 1963).

3.4.2.3. Marcia's Theory of Identity Development:

Erikson's theory was tested and operationalized by James Marcia, Professor

Emeritus of the Department of Psychology at Simon Fraser University. Marcia's (1970) paradigm describes four identity statuses: diffuse, foreclosed, moratorium and achieved.

The stages of ethnic identity development can be summarized as follows:

1. Diffuse: Individuals who may or may not have experienced a crisis period,

but who exhibit no commitment, no typically are much concerned about it.

2. Foreclosed: Those who, while committed to an occupation and ideology,

seem to have experienced no crisis period, their commitment being largely

parentally determined.

3. Moratorium: Individuals are currently in "crisis" with vague commitments to

occupation an ideology.

4. Achieved: Individuals who have experienced a crisis and are committed to an

occupation and ideology. (Marcia & Friedman, 1970; Toder & Marcia, 1973

p.250).

The four stages are based on the presence or absence of exploration and commitment.

The main contribution was to seek "validation of the identity statuses. The individual styles of coping with psycho-social task of forming an ego identity" (Marcia, 1966 82 p.558). Once the achieved status is reached, acceptance and internalization of ones' ethnicity is accomplished and their identity ensured.

3.4.2.4. Cross's Theory of African Identity Development:

After Marcia operationalized Erikson's theory numerous studies were carried out utilizing Marcia's identity development paradigm. A shift away from Marcia's model was made and research was guided to a model developed by William E. Cross Jr., a professor of psychology and coordinator of the Doctoral Program in Social-Personality

Psychology at the City University of New York. His work on identity development is also highly regarded and modelled after. Cross has become a leading expert on the study of African-American identity. His model of identity development has been the focus of many essays, commentaries and numerous empirical studies. Although Cross focuses on the theoretical and empirical study of African American identity and personality development beyond adolescence, his work has been extremely influential among

scholars theorizing and researching other group's identities.

In 1971, article 'The Negro-to-Black Conversion Experience: Toward a

Psychology of Black Liberation", Cross constructed a descriptive model of the stages

Black people encounter as they search for a Black identity. The model consists of five

stages: (1) Pre-encounter; (2) Encounter; (3) Immersion-Emersion; (4) Internalization,

and (5) Internalization-Commitment.

In stage one, pre-encounter, a person is programmed to view and think of the world as being non-Black, anti-Black, or the opposite of Black. The person's world-view is dominated by Euro-American determinants...To continue, the pre-encounter person's historical perspective distorts Black history. It is believed that Black people came from a strange, uncivilized, 'dark' continent, and that the search for Black history begins in 1865-that slavery was a civilizing experience.. .Pre-encounter Negroes are politically naive and are programmed to have faith in the Protestant ethic. There is 83

an extreme dependency on white leadership, and the assimilation- integration paradigm is thought to be the only model for cohesive race relations (Cross, 1980 p. 15-16).

Cross believed that in this first stage the Black person has little exposure to Black history, hence, has little knowledge in this area thus does not own a Black identity.

In stage two, the person encounters some verbal or visual event that shatters the person's current feeling about himself and his interpretation of the condition of Blacks in America.. .Encounter entails two steps: first, experiencing the encounter, and; second, beginning to reinterpret the world as a consequence of the encounter. The second part is a testing phase during which the individual cautiously and fearfully tries to validate his new perceptions (Cross, 1980 p.17).

The encounter stage dislodges the person from his old world view and into a new one.

"When the person absorbs enough information and receives enough social support to conclude that (1) the old identity seems inappropriate and (2) the proposed new identity is highly attractive, the person throws caution to the wind and begins a frantic, determined, extremely obsessive, motivated search for Black identity" (Cross, 1980 p.85).

In stage three, immersion-emersion, the person immerses himself in the world of Blackness. During the immersion phase, the individual manifests the correct ideology and/or world view, glorification of African heritage, either/or thinking, blacker-than-thou attitudes, unrealistic expectations concerning the efficacy of Black Power, and the tendency to denigrate White people and White culture while simultaneously deifying Black people and Black culture. Euphoria, rage, inordinate amounts of artistic and/or political energy,' perturbation, effrontery, high risk taking, a destructive mood in constant tension with dreams of revitalization and an intense sense of intimacy toward Black life also characterize behaviour in this stage (Cross, 1980 p.85).

This total immersion and withdrawal into Blackness is calmed and the second part of stage three emergence is experienced. The person's emotions begin to level off and psychological defensiveness is replaced by affective and cognitive openness which allows the person to begin to be more critical in his analysis. The strengths and weaknesses of Blackness 84

can now be sorted out as the person is no longer 'ego-involved'. The person begins to feel in greater control of himself as the most difficult period of nigrescence [the process of becoming Black] comes to an end (Cross, 1980 p.85).

Stage four, internalization, highlights the resolution of conflicts between the old and the new world views. Tension, emotionality and defensiveness are replaced by a calm, secure demeanour. Ideological flexible, psychological openness and self-confidence about ones' blackness are evident in interpersonal transactions. Anti-white feelings decline to the point where friendships with White associates can be re-negotiated. While still using Blacks as a primary reference group, the person moves toward a pluralistic non-racist perspective (Cross, 1980 p.86).

Finally, in stage five, internalization-commitment, the person is committed to a plan. He is actively trying to change his community. For him to have a lasting political significance, "the 'self (me or T) must become or continue to be involved in the resolution of problems shared by the 'group' (we)" (Cross, 1980 p.86). According to

Cross, "one of the most striking qualities of many people who are into stage five is the compassion they exhibit towards folks who have not completed the process" (Cross, 1980 p.24). They watch over the new recruits and help them conquer the pride in Black humanism.

Cross's model of identity development is a fundamental influence on other models which use similar explanations in discussing identity development. For example,

Thomas A. Parham, an assistant Vice Chancellor for Counseling and Health Services and

Director of the Counseling Center, as well as an adjunct faculty member at the University of California, expanded the descriptive characteristics of the Cross model. Because

Cross's model relied on college student samples in which identity development occurred during late adolescence/early adulthood and that it involved a single cycle through the stages, Parham felt that this hampered future efforts when applying the Nigrescence 85

Theory (the process of becoming Black) (Parham, 1989). Parham's theory suggests that

identity development is subject to continuous change during three phases of life (late adolescence/early adulthood, middle adulthood, and late adulthood). Parham's model also goes further than Cross's in regards to the reaction to oppressive elements within

society. His model:

Assumes that Black/African self-identity is an entity independent of socially oppressive phenomena: Black/African identity is actualized through personal thoughts, feelings, and behaviour that are rooted in the values and fabric of Black/African culture itself. Identity development is, however, influenced by an interaction between internal (individual) and external (environmental) factors. The model further assumes that there is a qualitative difference between a person who moves through the Nigrescence process in adolescence or early adulthood and the person who recycles through the stages at middle or late adulthood (Parham, 1989 p.195).

Thus, the person's identity is influenced by his/her life stage and the development tasks

associated with it.

3.4.2.5. Parham's Nigrescence Model of Identity Development:

Parham felt that as the individual proceeds through life and that in order to deal

with his or her racial identity, a person goes through distinct possibilities within the

Nigrescence model: Stagnation, Stagewise Linear Progression, and Recycling. 86

Figure 1: Nigrescence Model

Pre- Encounter Immersion Internalization encounter Emersion

Late Adulthood

Middle adulthood

Late Adolescence Early Adulthood

Stagnation Stagnation Stagnation Stagnation

Source: Thomas A. Parham (1989) "Cycles of Psychological Nigrescence" The Counseling Psychologist 17(2) 212.

"Stagnation is defined as maintaining one type of race-related attitude throughout most of one lifetime.. .never moving beyond ones' original set of attitudes. Thus, a person's attitudes could be characterized by a single identity stage throughout that person's life" (Parham, 1989 p.211).

"Stagewise Linear Progression is defined as the movement from one stage to another in a stage-by-stage fashion.. .Movement from one stage to the next is facilitated by experiencing life events or through an individual's internal drive toward growth and self-actualization" (Parham, 1989 p.213). 87

Parham (1989) says, "Recycling is defined as the reinitiation of the racial identity

struggle and resolution process after having gone through the identity development process at an earlier stage in ones' life" (p.213). The individual could achieve identity resolution by completing one cycle of the Nigrescence model, then experience conflict or

confusion resulting in recycling through the stages again (Parham, 1989). However, it is unlikely that the individual would experience the pre-encounter stage, as it is characterized by lack of awareness or a sense of ambivalence to what he has already experienced. He may just move to the encounter stage and beyond when faced with

"several racist or oppressive incidents that shatter his or her belief in idealistic relationships and social experiences" (Parham, 1989 p.214). Attitudes, behaviours and feelings may become rigid, inflexible, and resistant to change but the linear progression

and recycling could promote growth and change.

Parham extended the parameters of Cross's model so that identity development

continues throughout the life span and that racial identity attitudes are subject to change

over time, hence, the three possibilities to the identity resolution process. By recycling, new encounters are made which helps fill the gaps and conflicts in the individual's

current identity structure. The new encounters need not always be negative events. For

example, getting married, raising children, changing jobs or aging may initiate a

recycling episode (Cross, 1989). For these reasons Parham succeeded in extending

Cross's model. Both Cross and Parham's theory of identity development are significant; however, both theories deal with the Black experience and other scholars saw a need to

incorporate Cross and Parham's theories to studies about minority and biracial groups

due to their shared connection in recognizing the role of oppression. 88

3.4.2.6. Atkinson et.al's Minority Identity Development Model:

One such model that focuses on minorities' identity development was featured in the research of Atkinson, Morten and Sue (1979).15 They based their Minority Identity

Development (MID) model on views of earlier scholars, as well as, they advanced the discussion through their observation that change in attitude and behaviour followed a predictable sequence. The MID model has five stages of development that oppressed people experience and struggle with understanding themselves within their own culture and that of the dominant culture, and the oppressive relationship between the two cultures

(Atkinson et al., 1979). The five stages are: conformity, dissonance, resistance and immersion, introspection, and synergetic articulation and awareness.

During the conformity stage (Stage 1) individuals prefer the dominant cultures values, role models, life styles, views of themselves over their own culture. They exhibit self-depreciating attitudes and readily accept without question the dominant group's cultural values.

The dissonance stage (Stage 2) individuals experience cultural confusion and conflict. The individual experiences and encounters different and inconsistent beliefs that were dominant and unquestioned in the previous stage. They begin to question and challenge previous attitudes. They begin to develop pride in themselves. They question the dominant-held system of minority stratification and they experience a sense of comradeship with other minority groups. They grow suspicious of the dominant culture's values.

Donald R. Atkinson is a professor of Education at the University of California. George Morten is a student affairs administrator at California State University. Derald Wing Sue is a professor of Psychology and Education in the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology at Teachers College, Columbia University. 89

During the resistance and immersion stage (Stage 3) the minority individual rejects the dominant society's culture. The individual discovers his/her history and culture. They seek out information which enhances their identity and worth. They build a stronger identification and stronger commitment with their minority group.

In the introspection stage (Stage 4), the minority individual experience feelings of discontent and discomfort with rigid views in the resistance and immersion stage. The individual seeks out greater autonomy. Conflict occurs over trust and distrust of the dominant society. He/she sees value in the dominant culture and is confused as to whether to accept them into his/her culture.

During the last stage, synergetic articulation and awareness stage (Stage 5), the minority individual experiences self-fulfillment with their cultural identity. Conflicts and confusion experienced during earlier stages have been resolved. A strong sense of self- worth and self-confidence and autonomy is experienced. The individual has established his/her identity as an individual, a member of a minority group as well as a member of the dominant culture. The person develops a sense of pride, empathy, awareness, respect, understanding, support, trust, and openness towards him/herself, other minorities and the dominant culture (Atkinson et al., 1979).

3.4.2.7. Poston's Biracial Identity Development Model:

Up to this point, according to W.S. Carlos Poston, Associate professor of Clinical

Health and Psychology Program at the University of Missouri-Kansas City, all the models of ethnic identity development focused on Black individuals (Cross, 1971;

Parham, 1989), life span development (Erikson, 1963; Marcia, 1966), general minority identity development (Atkinson, Morten, and Sue, 1979) and a deficit model of 90 marginality identity development (Stonequist, 1937). All the models follow a similar descriptive pattern. Poston noted that the models had shortcomings when describing identity development for bi-racial individuals; hence, he developed a new and positive

Biracial Identity Development Model. Poston's model consisted of five stages: Personal

Identity, Choice of Group Categorization, Enmeshment/Denial, Appreciation, and

Integration.

During the Personal Identity stage membership in any ethnic group is just beginning. The children's attitudes have not quite developed as yet, so their identity is based on personal identity factors such as self-esteem and feelings of self-worth that they develop and learn from their family.

In the second stage, choice of group categorization, individuals are generally pushed to choose an identity within one ethnic group. This choice can create crisis and alienation for the individual. Two choices the individual may make are to choose a multicultural identity that includes the heritage of both parents or choose one parent's culture as the dominant one. In making this choice three factors may help him/her make the decision more easily. The first is status factors, such as:

Group status of parents' ethnic background, demographics of home neighbourhood...and ethnicity and influence of peer group. [The second factor is] social support-parental style and influence, acceptance and participation in cultures of various groups, and parental and familial acceptance; [and the third factors is] personal factors- physical appearance, knowledge of languages other than English if any, cultural knowledge, age, political involvement, and individual personality differences (Poston, 1990 p. 153).

The individual during this stage is still young and it would seem difficult for them to choose a multi-ethnic identity as they may have a limited amount of knowledge about 91 multiple ethnicities and their cognitive development may be limited at this stage

(Herring, 1995).

Stage three, Enmeshment/Denial, is met with guilt and confusion at having to choose one identity over the other. Having to choose one ethnicity the child may feel disloyal and hence, guilt over rejecting one parent. Support from parents and community may help the individual resolve this conflict.

During stage four, Appreciation, the person begins to appreciate their multiple identities and may broaden their reference group orientation. However, the individual may still identify primarily with one group.

At stage five, Integration, the individual experiences wholeness and integration.

They value all of their ethnic identities. The individual develops a secure, integrated identity (Herring, 1995; Poston, 1990).

Poston's Biracial Identity Development Model is similar to previous models by

Atkinson, Parham for example. It involved a life span focus as did the others. It was different than others in that its focus highlighted the uniqueness of multiple ethnicities in identity development. It pinpointed the crisis and denial stage that previous models also noted. Its emphasis on personal, social, and a status factor was important (Poston, 1990).

Poston's model showed the diversity of identity development, as well as, the uniqueness of processes that people experience.

3.4.2.8. Smith's Ethnic Identity Development Theory:

Researcher Elsie J. Smith of the counseling psychology program within the

Department of Psychoeducational Studies, Temple University published extensively in the area of ethnic minority identity development, vocational development, and group 92 counselling. Smith developed an Ethnic Identity Development Theory that could be used for both minority and majority ethnic groups. Her research and writing on the issue of racial identity development suggests that identity development is not limited to the issue of oppression as some previous theories suggest.

Smith's Ethnic Identity Development Model proposes that development is a lifelong process beginning in childhood and continuing into late adulthood. "Ethnic identity development is a process of differentiation and integration. One moves from a state of unawareness of ethnic differences to awareness, from non-ethnic self- identification to ethnic self-identification, and from partial ethnic identifications to identity formation" (E. J. Smith, 1991 p.183). Ethnic identity development is influenced by contact and boundary-line drawing situations. According to Smith:

Ethnic identity development is a continual process of boundary-line drawing, of deciding what individuals and what groups are included in ones' inner and outer boundary groups. Ethnic contact situations, whether positive or negative, cause the individual to broaden, narrow, or to crystallize his or her boundaries with various contact situations. The broadening, narrowing, or crystallizing of ethnic boundaries is the basic process that directs ones' ethnic identity development (E. J. Smith, 1991 p.183).

Similar to previous theories, Smith's model identifies phases of conflict that the individual experiences whether he/she has majority or minority status. The following four phases may occur in each stage of identity development and may be repeated as often as necessary during contact. They are:

Phase 1: Preoccupation with self, or the preservation of ethnic self identity.

Phase 2: Preoccupation with the ethnic conflict and with the salient ethnic outer boundary

group. Individuals may seek safety in his/her culture. Anger, quilt, or remorse

feelings dominate this phase. 93

Phase 3: Resolution of conflict. In this phase the person attempts to resolve the ethnic

identity conflict and reach self-equilibrium by assimilating, integrating,

segregating, accommodating, acculturating or by becoming a marginal person,

and

Phase 4: Integration. In this phase the person attempts to balance their experience.

Healthy resolutions of conflicts allows the completion of ethnic identity

formation" (E. J. Smith, 1991 p. 184)

Successful resolution of conflicts allows the individual to move forward in his/her

ethnic identity formation. Unsuccessful resolutions may lead to identity confusion and

diffusion (E. J. Smith, 1991). In summary, Smith believes that individuals go through

stages of ethnic identity development and that "minority or majority status affects the

individual's [positive] movement toward ethnic identity formation" (E. J. Smith, 1991 p.187).

Smith's model emphasized the broader concept of ethnic identity development

across a person's life span, unlike Cross's model which dealt primarily with racial

oppression. However, Cross's model is significant as it "sensitize[d] researchers to the

fact that ethnic identity is a very salient part of an individual's overall identity

development" (E. J. Smith, 1991 p.181). Most research on identity development focused

on Black, biracial, and minority people in general but little research has addressed

identity development for Aboriginal people.

3.4.2.9. Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model:

As a result of historical and present-day issues, how "Indianess" is defined is as

complex if not more complex as resolving other ethnic identities. "Unquestionably, the 94 diversity of opinions over what it means to be American Indian renders the issue impossible to generalize and difficult to analyze" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 13).

Devon Mihesuah has developed a Native Identity Development Model which focuses on

Aboriginal peoples. Thus, as opposed to the more general focus of other models

Mihesuah's work is most significant to this present research and its importance is in the unequalled attention it gives to Native experiences and identity.

Devon Mihesuah, an associate professor of history at the University of Kansas, adapted William Cross's model of Black Identity to the American Indian situation.

While teaching historical studies, self-analysis, observation, and interactions with people,

Mihesuah recognized the important need to answer what it meant to be American Indian.

The issue of defining who is Native is complicated and thus influences identity development. The problem of self-definition is difficult as many factors come into play making it a complex issue. For example:

Not all individuals claiming to be Indian 'look Indian,' nor were many born into tribal environments. Many are not tribally enrolled, and others who claim to be Indian are not Indian at all. Some Indians who appear Caucasian or black go back and forth assuming Indian, white, and black identities, while others who have lived most of their lives as non-Indians decide to 'become Indians' at a later age. Some individuals are Indian by virtue of biological connection but know little about their cultural mores either because of lack of interest; because there was no one to teach them; or because it was not (or is not) socially or economically profitable to pursue an Indian identity due to the time period, location, and degree of racism, prejudice, and stereotypes (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 13).

From a Canadian perspective, Aboriginal people are distinct from the rest of Canadian people both in demographics and language. Some Aboriginal people live on the reserve while others live in the city. As much as possible they are maintaining their Native languages. "Defining Aboriginal populations is complicated and multifaceted and 95 includes such concepts as ancestry and self-identity, Indian Act legislation, First Nations membership, Aboriginal community, culture, and language" (Norris, 2000 p. 167)

Canada's Aboriginal population can be situated into four major groups:

1. Status Indians, who are registered under the Indian Act of Canada; 2. Non-status Indians, who have Aboriginal ancestry but lost or never had status under the Indian Act; 3. Metis, who are of mixed Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal ancestry; and 4. Inuit, who are indigenous to Canada's Arctic and sub-Arctic regions (Yukon, Northwest, and Nunavut Territories, northern Quebec and Labrador) (Norris, 2000 p. 168).

These groups represent the main delineations of Canada's Aboriginal population.

"Neither existing legislation nor concepts of ethnicity and identity can completely or consistently define who is an Aboriginal person" (Norris, 2000 p. 169). Nor does the existence of legislated definition of identity necessarily contribute positively to self identity development. The lack of consistent definition of Aboriginal people in Canada complicates the conceptualization/involvement/usage of Mihesuah's Identity

Development Model; however, I believe it can be specifically adapted to the Aboriginal experience in Canada.

Several other factors need to be taken into account when exploring and discussing identity development for Canadian Aboriginal people. First, it must be noted that not all communities are alike. "They have different languages, religious, histories, and methods of dealing with non-Indians. Full-blood members also retain a notable degree of physiological distinctiveness" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 16). Second, members incorporated into the tribe may have minimal biological heritage and no knowledge of tribal culture. This fact gives the impression that in order to be Indian all that is required is to have a distant Indian ancestor. Third, many members look Caucasian. Fourth, many 96 people want to be identified as Indian. Fifth, the historical time period must be taken into

account. For example, in the 1960s it was novel to be an Indian. Many Indians were outspoken, and were accepted by non-Indians than they had been in previous years.

Sixth, because differences within a group exist, such as socioeconomic status and worldviews, "even within group, the personal needs, physiology, an environmental

influence of each individual is different" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 16) These six factors can spur confusion for those identifying the identity development of Aboriginal people.

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model consists of four stages similar to

Cross's stages. Mihesuah also uses the stages: pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-

emersion, and internalization.

Some Indians in the pre-encounter stage are well aware of themselves as Indians yet they know little about their tribal history and culture, much less about other Indians or the political, economic, and social state of tribes in general. They do not necessarily identify with whites, although some do. Others see themselves as racially and culturally Indians, but they also believe themselves to be inferior to whites and at fault for their economic, social and/or political conditions. Of course, many Indians have no feelings of inferiority. They are fulfilled, satisfied with their place in the world, and never seek an identity change (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17).

In the pre-encounter stage the home, the environment and the peer group affects the

Aboriginal person's identity. "The parents may be full-blood, mixed-blood, or one may

be white and one Indian-full or mixed-and possess a variety of values that affect their

children" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17). As well, teachers, neighbours' ethnicities

and attitudes, television, movies, literature, and radio may influence the child's world

view. Many combinations of parent's make-up and teachings from the environment

influence the child. 97

Encounter stage, Mihesuah believes the Aboriginal person may be re-evaluating his/her place in the world.

The person may hear a moving speech about American history and culture that makes her [or him] want to know more about her [his] tribal history. This is an encounter because the person had previously only heard a negative version of her [his] history and is enthused enough by the new version to embark upon a quest to discover the truth (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.20).

Three basic outcomes for an Aboriginal person in the encounter stage are: becoming an

Indian; becoming more Indian/rediscovering Indianness; and becoming less Indian.

Ones' appearance can be a catalyst for exploring ones' identity. Those who have

lost touch with their heritage may rediscover their Aboriginal identity. Some Aboriginal

individuals may not want an Aboriginal identity and may search for an identity that is

white oriented (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999). In the encounter stage Aboriginal people are

experiencing and re-interpreting their world and new perceptions are being formed about being Aboriginal. With these new perceptions they may choose to become immersed into

the Aboriginal culture, and thus are in the third stage of Native Identity Development.

Immersion-emersion stage, at this stage the Aboriginal person attempts to develop an

absolute Aboriginal frame of reference. "For Indians, it can be a volatile stage, often

causing anxiety, depression, and frustration over attempts at becoming the 'right kind of

Indian'.. .the person begins to demolish the old perspective and simultaneously tries to

construct what will become his or her new frame of reference" (Devon A. Mihesuah,

1999 p.28) According to Mihesuah,

Many Indians at this stage engage in aggressive behaviour. They seek information on Indians (not necessarily their own tribe) and participate in powwows and religious ceremonies. They protest against racial injustices (often violently), deny the racial and cultural non-Indian aspects of themselves, and become hostile towards non-Indians (whites, especially) and other Indians who do not conform to their ideas of Indianness. Those 98

insecure in their economic or political worlds adopt a 'redder than thou' attitude and question whether another Indian is 'really Indian' (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.28).

Internalization, the final stage of Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model states

"At this point a person develops inner security about her [his] identity. She [he] is able to discuss in a rational manner racial issues with members of other racial and/or ethnic groups. 'In short', Parham writes, 'the person becomes biculturally successful'" (Devon

A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.29).

According to Mihesuah some Aboriginal individuals may remain at one level or hover between two or more stages, some may enter one stage then move to a previous stage. Some Aboriginal people never need to change or develop their identities and remain at the internalization stage all through their lives.

In summary, because of the colonization of Canada where different cultures collided, conflict developed. This affected ones' feeling about ones' culture and affected ones' identity. Stonequist described his theory of the "Marginal Man" that showed the conflict involved when merging of cultures. Identity development was affected by this merging and many theories were developed. For example, Erikson's theory of identity development was the focus for decades from the 1950s to the 1980s. Cross's African-

American Identity Development model became fundamental to those other researchers exploring issues of ethnic identity development. They subsequently developed other identity models that simulated Cross's model. For example, his model has guided further research into biracial, minority/majority, and Aboriginal identity development utilizing a variation of the Cross four stages of identity development. There are similarities and differences between all the models. For example, most of them consider awareness and 99 exploration as a vital component of identity development and view conflict and resolution of identity as important aspects. All models see a form of acceptance of identity as being the final stage in development.

The concept of identity, the development of ones' sense of self via the models explorations, allows for understanding of how people make meaning out of their experiences. "Learning how we define ourselves through [developmental stages] may help us understand the shifts in our self-identity over time" (Root, 2000 p.216).

By exploring the various models of identity development, life transitions gives a person a way of viewing his/her experiences. How they perceive and make sense of these experiences, allows for the development of meaningfulness and understanding of personal identity. For example, "learning how we define ourselves through [development stages] may help us understand the shifts in our self-identity over time" (Root, 2000 p.216).

In conclusion, symbol interactionism and identity development theories provide avenues into understanding ones' identity. Symbolic interactionism, specifically

Blumer's three premises, allows for in-depth look into the symbols and meanings that

Aboriginal students use to perceive and understand their world as an Aboriginal person.

Identity development theories discern patterns that lead from little to no knowledge of self to full acceptance of ones' identity. Both symbolic interactionism and identity development theories are pivotal to this study as they provide information on how

Aboriginal students come to see themselves and discover and answer the question 'Who ami'? 100

4.0 METHODOLOGY

4.1 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND CONTRIBUTION:

The primary purpose of this research is to highlight the substantive significance and establish an understanding of identity as it pertains to Aboriginal post-secondary students. The secondary purpose is to explore and show meaning given to identity development theories from several theorists with special interest shown to Mihesuah's

Native Identity Development Theory. The tertiary purpose is to explore the role that post-secondary education plays in forming or solidifying identity among its Aboriginal students.

As pointed out in Chapter One, the goal of this study is to fill some of the gaps in the academic literature that explore the question 'Who am I?' as seen by Aboriginal students attending post-secondary institutions in Western Canada. This is an important factor for Aboriginal people who might seek to preserve Aboriginal culture. This research contributes to the understanding of why identity is important. It also expands the existing theory of Mihesuah's study and it works towards understanding the influence that post-secondary education might have on Aboriginal students in their identity formation.

4.2. STUDY DESIGN:

In this study both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies are utilized.

They are distinct approaches which provide differences in understanding and knowledge.

For example:

Members of two camps (quantitative and qualitative) don't even know how to talk to one another: they differ in the language they use to talk 101

about research, the places they look in and find interesting, the questions they ask, the criteria by which they judge whether a piece of research is "done well," and even whether they consider certain work to be "research" at all (Palys, 2003 p.21).

Comparing the two approaches, the qualitative approach involved human- centered, internal and perceptual variables, emphasis on processes, such as perceptions and their meanings and how they emerge and change. The qualitative approach involves a natural science model, emphasis is on observable variables that are external to the individual, cause and effect is highlighted. Objectivity involves social distances and detached analytical stance. Quantitative evidences for understanding is the ability to predict and apply statistical association between variables (Palys, 2003 p. 15).

The similarities are more important than the differences. Palys stated that "Both groups are in search of the same thing: an understanding of how society works" (Palys,

2003 p.20). Other researchers see both qualitative and quantitative paradigms as complementary (Babbie, 2004; Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

I used quantitative research in this study to explore data from the demographic information given by the students by using the statistical program for the social sciences

(SPSS)16. The results of gathering of data are presented in tables with descriptions and explanations.

The second step of this study is the qualitative analysis. The qualitative approach allowed me to discover "meanings, concepts, definitions, characteristics, metaphors, symbols and description of things" (Berg, 2001 p.3). The greater depth of understanding

16 SPSS is an integrated system of computer programs to analyze Social Sciences data. SPSS is capable of (a) input from almost any type of data file, (b) file management, including sorting, splitting and aggregating files, match merging multiple files and saving fully defined system files (c) data management-sampling, selecting and weighting cases, recording variable, and creating new variables, using extensive numeric and string functions, (d) tabulations and statistical analysis, and (e) report writing. how the participants conceived their Aboriginal identity was explained using this approach.

4.3. RESEARCH ETHICS:

All research was managed in accordance with University of Calgary guidelines and requirements of the Conjoint Faculty, Research Ethics Committee. Confidentiality was ensured to participants, and pseudonyms were used to mask the identity of participants (if desired), and strict protocols regarding data handling were followed, such as locking the data in a file cabinet. Research ethics were applied for and obtained from all institutions in this study.

4.4. DESCRIPTION OF METHODOLOGY

An interview research technique was used to collect data with Aboriginal post- secondary students as the units of analysis. Information was collected from 60

Aboriginal post-secondary students attending the universities of Calgary, Alberta,

Saskatchewan, Regina, Winnipeg and Manitoba. I sought to include five women and five men in the sample who acknowledged Aboriginal ancestry from each of the six universities. The participants were in third or fourth year of undergraduate study and would be older students and would have mastered study skills and would have had a

clearer understanding of their future goals. As enrollment of Aboriginal students is a

small percentage of the general student population, 10 students from each institution (for

a total of 60 students) provides an adequate sample size and allows for comparison. A

sample of 60 participants is manageable. 103

4.5. RESEARCH PROTOCOLS AND TECHNIQUES:

4.5.1. Invitation to be Interviewed:

The data was collected through a series of contacts. Initial contact in the data collection process was made via email with the directors of the Aboriginal Student

Centres at each of the universities. In the email I introduced myself and my research project, and asked if I could talk with them upon my arrival to their city and whether they would be my contact person. In this email I also asked if the directors could put my notice on the Aboriginal students' emails calling for volunteer participants. Posters [see

Appendix A] were mailed to the directors of the Aboriginal Students' Centres and I asked if they could be posted in their Centres.

Further contact was made in-person. I traveled to each of the universities and met the directors of the Aboriginal Centres, as well as, professors in the department of Native

Studies. I sought their assistance in locating participants for my study. Again posters were put up in areas accessed by Aboriginal students asking them to contact me if they were interested in participating in my research project. Also, a notice was put on the

Aboriginal students' emails at this time. The professors announced my study in their classes and handed out my contact information to interested students.

While at each university, I introduced myself and my project to individual

Aboriginal students and asked if they would be willing to participate in my study. I was able to recruit almost half of the students using this technique.

Participating students were given the option either face-to-face or telephone interviews: 29 students chose face-to-face interviews while 31 chose to do telephone interviews. I also employed a snowball sampling technique whereby participants were asked to provide the names of other students who might also be interested in participating in my

study. I also gave them my name, email address and a toll free telephone number so

interested students could contact me.

4.5.2. Development of Questionnaire:

A semi-structured questionnaire was developed and sought information into five areas: demographic information, prior education experience, early childhood experience, identity, and university experience. [See Appendix B]. Combinations of closed and open-ended questions were used to gather the information. Interview techniques, such as probing and paraphrasing were used to gain further clarification and insight into the responses.

4.5.3. Conducting the Interviews:

4.5.3.1. Telephone Interviews:

Thirty-one students selected this form of interview. Upon telephone contact, I read the telephone survey informed consent form. [See Appendix C]. I answered any

questions they had about the study. The phone interviews were conducted between

September 19, 2005 and February 15, 2007. Upon gaining verbal consent, I proceeded with the interview. The interviews lasted from 40 minutes to one hour in length.

Following the interview I emailed a copy of the consent form to the participant.

4.5.3.2. Face-to-Face Interviews:

Prior to the face-to-face interview, I had the participant read or read them the

informed consent form and after I answered their questions they signed it. [See 105

Appendix D]. I gave them a copy of the consent form and I kept a copy for my files.

Then I commenced with the interview. Twenty-nine students completed the face-to-face interviews and the length of the interview lasted between 40 minutes and one hour.

4.5.3.3. Management of Interview Data:

A choice was given to all the participants about whether they wished to be audio - taped. All interviews except three were tape-recorded. The three students were shy and felt uncomfortable with being tape-recorded. I took notes during the interviews that were not recorded. The tape-recorded interviews were transcribed for detailed text-based analysis. Transcribed data allowed for grouping into categories and themes. Reading and re-reading the interviews themes emerged thus were grouped according similarities.

The interviews provided rich data which made them accessible for comparisons.

4.6. OPERATIONALIZATION:

My first research question in this study is: Do conventional definitions of identity offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their own identity as an Aboriginal person?

• For this study identity was defined as: a life-long process involving self-

acceptance, self-definition, and a reconciliation of internal and external

components.

• Identity was measured by self-acceptance which involved verbal

acknowledgement of their accepting their Aboriginal identity.

• Self-definition was measured by verbal self-declaration that they were

Aboriginal. • Internal components were measured by comments and activities that were

acknowledged to themselves internally by what they said to themselves

that identified their Aboriginal self.

• External components were measured by their verbal agreement that others

had an influence that they were as an Aboriginal person.

In addition, the process utilized in recording of the students' answers was first, asking each question from the questionnaire. The first question was "If I asked you who you were what would you say?" The students' responses were grouped by theme and category. For example, the responses "I'm Aboriginal, I'm Metis, I'm Canadian" were grouped together according to category. The second question, "What can you tell me about the place where you grew up?" Again responses were grouped into theme and category. For example, those students who reported they moved a lot when young were grouped together. Those who reported living in poverty were grouped by commonality.

The remaining questions from the questionnaire were completed using the same format.

Once grouping common themes inferences were made and analyzed. For example the themes and categories were viewed and seeing how the students' responses were negotiated by their verbal acknowledgement as such and their understanding of their experiences made for support of the inferences possible.

My second research question was: Do identity development theories offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their own identity? Again the historic progression of identity development theories was explored. I use Devon

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model as the concept to be measured.

Mihesuah described four life stages that an Aboriginal person goes through in 107 determining their Aboriginal identity, such as pre-encounter, encounter, immersion- emersion and internalization. In the pre-encounter stage, the individual may know he/she is Aboriginal yet know little about their tribal history and culture. In the encounter stage the individual may hear about Aboriginal history and culture and the student may desire or want to know more about their tribal history. In the immersion-emersion stage the individual immerses himself or herself into everything Aboriginal. This stage may cause turmoil and the student may engage in aggressive behavior. The last stage, internalization the Aboriginal student comes to accept themselves as Aboriginal and is secure in their identity (D. A. Mihesuah, 1998). The data was measured by the students sharing their experiences and whether these experiences were identified or fit within the four life stages.

Finally, the third research question in this study is: What role do Aboriginal students see post-secondary education playing in the formation and confirmation of their identity? The history of Native education was explored, and the questionnaire pinpointed the participants' experiences in post-secondary institutions. Data was measured by their verbal expressions and experiences that highlighted their formation, confirmation and acceptance of their Aboriginal identity.

4.7. LIMITATIONS TO THIS STUDY:

A limitation to this study is that it provides information from a select group of

Aboriginal students in university and its generalizability is therefore limited to these students. Additionally, although it may be an advantage or a disadvantage, being a First

Nations woman, I perceived myself as an insider. This status allowed for candid responses from the participants and allowed me access, and one of acceptance, to research Aboriginal students. Academic research with Aboriginal people, at times, has been met with reluctance due to the fact that much research has been done with

Aboriginal people and may be perceived as just another study infringing on their lives.

However, gaining acceptance to complete my research is seen as a benefit for both

Aboriginal students and me. 109

5.0. CHAPTER FIVE: DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION RESULTS

5.1. INTRODUCTION:

To understand the unique aspects of Aboriginal post-secondary student and to explain the complexities of Aboriginal identity, this chapter explores the demographic characteristics of the sixty self-declared Aboriginal post-secondary students who participated in this study. Study participants attended one of six western Canadian universities: Calgary, Alberta, Regina, Saskatchewan, Winnipeg and Manitoba between

2005 and 2007. Five women and five men in either third or fourth year of undergraduate

17 studies at each institution were asked questions about their age, marital status, parenthood, prior education and field of study.

These questions helped to determine who the Aboriginal students who attend post-secondary institutions were and compare their similarities and differences.

Comparisons were also drawn to see the diverse and distinctive characteristics that this group of Aboriginal students in post-secondary education exhibit. Table 1 reports the year of study for the participants. Being in third or fourth year of study they are more experienced in the university world than those in their first or second year. Table 1: Frequency and Percentage by Year of Study for Participants, 2009 Year of Study Frequency Percent Cumulative %

Third 31 52^0 52J)

Fourth 29 48X) 100.0

Total 60 100.0 Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009

17 The reason for choosing students in their third or fourth year of undergraduate studies was because first- year Aboriginal students are most likely to withdraw or are required to discontinue or have to interrupt their university studies for illness, family reasons, financial reasons or employment. These reasons are based on a report from the University of Saskatchewan from 1998-99 where 43.9 percent of first-year students withdrew (Holmes, 2006). 110

The data shows an almost even split between the years of study with 31 students (51%) in their third year of study, while 29 students (49%) being in their fourth year. It was not by design.

A fourth year student can see their graduation day looming and may reflect on their experiences differently than a third year student whose graduation is still in the distant future. Fourth year students can look back at their first year and compare their initial experiences with how they felt now being in their fourth year of study. Although a third year student can do this too, fourth year students are thought to be more mature.

With the advantage of having one more year experience at university, their knowledge, success, confidence and maturity they had more time to develop skills. This is not to say that they would not have had more failures.

Many doubts about whether they could be successful at university emerged during the interview. Many who may have been skeptical in the beginning are much more positive now. For both third and fourth year students their identity as an Aboriginal student emerged and became stronger as their experiences developed and their confidence grew as a result of their experience in university.

Table 2 reports the age category and frequency for the participants. Age category is reported in five year intervals. Age plays a significant role in this study because it plays a part in maturity and life experiences which can affect the way students look at education and the world around them. Ill

Table 2; Participants by Year Born, 2009 Age Category Frequency Percent Cumulative Percentage 1958-1962 4 6.0 6.0

1963-1967 3 5.0 11.0 1968-1972 11 19.0 30.0

1973-1977 17 28.0 58.0

1978-1982 14 23.0 81.0

1983-1986 11 19.0 100.0

Total 60 100.0

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009

The oldest student in this study was 51 years of age and born in 1958 while the youngest participant was 23 years of age and born in 1986 for a range of 28 years. The largest numbers of students were from the age category of 1973-1977 with an average age of 32 years. This age category was followed by those students who were between

1978-1982 with the average being 28 years old. Both young students those under the age of 32 and older students those over the age of 33+ accounted for 22 out of the 60 participants or 35% of the total population in this study. The remaining seven students fell between 50 and 43 years old.

The significance of age is noted by various studies that outline the personal characteristics of Aboriginal students in higher education. On average the Aboriginal student is older than their non-Aboriginal peers (First Nations Education Steering

Committee, 2005; Malatest & Associates, 2004; Mayes, 2007). These studies reflect the findings of this study. Another study conducted by the Canadian Undergraduate Survey

Consortium reported a wider age difference. This consortium surveyed 25 universities 112 across the country, and by comparison showed this difference in age. The Canadian

Undergraduate Survey Consortium (CUSC), led by Student Services (a unit of Student

Affairs) at the University of Manitoba, completed a survey of Canadian students in April

2006 . A major finding of the CUSC was that, "while the average graduating student is

24 years of age, in fact, about three-quarters of students are 24 or younger" (Canadian

Undergraduate Survey Consortium, 2006). The Aboriginal students in this study will graduate at even an older age than the CUSC study suggests.

This age statistic coincides with the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern

Development's (DIAND) data on education in 2001. This report stated:

The age group 30+ accounts for the largest proportion of post-secondary enrolment. It is the largest age group in all regions except for the Atlantic region and Quebec, where the 24 and under age group is the largest with an average enrolment of 48 percent and 46 percent, respectively.. .For the rest of the regions, the 30+ enrolment accounts for 44 percent of total enrolment (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND), 2001 p.9).

Although results from this study have students being slightly older at both an older average and younger average during their third or fourth year of study, the DIAND shows that Aboriginal university students are older. Implications of being older, such as the aspect of age set the students apart from others. For example, "they are less likely to be what people may typically think of as a college or university student: 19 years old, single, with 'no children'" (Canada Millennium Scholarships Foundation, 1998 p.5). In fact, in this study, as well as, reported by the Canadian Millennium Scholarship

Foundation Aboriginal students were indeed older and more likely to be married or to have children.

A total of 10,464 graduating students responded to the survey. 113

Life experiences were different between the older and younger students. An older student may study differently. "Mature students normally have better life skills than recent high school graduates but may lack basic academic stills" (Malatest & Associates,

2004 p. 14).

As well, Aboriginal students may be at different life stages. The oldest student in this study was 51 years old and the youngest 23. The younger students had young children that required more active parenting while the older students' children were older and more likely to fend for themselves. The younger students could have more energy and might be more adaptable to changes around them whereas the older student may be more set in their ways making changes to life style more difficult.

Table 3 'participants by age range and gender' shows another group of characteristics for this study on Aboriginal students in post-secondary education.

Table 3: Participants by Age Category and Gender, 2009 Gender Age Category Total

20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 Female 9 9 8 2 1 1 30

Male 6 3 10 7 3 1 30

Total 15 12 18 9 4 2 60

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009

Comparing the data by gender shows that both the female and male average age of participants in this study falls in the 30-34 years category, with the average age being

32 years. As previously reported, the Aboriginal students in this study are older than the general population. By comparison if one looks at the CUSC study the average age of the general population is approximately 21 years of age. But Table 3 shows a larger 114 proportion of men are older than females. Seventeen men are between the ages of 30-39 years, or 28% of the total population in this study. Eighteen females or 60% are under 30 years old. While only 9 or 30% of the males fall into this age category. There were 50% more young women than young men in this study. The Canadian Millennium

Scholarship Foundation supports this data. Studies by the Standing Committee on

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development (2007) report that "Aboriginal women pursuing post-secondary education outnumber Aboriginal men by a wide margin and have higher levels of educational attainment" (p.52). As well, a study from British

Columbia Aboriginal students in post-secondary found that female students again outnumbered male students with 65% being female (First Nations Education Steering

Committee, 2005).

This finding is supported by mainstream education statistics that state in 2004, there were about 31,000 more graduates from Canadian universities than in 1994, with women accounting for three-quarters of this increase. In 2004, women accounted for

60% of graduates an increase of 3% from a decade earlier (Statistics Canada, 2007).

Although this study gathered data from equal numbers of women and men, because women are younger it can be inferred that more are entering university directly from high

school, whereas men enter post-secondary institutions late in their lives.

Another demographic feature that was gathered from the data was prior

educational experience. Table 4 reports age and prior education. These factors show that both age and prior education have an influence in the students' late entry into university. 115

Table 4: Participants by Age Category and Prior Education, 2009 Prior Education Age Category Total

20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49

Less High School 0 0 2 0 1 0 3

High School Diploma 14 .5 8 6 0 1 34

Trade School 0 2 1 0 0 0 3

Undergraduate Diploma 0 1 0 0 2 0 3

College 1 4 7 3 1 1 17

Total 15 12 18 9 4 2 60

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009

The data shows that three male students had less than a high school diploma.

They were required to complete Grade 12 equivalency or G.E.D.or complete English 30 and Math 30 in order to enter as a mature student.

Data from Table 4 was also encouraging because it reported that thirty-four students (57%) 16 females and 6 males had obtained a high school diploma; three completed trade school, three had an undergraduate diploma; and seventeen had completed college. This is a select group of students but more than half had completed high school prior to entering university. These findings contradicts statistics Canada reported that "fewer than five in ten Aboriginal students finish high school in Canada"

(Statistics Canada, 2003). Researchers found that some of the students use of alcohol and drugs, poor relationships with teachers, racism, delinquency, poor family support, early pregnancy, peer pressure and lack of role models made staying in school difficult, perceived lack of opportunities and financial constraints (Chisholm Consulting, 2009;

Davison, 2003; Garrett, 1999; Hains, 2001; Rumberger, 1983). The data also contradicts research that states that many Aboriginal youth are streamlined into non-academic course 116 streams and low-level courses in high school because it was believed that "they were incapable of handling university preparatory work" (Brady, 1996 p. 13). It was believed that "Indian students simply could not handle the work [and] Indian students felt undervalued emotionally and thus undervalued their education" (P. Wilson, 1991 p.377).

It was believed that Aboriginal students did not like learning. Some students were

'pulled out' because of pressures from their family and community and others were

'pushed out' by a refusing Anglo society" (Dehyle, 1992 p.24). As seen by these researchers, it can be very difficult for an Aboriginal student to go to university, but the data from this study shows that Aboriginal students not only are beating the odds, but they are being quite successful in university.

There are many reasons for Aboriginal students entering university later in life such as having children to support, childcare issues, lack of funding, and the long commute to university. Those with children saw that taking care of their children was more important then going to university. They saw that giving their children a lot of attention at their early age was essential to them growing up to be healthy and strong.

The students realized that they did not necessarily have this basic need met when they were young thus they want to ensure that their children had this basic care.

Finding adequate funding was another reason why students entered university at an older age. Stonechild found, "The issue of jurisdiction over First Nations post- secondary education is complex and controversial" (Stonechild, 2006 p. 138). Arguments over funding issues continue to exist and Aboriginal students continue to pay the price.

Some students are able to access funding from their Indian bands, while others are not due to not being a registered Indian. 117

Distance to the university plays a role in attendance at university and was an issue because this meant finding accommodations which meant additional expenses. While this factor is not age related, it continues to influence attendance at university because some students find it difficult to commute from home to university. A study by Marc

Frenette (2002) looked at the distance to school as playing an important roll in university participation. He suggested that living closer to university increases participation and enrollment. Frenette stated:

For Canada as a whole, 19% of the population lives beyond 80km of straight-line distance from a university (beyond commuting distance for most) and 13% live between 40 and 80 km from a university (perhaps beyond commuting distance for many). These aggregate numbers mask the tremendous variation across provinces (Frenette, 2002 p.22).

In furthering Frenette's work he asked whether those students who were a greater distance from university opted for attending colleges if one was nearby. Financial cost played a role in this decision (Frenette, 2002). In this study ten students completed college and have since carried onto university. Many of the students were funded by their Indian bands while others sought funding elsewhere.

Data from this study reports that many students have chosen the university closest to their home community; however, others have great distances to attend school.

Table 5 presents marital status for the participants. Marital status is important because it can indicate the other duties and responsibilities a person might have

(especially for women) such as maintaining the household and child care. Family responsibilities for the students played a role in their coming to university. 118

Table 5; Percentage by Marital Status for Participants, 2009 Marital Status N=60 Percentage Cumulative Percentage Single 37 63.0 63.0

Common Law 10 15.0 78.0

Married 8 14.0 92.0

Divorced 3 5.0 97.0

Separated 2 3.0 100.0

Total 60 100.0

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009

The data shows that well over half (63%) 18 females and 19 males reported being single. Those living common-law account for 15% and 13% report being married. Two participants (5%) are divorced and two students (3%) are separated19. Being a single student has both advantages and disadvantages. For example, single students may feel very independent. They can come and go places without restrictions. Their time is their time in that they have no schedules to keep and that affect others. As well, they can be very flexible in planning study time for homework and even when they wish to eat or clean their apartment. Some disadvantages of being a single student are that they have to count on themselves for all financial responsibilities, emotional support, household care

(cooking, cleaning) and when they are ill. They may have to ask friends of the family to help buy groceries or pick-up medicines for them when they are ill. It can be a lonely feeling when ill because there may not be anyone there to give sympathy and attend to their needs.

19 Classification of marital status: Married-this category includes person who's opposite or same sex spouse is living. Also included are persons in civil unions. Living common law-includes persons who are living with a person of the opposite sex or of the same sex as a couple but who are not legally married to that person. Separated-includes person currently legally married but who are no longer living with their spouse and have not obtained a divorce. Divorced-includes persons who have obtained a legal divorce and have not remarried. Single-includes persons who have never married (Statistics Canada, 2009). 119

Aboriginal women in this study were three times as likely to be married as males,

20% to 7%, and males living common-law (20%) were slightly higher than females

(13%). An additional statistic which is noteworthy is marital status and frequency of children. Table 6 reports the marital status and number of children of the participants.

Table 6: Frequency by Marital Status and Number of Children, 2009 Number of participants

Marital Status who have children

Single 13

Married 5

Common-Law 7

Divorced 3

Separated 2

Total 30

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009

The data shows that 13 single participants (43%) have children. If we include those who are divorced (3) and those who are separated (2) who have children, then the percentage increases to 60% who are lone-parent families. The data also shows that in a married or common-law relationship 12 participants reported having children (20%).

According to Siggner and Costa (2005), "between 14% and 32% of all Aboriginal households were one-family households containing a lone-parent family, in 2001" (p. 17).

For example, in Winnipeg Aboriginal one-family household containing a lone parent rated 25%, whereas a non-Aboriginal one family household containing a lone parent was

9%. For Regina, 32% Aboriginal and 10% non-Aboriginal contained a lone parent household. For Saskatoon, 29% Aboriginal and 9% non-Aboriginal was recorded. For 120

Calgary, 17% Aboriginal and 9% non-Aboriginal contained a lone-parent household, and finally Edmonton 23% Aboriginal and 10% non-Aboriginal contained lone-parent household (Siggner & Costa, 2005). Although this data includes the whole population from the cities included in this study, the fact that 60% of the participants are a lone- parent family, indicates that finances and distance to university are factors that increase more than a two-parent household and effects the parents desire to go to university.

Being a lone-parent student with children is very difficult. Some responsibilities

of having children include: needing to drive them to school which interferes with

flexibility of taking certain courses at designated times; enrolling the children in recreation programs which means driving them at all times during the day and driving out

of town to tournaments; taking them to doctor or dentist appointments; needing to stay at home if the child is sick or taking them to hospitals for emergency help; preparing healthy meals and buying clothing and providing emotional support. All these

responsibilities are difficult for a two-parent household and it only intensifies for a lone-

parent.

The students having children did not seem to hinder their desire to graduate from

university. In fact many of the students found themselves being role models for their

children. Their children reinforced their purpose for being in university because they saw

themselves being successful and wish this for their children. Others felt that with getting

their degrees in university it would provide a better lifestyle for their children. These

positive attitudes are reflected in the students' prior educational endeavors which have

influenced where they have been in the past and how they look toward the future. The data coincides with various studies such as a study by Indian Affairs and

Northern Development which stated a single parent may be an influencing factor in the likelihood of educational attainment (INAC, 2007). It noted that the "prevalence of single parents decreases with education among other Canadians [and] it tends to increase with education among the Aboriginal population" (p.l). As well, as the Aboriginal population ages, a gap appears between Aboriginal women and other single mothers.

This gap appears at higher levels of education and shows that Aboriginal single mothers continue their education full time as compared to other single mothers (INAC, 2007;

Richardson & Blanchet-Cohen, 2000). Some of the participants stayed single because they felt that they needed further education first and that the labour market was requiring higher education from their employees. For example:

The restructuring of the Canadian economy over the past quarter century appears to have had an impact on demand for university education and the expectation of students on labour market requirements. Many more entry level jobs in today's economy require higher postsecondary qualifications than in the past (Statistics Canada, 2003/04 p.2).

The importance of education is also affected by parental education. For example,

"studies on the relationship between parental education and university enrolment

conclude that students with more highly educated parents have a higher probability of

attending university" (Frenette, 2002 p.l).

Some participants said they went to university because of their parent's attitude

towards education. They said that as young children they were discouraged from

pursuing a post-secondary education because of their parents' experience at residential

school. Jay-Lynne Makinauk, an Ojibway Anishinanbe Ikwe from Sagkeeng First

Nation, reported similar findings (Makinauk, 2003). However, not all participants 122 experienced a negative attitude towards education from their parents. Some students reported that they were encouraged to go to university because their parents saw the significance of education. "Aboriginal families and communities recognize the critical importance of post-secondary education (PSE) in ensuring a strong and prosperous future" (Malatest & Associates, 2008 p.l). First Nations, non-First Nations parents and children have similar aspirations of post-secondary education attainment (Malatest &

Associates, 2008).

An additional demographic characteristic that influenced the participants' experiences while in university was whether or not they had children. Table 7 shows the frequency and percentage for students with children.

Table 7: Parenthood and Number of Children by Frequency and Percentage 2009 Number of Frequency Percentage Cumulative children Percentage

0 30 50.0 50.0

1 10 17.0 67.0

2 9 15.0 82.0

3 6 10.0 92.0

4 2 3.0 95.0

5 2 3.0 98.0

6 1 2.0 100.0

Total 60 100.0

Source: Native Students' Identity Study, 2009

Half of the participants had children while the others did not. For those who had children, the number of children in a home ranged from one to six. Of those who had 123 children 10 students or 33% had one child. Fifteen students had two or three children, and five students had between four and six children. The implications of having children was mentioned earlier when discussing lone-parents who have children and having more than one child increases the responsibilities ten fold. The age category of the children is presented in Table 8.

Table 8: Participants children's age by Number, 2009

Age of Number of Cumulative Number of Cumulative Children children Numbers Children for Numbers for male students female students

0-2 years 2 2 6 6

3-5 years 3 5 6 12

6-8 years 4 9 3 15

9-11 years 8 17 5 20

12-14 years 8 25 5 25

15-17 years 6 31 3 28

18-20 years 3 34 1 29

21-23 years 3 37 2 31

24-26 years 0 - 1 32

27-30 years 0 - 1 33

Average Age 12.1 37 10.1 33

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 2009 What can be gathered from this table is that children between the ages of 1-14 years were equal for both male and female students for a total of 25 children each.

Female students had younger age children than the male students. For example, the women had 12 children between the ages one to five, whereas the male students only had five. With this data in mind, female participants had much younger children and the males had children clustered in the teenage years. There are differences between men being the caregivers of children and women caregivers. Women are the nurturers providing emotional support and meeting the emotional needs of the children. Men are less emotional and are considered to be the provider and bread-winner of the family.

Women tend to meet the basic needs of the children, where as men, at times, are not able to do so. For example, very young children require 24 hours of care and it usually is the mother's role to attend to the care of the infant. Men try also to meet the young ones' needs but may become overwhelmed. This is not always the case. The duties between men and women with children tend to be different. For example, women try to explain the feelings that the children experience. The men may try to develop more cognitive

(thinking or problem solving) skills without the emotional focus.

The numbers of Aboriginal (First Nations, Metis) children have increased tremendously in most Western Metropolitan Areas (Saskatoon, Regina, Manitoba, and

Alberta). Children aged 0 to 14 accounts for 30% to 40% of the Aboriginal population.

Children age 15 years and younger account for 14% to over 16% of all children in

Winnipeg, Regina and Saskatoon (Siggner & Costa, 2005).

Implications with having younger children mean that expenses were a concern.

For example, finding adequate child care facilities while in university is sometimes a 125 problem. However, some of the universities have child care centers on campus thus; the students are able to attend classes while their children are close at hand. Other financial concerns, such as living expenses, travel and textbook expenses were sometimes aided through Indian Band funding. It seemed that it was never enough especially with

Canada's government cutting back Aboriginal funding for post-secondary education

(Stonechild, 2006). As mentioned previously, some Aboriginal students were not funded by their band thus had to find other means of funding. Finances in general could be made difficult if the students were lone-parents.

Not only are participants beating the odds by being at university but their desires and goals in life are being directed by the many interests and fields of study in university.

In previous years, Aboriginal students mostly focused their studies in the departments of

Social Work and Education, but now they are expanding their interests.

Table 9 reports the area of study and gender for the participants in this study.

Table 9; Participants by Area of Study and Gender, 2008 Gender

Faculty Field of Study Female Male Total Social Science Psychology 5 3 8

Religious Studies 2 0 2

History 0 1 1

Sociology 4 1 5

Geography 2 0 2

Political Studies 2 3 5

Anthropology 0 1 1

Native Studies 6 11 17 126

Health Studies 0 1 1

Communications 1 2 3

Open Studies 0 1 Science Engineering 0 1

Environmental 0 1 Studies

Chemistry 1 2

Arts English 0 1

Fine Arts 2 0 2 Business Commerce 1 2

Law Lawzu 0 1

Education Education 2 0 2

Social Work Social Work 2 0 2

Total 30 30 60

Source: Native Students' Identity Study 20081

Enrollment in the Social Sciences was the highest. Specifically Native Studies accounted for 28% of total area of study. Psychology was second with 13% and

Sociology and Political Studies were third with 8% each. When looking at the gender difference eleven males and six females enrolled in Native Studies. Females outnumbered males in Psychology and Sociology. Aside from Native Studies,

Psychology, and Sociology, all other area of studies were spread out among the 21 departments.

This Student identified being in third year undergraduate studies taking Law. 127

Native Studies recorded the highest enrollment. One reason for this was that

Native Studies in some universities is a new field of study and students were interested in learning about Aboriginal people.

Another reason Native Studies had the highest enrollment was out of curiosity and interest in what the program had to offer. As well, some of the students wanted to learn about the Aboriginal history and current issues affecting Aboriginal people today. Other students wanted to learn all about Aboriginal people in order to defend their identity.

Some wanted to have the knowledge so that politically they could fight for their people.

Others wanted the information to understand what issues are pressing so that they could return to the reserve and help their community. Some of the students saw the poor education system in other cities and wanted to become teachers so that they could tell their students about the history of Aboriginal people. They felt that by providing accurate information their students would better understand themselves, their identity, and be proud of their heritage.

Twice as many men than women were in Native Studies. It was interesting that some of the men wanted to tackle political issues and felt that after they graduate they could help the leaders to make a difference for Aboriginal people. A few of the women, as well, wanted to teach Aboriginal people their rights thus they wanted to go into law so that they could accomplish this. A majority of Aboriginal women wanted to become teachers and teach children their history and accomplishments.

The female students were in 12 different fields of study and men were in 15. This is encouraging because Aboriginal students in the past were directed into either

Education or Social work. In this study, only four female students were registered in 128

Education and Social Work. Not to say this is not important, but it reflects that there is more diversity among the students in this study.

Men were registered three times more in the hard sciences than the women.

Typically, the hard sciences are male professions and the soft sciences are dedicated to the females. One female student was enrolled in chemistry classes but to encourage more females to take engineering classes is difficult.

In this study, four times as many women were in Sociology than men. Sociology is the study of societies. It focuses on the nature, origin and development of community life. Sociology deals with social issues and this field of study interests many students, such as the women, in this study because they wanted to understand various current issues such as poverty or crime. The field of Sociology recorded the third highest area of study.

The second highest area of study that recorded eight students (5 women and 3 men) was Psychology. Psychology studies the mind, the ways of thought and tries to explain why people act, think or feel the way they do. Many of the students stated that this area of study sparked their interest because they wanted to understand people's behavior. Some of the students wanted to further their education because they want to help people by going into counseling.

Students dispersed between the 21 departments are encouraging. One possible reason is the diversity of programs that universities offer. For example, at the University of Calgary as other universities, the Native Center has incorporated a Native Ambassador

Post-Secondary Initiative (NAPI) program. This program consists of university

Aboriginal students visiting junior and senior high schools and discussing and 129 encouraging Aboriginal students to consider a post-secondary education. It provides information that university is an achievable goal and something to consider when thinking about the future. This program provides information on the diversity in area of study, hence, being attractive to students and their wide variety of interests. Another most notable reason was the establishment of new programs for Aboriginal students, such as Health and Native Studies programs being offered in some universities (Richardson &

Blanchet-Cohen, 2000). The variety of courses being offered at universities is sparking new interests of Aboriginal students.

To summarize, overall important changes have occurred for Aboriginal students.

For example, greater numbers of Aboriginal students are graduating from high school and more are enrolling in trade schools, colleges, and universities as seen in this study. The average age of the student is older than the general population. Half of students are single and half have children. Convenient day care facilities are enabling the students to still continue with their university studies. Diversity in a wider area of studies is being taken by the students and are accounting for a wide range of interests compared to earlier studies where Aboriginal students registered in Social Work or Education. The data in this chapter suggests progress is being made by Aboriginal students. The students are showing overwhelmingly greater stamina and determination in completing and graduating from university. In 2006, 42,900 Aboriginal students (8%) had a university degree. In comparison 26,300 (6%) graduated in 2001 (Statistics Canada, 2006). The gap between Aboriginals and other Canadians is still wide. The future outlook for educational attainment is optimistic. 6.0 CHAPTER SIX: IDENTITY RESULTS

6.1 INTRODUCTION:

The question, 'Who am I?' has been intriguing researchers over many generations from Aristotle to G.H. Mead and E. Erikson. It continues to be refined and narrowed in both description and definition, but it remains an important area of study today. This study examines the question of self-declared identity among Aboriginal post-secondary students at six universities in Western Canada. Do these definitions adequately reflect how Aboriginal people view, themselves?

In this chapter I do three things. First, I review the participants' answers to identity questions using Herbert Blumer's three premises of symbolic interactionism:

Humans act toward things on the basis of the meaning they have for them. Meaning is derived through social interaction with others; and Meaning is derived through interpretative process with the things they encounter. Second, I examine Devon

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model and situate the participants' responses within that theoretical model. Finally, I explore the students' university experience and its impact on the students' identity.

6.2. IDENTITY:

The following information reports the students' responses to questions about identity. The types of responses were examined according to themes and commonalities.

The answers capture their early experiences of becoming aware of their Aboriginal identity; how they see themselves now, and whether their experience from being in 131 university had affected their identity. This information allowed an exploration of

o\ "yy o% whether their identity merged , emerged changed over the course of their university experience. Some questions were vague while other questions were specific to allow for students to interpret and give initial or primary responses. The questions thus provided an indicator of how they perceived and identified themselves.

The first question I asked was: 'if I asked you who you were, what would you say?' Fifty-nine out of the 60 participants responded that they identified being

Aboriginal, for example, "/ am Dene First Nations; I'm Cree; I am a mother, First

Nations mother; I am an Okanagan; I'm a strong proud Okanagan Native woman; I am an Indian; I'm a Red River Metis; I'm a Half-breed; I'm an Algonquin slash Mohawk slash Italian woman; I'm an Annishabe; I'm a proud Cree mom; I'm C-31; I'm

Mohawk". These responses were the first and foremost indicators of their identity. Their tribal affiliation was most prominent. Recall that Josselson (1987) stated that what one regards as central preserves the continuity of the self. Self definition is one part of the definition of identity that was set out in the literature review chapter. Remember that identity was defined as a life long process involving self-acceptance, self-definition and a reconciliation between internal and external components.

Additional responses to the question 'If I asked you who you were, what would you say?' were more diverse and described their personal characteristics. Curt said "I'm just an honest individual, I'm a good person. I see myself as just somebody seeking out

21 Merged is interpreted as coming together. What their Aboriginal identity was as a child and how it is viewed presently. It is measured by whether there was a conscious integration of identity and by verbal acknowledgement. 22 Emerged is that their Aboriginal identity evolved or solidified where it was not acknowledged previously. It is measured by verbal expression, awakening and conscious awareness. Changed is interpreted as seeing where Aboriginal identity passed from denial or little acknowledgement to acceptance. It is measured by recognition that change was true and valid. 132 knowledge" (Personal Interview, June 14, 2005). Monique said, "lam very friendly, very patient, outgoing, considerate and loving" (Personal Interview, June 22, 2005). Jamie's response denoted the multifaceted aspects of her identity, for example:

/ am a woman, I am a daughter, I'm a granddaughter, I'm a mother, I'm a sister, I'm a little sister, I'm a big sister, I'm a niece, I am a student, I'm a teacher sometimes, I'm a friend, I'm an ex- girlfriend (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005).

Many of the other students used similar markers for their identity. Rose's

situation provided her with a complex identity. She stated, "/ am Annishabe by birth,

Dutch by legal adoption, Nakota by way of teachings and treaty Indian, as well as an

immigrant" (Personal Interview, Oct 01, 2005). Jack's response was sophisticated in his response and he stated, "I'm a kind, determined, responsible, energetic, caring human being. Leader and a role model, positive for children. I'm a man of Aboriginal ancestry

in a hierarchical system. I'm ofOjibway royalty and proud of my heritage" (Personal

Interview, October 11, 2005).

Haley's words were driven partly by the place she lived, "lam a Metis woman,

Aboriginal from (province). Being from (this province) is a big part of who I am, as well;

I am an academic, a driven person with a strong sense of self" (Personal Interview,

October 8, 2006).

Darryl stated his identity in his Cree language (speaks in Cree) then commented,

"I'm a Plains Cree, I'm searching for something but don't know what I'm searching for"

(Personal Interview, January 27, 2006). Ms. Jimmy [selected pseudonym] also noted an

aspect of uncertainty, for example, "I'm a young Native woman trying to find out who I

am, like to see myself as independent and honest" (Personal Interview, September 18, 133

2006). Another student stated similar feelings, for example, "/ see myself as a Metis man trying to find my place in life, I'm Canadian" (Personal Interview, February 15, 2007).

Chelsey also commented on the feeling of being lost, for example, "I'm an educator, a student forever; I have a lot to learn. I'm kind of mixed up, trying to raise my kids the best way. At school I feel an outsider, feel a bit lost" (Personal Interview, October 31,

2006).

One student identified himself this way, "I'm a mixed blood, Ojibway, Irish and

Scottish. I'm a two-spirited individual, I'm a university student, I'm a Canadian, a human being, I'm a history student, I'm Ojibway and my clan is Sturgeon" (Personal

Interview, September 30, 2005).

Dynamo was an energetic individual and his response to my question was: "I'm

First Nations, Canadian, proud young healthy First Nations individual who has many opportunities in life and is very proud to be who he is" (Personal Interview, September

19, 2006).

Vince identified himself as bi-cultural but his identity is not fully-balanced. He stated, "I'm a bi-cultural person. I'm more of a mainstream, Canadian society type of person but am also an Aboriginal person inside too, an Aboriginal identity that is not really as developed as I'd like it to be" (Personal Interview, September 28, 2005). Steve noted that he was an Indian, "I'm an Indian engineer, half Native and half white"

(Personal Interview, November 08, 2005).

In summary, this brief exploration at identity captured initial responses as to how the students identified themselves. Their answers provided me with an indicator of how they felt about their identity. As well, their initial impressions allowed me to rely on their 134

answers later in this study. For example, whether there was self-acceptance or self-

definition of who they were as an Aboriginal person.

Some of their additional responses to the question show a variety of depth or

insight into their answers. For example, some students gave a list of multi-faceted but

quick responses while others thought for a long time and gave more complex answers.

One can infer that a single definition of identity is complex and that ones' level of

experience influences his or her identity. Most of the responses were direct and strongly

emphasized showing certainty.

Also noteworthy, was that some students expressed some discomfort with

identifying who they were. The concept of living in two cultures, the Aboriginal or non-

Aboriginal, is difficult for some students. The conflict of 'choice' could be inferred as to

whether the student gives up being Aboriginal in order to live in the dominant Euro-

centered culture or whether to give up the dominant Euro-centered culture to live totally

in an Aboriginal culture. The discomfort is evident for those who feel caught between

cultures. For example, Susan stated, "I'm very caring, very loving. I consider myself an

Aboriginal but then in a way I'm not either. I'm sort of torn in between both worlds. I

will walk the paths of both worlds. I do feel very balanced" (Personal Interview, January

16, 2006). On the other hand, Sue stated, "I'm a white chick — that's how I am externally perceived. My identity is woman, mother. See myself as mentor and caught between the

worlds. My white appearance gives me a disadvantage" (Personal Interview, October

16, 2006). Victoria simple stated, "I'm lost" (Personal Interview, September 21, 2006).

Finally, it was interesting to note that one student did not acknowledge his

Aboriginal identity. He simple identified himself as, "I'm a male, heterosexual, middle- 135 aged man, a student" (Personal Interview, November 01, 2005). It might be inferred that he did not want to be labeled as being Aboriginal. This individual felt caught between his Aboriginal roots on the reserve and his interactions off the reserve. He mentioned that he felt as "outsider" in both places.

Comments made by the students showed the diversity among them. Some talked about early experiences of racism while others talked about to their acceptance as being

Aboriginal at a young age. Experiences influenced identity formation such as been adopted to a non-Aboriginal family which caused some students to experience conflict in their identity. Those who felt discomfort with their identity felt that the interactions with others both influence their self image and cultural worldview. As a result they felt like they have to choose which culture to live in. There are multiple aspects that make up ones' identity such as being Aboriginal, Metis, a mother or a father, a Canadian for example. The variety of responses highlights the complexity involved in defining oneself.

I analyzed the respondents' information using Herbert Blumer's Symbolic

Interactionism as the theoretical framework.

6.2.1. SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM:

Symbolic interactionism focuses on negotiated (social) action and constructed meanings between individuals in society. It emphasizes the person's internal thoughts, emotions, and behaviors. Historical, sociological, and cultural aspects play a role in identity development, hence these crucial roles in activities of the individual is transmitted to him or her through a pattern of symbolic meanings with which they grasp their worlds and understandings. Thus, how Aboriginal students have come to their own 136 definition of identity is explored using Herbert Blumer's three premises of symbolic interaction:

(1) Humans act towards everything based on the meanings they derive from them,

(2) Everything has meaning arising out of social interactions, and

(3) Meaning is derived through an interpretative process with the things he/she

encounters.

6.2.1.1. HERBERT BLUMER'S FIRST PREMISE:

Blumer's 1st premise states that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them" (Blumer, 1969 p.2). Everything in the individual's world is included: physical objects, human beings, institutions, guiding ideals, activities and everyday encounters.

The meanings that the Aboriginal students have used in forming their identity partly come from their early experiences. Recall from the literature review that Ruthellen

Josselson (1987) summed up identity as being, "stable, consistent, reliable and integrating ones' meaning to oneself and to others [and was] a way of preserving the continuity of the self, linking the past and the present" (p. 10). These early experiences of Aboriginal students would influence identity formation.

Five questions were asked of the participants that point to Blumer's premise that has given meaning to their identity. The five questions that I posed to the students were:

A. What can you tell me about the place where you grew up?

B. Did you receive traditional teachings?

C. What are your earliest memories of becoming aware of who you were? D. Has anything happened to you that helped you see or gave you a clue as to

who you are? and

E. What things remind you of who you are?

6.2.1.1.1. Earliest Memories of Self:

The question, 'What are your earliest memories of self awareness of who you are?' focuses on the students early experiences that influence their identity. Early memories are an instrumental part in what Blumer said about humans acting, "towards things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them" (Blumer, 1969 p.2).

Earliest memories appeared to fall into common areas of experience: Awareness of racial difference, seeing direction for future goals, racism, uncertainty of racial differences, poverty and knowing Aboriginal self early in life.

6.2.1.1.2. Awareness of Racial Difference:

An area of commonality in recalling early memories is becoming aware of differences in race. Thirteen students (19%) experienced feeling different both from

Aboriginal peers and non-Aboriginal peers while on the reserve or in urban cities. The following examples of early memories of being different prove to be highly influential to the students' identity. The feelings of not being the same as others or of becoming conscious of this difference were found to be devastating for some participants. What they thought they were and finding out they were are not the same as peers created a conflict and disrupted a sense of belonging.

Some students' early memories had an emotional impact and the responses to racial differences affected them strongly. For example, one student simply was told, "Don't speak Cree or else!' (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006). This individual was told this in grade one and it influenced him at such a young age.

In another case, a participant was struck by his experience, for example, in grade one:

During one of our physical activities in the classroom we were asked to partner up with another child in the classroom and, being the only Native child in a class of white children, everyone had paired up previously and so I was the odd person out and there was another student that was also in the same situation but when she was forced to...I mean the teacher insisted that her and I pair up, she was quite upset. She was quite adamant that she didn't want to pair up with someone that wasn't white... [This individual goes on to say that] I was still an outsider so I've always perceived myself as an outsider no matter where I am at-either at the reserve or in the city or wherever I'm at, I'm always on the outside looking in (Personal Interview, November 5, 2005).

Age five is such an impressionable age and a very young age which to feel like an outsider. It has had a big impact on this individual's identity.

Rachael felt very different from her Aboriginal peers. She stated:

When I was growing up it was like I was an outcast. It was just that I didn't fit in but I knew there was something wrong with that. I tried. I'd be crying over the stupidest things 'cause I didn't fit in and what I mean by that I wanted to be like a lot of my peers, but I just wasn't (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

Whether Rachael's childhood memory was different because she excelled in school is unclear but she is the only one in her peer group that went on to university and she is proud of that. She wishes more Aboriginal students went to university.

Steve recognized there was a difference between being Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal. He received this sense of difference from his experiences being around his aunts and his grandmother. He stated:

My earliest memory is of being around my aunts and my grandmother. Those are pretty well my earliest memories, I'd say, and just knowing that 139

we were different. I wouldn't know how to describe it. I wouldn't have said when I was a kid that we were Native and they were white. I just somehow knew (Personal Interview, November 8, 2005).

Going to school seems to highlight a lot of early memories of being different due to the contact with others. Daryl mostly recalls negative memories of racism, especially with having come from primary school on the reserve to going to a public school off the reserve. The difference between being Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal became quite evident to him, for example, he stated:

We were told because of the racism and what not, we knew everyday we were different. We were treated differently, not only from fellow students but also from the teachers. I remember one day I wrote a Biology exam and lo and behold I got the highest mark in my class. The teacher came up to me and wanted me to redo the test in his presence because he thought I was cheating and then again, the only memories I have of going to school there are all the negative things that happened (Personal Interview, January 21, 2006).

In another example of becoming aware of difference, a participant experienced a situation at age seven that had confused him and this confusion has continued to have an influence on his identity today. The situation was this:

One of my cousins when I was living in (place) asked me about what I was and why did I look so different from the rest of them and I said, "I don't know. My dad's white and my mom's Cree, full-blooded Cree", and he's like, "Well, does that make you Metis then?" and I was like, "No. My card from the Government says I'm status. I guess I'm status", and he said, "Well, I think you have one small ball and one big ball", and that was, like, a very vulgar comment and I was just thinking about it and I was just, like, you know, it kind of took something like that to make me realize, the first question, you know, just because the government says I'm someone and because my blood is a mix of this and that, it just kind of made it more confusing. Even questioning it just confused me because the way I act, the way my nature is you would say...and no one would guess that I'm Aboriginal. They would say that this person is a white person but my blood would cause me to be a half breed but the government says, you know, you're treaty. I felt kind of different most of my life. I felt like, kind of, this is a way to survive if I adopt this whole nature to have a good 140

vocabulary and pronounce my words the way a white person would pronounce them and pronounce them right and then not say things like, 'ers' or things that are quite obvious in a Native person's conversation and if I didn't say these things, then the rest of the community besides the Native community, the Native community would kind of make comments like my cousin did or kind of put me away, like push me out but then a bigger community filled with white people, they wouldn't discriminate against me so it was kind of a way to survive in the white man's world (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005).

Being an Aboriginal person was confusing for this participant, thus he was trying to be non-Aboriginal as a way of surviving in the world. Being different for these

students affected their confidence and self-esteem. The meaning derived in these

situations highlighted the aspect of being different meant being in conflict with themselves. Instead of being accepted for who they were, they were met with negative comments, thus affecting the way they looked at themselves, which was negative.

6.2.1.1.3. Racism:

Racist remarks were felt by all the students in this study. Many situations rose that made the students feel different and hurt. Most of the students learned very young that there was a difference between them and non-Aboriginal individuals.

One individual fought with peers when he was young because he was teased

about being Aboriginal. His experience as an adopted child went like this:

For me growing up with two white parents basically, I was pretty young when I realized that, "Wait a minute. They're not the same colour as me. Why am I dark and they're not?" but I can remember distinctly the first time I remember that there was a stigmatism against being Indian, that there was people that didn't like Indians. I can remember that from the first time when I was probably about five years old. I was in kindergarten. It's other kids. Kids are mean, I guess, but I remember in kindergarten being told that I was a no good filthy Indian and not knowing what that meant, not knowing what that kids was saying to me. I scrapped him anyways, but I didn 't know what he was saying and then I can remember asking my mom about that and she not telling me, "Just don't bother with 141

those people. People like that, (name), walk away, turn the other cheek", that kind of thing so that's the first time I can remember there was a stigmatism because my parents were non-Aboriginal, so. (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

This participant began to recognize the difference between being Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal. For example, this made him more determined to know himself as an

Aboriginal. He was determined to find out about Aboriginal people, their past, traditions, customs, and where he fit between it all. He was searching for something to be proud of.

Daryl mostly recalls negative memories of racism, especially with having come from primary school on the reserve to going to a public school off the reserve. The difference between being Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal became quite evident to him, for example, he stated:

We were told because of the racism and what not, we knew everyday we were different. We were treated differently, not only from fellow students but also from the teachers. I remember one day I wrote a Biology exam and lo and behold I got the highest mark in my class. The teacher came up to me and wanted me to redo the test in his presence because he thought I was cheating and then again, the only memories I have of going to school there are all the negative things that happened (Personal Interview, January 21, 2006).

In another case, a student was confronted with his own internal misguided racism situation. For example, he said:

It's kind of strange but it was...I was very, very young and we were living on a farm and I must have... this is actually one of my first memories that I ever had of anything and I must have been only like six or seven and me and my younger brother, we were, like, "Look we're Indians", and we were doing this horrible racist, internally racist dance sort of thing and my mom she came in the room and she smacked us both and she had tears in her eyes and she said, "Don't you ever do that again. You 're making fun of your grandma and you're making fun of all your aunties and your dad and that is horrible" and then she just started bawling and she walked away and we were like, "Oh", so that was a very powerful memory and it 142

was my first confrontation with who I am and then my confrontation with internal racism too (Personal Interview, September 30, 2005).

These experiences were emotionally charged. As early as age five or six these

students felt the impact of racism. All the 60 students made reference to others racist remarks made to them. At such a young age, it is inferred that the emotional pressures

are strenuous on young children affecting their identity. Whether positive or negative, how we remember them is perceived and is a determining factor in our response to them.

For example, if all our memories are negative, then a negative attitude and behavior

would take hold of our identity. If we have both positive and negative memories, then we

get to choose those we wish to retain and influence our identity by how we interact in the

world.

6.2.1.1.4. Uncertainty about identity:

In the following examples, individuals were unsure of themselves which

is another area that early memories impacted the participants' identity. In the first case,

the participant did not quite know where to fit into the Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal way

of life. She recalled:

Back in elementary school...the school that I went to there was a lot of kids from the Alexis and Stoney reserves and then there were some other Metis kids and then everybody else was white and so I remember...I always hung around with the Native kids 'cause I knew them or I was related to them and that meant something until people started calling me like Nichi lover if they didn't like me or if I was fighting with my Native friends, they'd be like "mooniyow" and when I started asking about that like, "What the heck, Why are they calling me this? Why are they calling me that?" and that's when my mom was like "Well, you're not Nakota Sioux. You 're not Cree but you 're not like your other classmates either and I think that was when it was kind of hurtful actually. It was, like, I'm not one or the others and there wasn't a big Metis community at the 143

school so it was kind of like well "Where the heck do I fit?" That's where it kind of began (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

In another example, a student found her experience of uncertainty which was difficult but was able to overcome it. She stated that her "earliest memories, I would say, it was kind of rough growing up in that town because to the white people I was still an

Indian and to the Indians I was still a white person 'cause I do have a light complexion and blue eyes and you 'd think you 'd have it easier with the white people but they 're like

'Awfucking savage anyway''" (Personal Interview, November 1, 2006). This individual came to terms with and acceptance of herself and others and one way she accomplished this was by learning to speak four languages which seemed to give her respect from others.

The uncertainty that these students found themselves in when they were children was mostly worked out later in life by seeking further exposure to Aboriginal culture and traditions. These examples show the uncertainty of where they fit within the Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal way of life. Each student recognized that he or she was Aboriginal but could pass as Caucasian. Looking Caucasian meant not being discriminated against.

Being Caucasian meant being accepted without question from others or needing to meet expectations from others. These examples were confusing for the students when young, yet as they grew older, the confusion still existed for some, while for others they overcame the situation and came to accept themselves which made them secure within their identity.

6.2.1.1.5. Adoption:

Adoption may have been a way of improving the life of the students when they were young, but it has left a hole and a yearning for something they feel they have lost, namely their Aboriginal identity. It can be inferred that they are torn between their

Aboriginal roots and non-Aboriginal upbringing, which has impacted their sense of identity. As well, seeking ones' ancestry has become popular for all people as seen by the number of web sites on the computers regarding genealogy searches. This then makes the question 'who am I?' significant and meaningful.

Adoption was an event that impacted the individuals' identity. Three respondents were adopted by non-Aboriginal parents when they were young. One participant was searching for his identity. "As for searching out who I was as an Aboriginal, that's been going on since I was a kid, since I was little" (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Another participant who was adopted felt torn between non-Aboriginal and

Aboriginal cultures. She stated, "I'm lost. I don't know. I was raised in one world and I was born in a different world and I'm kind of trying to find my way back to the world I was born in" (Personal Interview, September 21, 2006).

6.2.1.1.6. Poverty:

Some of the participants recalled the poverty they experienced as a child. One student stated, "We were dirt poor, with no running water and no indoor plumbing"

(Personal Interview, October 16, 2006). Seven students reported that poverty was a common circumstance. One individual felt grateful to have a roof over his head

(Personal Interview, September 28, 2006). One participant recalled getting their water delivered by horse and buggy. She said:

We didn 't have running water till I was maybe 8 years old or so. I really loved it and we lived right by the lake in the Canadian Shield. It's just along the Canadian Shield and it's so beautiful and yeah it was just a simple life. I really was blessed to have lived in that sort of community when I was young, yeah... [She had] all good memories of my grandparents and God parents and, you know, family members and just friends. It was a good atmosphere. I really enjoyed it...And I think it shaped me to who I am today (Personal Interview, April 29, 2005).

Although poor, this individual had rich traditional teachings which provided her with a tremendous amount of knowledge and has impacted her and her path in life.

Acknowledging poverty in these cases was meaningful for the participants. They have come to appreciate who they are today as a result of poverty.

6.2.1.1.7. Knowing Aboriginal Self:

Another theme from early memories that was shared by students was being different as a result of being Aboriginal. Nine students (13%) identified becoming aware of themselves as Aboriginal. Monique realized she was Aboriginal when she was nine or ten years old. She was out with her uncle fishing and cleaning fish. She stated:

/ had to cut them and clean them and that was the most...I don't eat meat and I'd be looking at this fish with the guts and the eggs and everything coming out and I'm just like, 'ugh, why am I doing this?', you know, and he's like, 'I'm paying you five bucks and you gotta know. It's your culture. It's where you come from', and I'm like, 'okay' and I know at least I'm going to get jive bucks out of the deal, you know, but I think that's my fondest moment of where I can identify that that's who I am (Personal Interview, June 23, 2005).

Jamie's experience is similar in that her grandmother shared her lessons of life with her. Jamie recalled:

Some of my earliest memories are my grandma Annie talking about the responsibility of being an Okanagan person and that, you know, we're here to look after and respect the land and she really emphasized the responsibilities towards remembering where you're from and being Okanagan and, yeah, your responsibilities to the environment. She would, you know, talk about just basically stating that we're here to look after the land as it looks after us and never to forget that and to, yeah, just to remember that. I remember she used to tell us young ones and that was something that had quite the effect on me (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005). 146

Standing Sun Bear Man recalled that stories told by his grandparents and elders which were significant to him. He said:

Some of the teachings and stories I was told as I was growing up...my grandparents and the elders said they were stories you might not understand now 'because you 're young but you 're going to understand it later as you grow older either through your dreams or through reality what happens in your path as you grow older' (Personal Interview, September 14, 2006).

Eighteen participants (30%) in this study identified their relationships with family, friends or community as playing a significant role in who they are as an

Aboriginal person. One student said, "My mother had a great deal of pride in who she was and what she did and where she came from, so I was always very proud to be First

Nations" (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006). Levi said, "It's my family and it's the everyday connections that I have with people that remind me of who I am " (Personal

Interview, September 30, 2005).

Another student said:

Well, I'd say the biggest contributing factor to my identity and figuring out who I was, was really my family, my family and my elders 'cause you know they're the ones that help you along the way when you're having a rough time and they answer any of the personal questions that you might have so they've been there to sort of guide me along the way, you know, and pick me up if I fall...My parents especially have been a huge contributing factor to my identity. My father has been a very good role model for me as a First Nations individual and my mother as well. They've both been amazing, exemplary role models with great distinction, I believe (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Family relationships are important as seen in the above example. The parents specifically taught, encouraged, and guided the students. Pride and confidence was felt and developed. I can infer that parents are significant as they are teachers of presenting both positive and negative aspects in behaviour and emotion. Parents were also role models and encouraged the students to be positive and thoughtful. The role the parents played, thus, is important. They gave the students a platform and base to stand on.

Through their guidance the students were able to explore their identity, knowing they had support from their parents.

One theme that stood out for students was their families sharing what it meant to be Aboriginal, and how proud they felt. As young children, these stories impacted who they were as both young children and as adults. For example, Charlotte recalled:

To be honest my dad was involved in the Dene Nation, the Indian Brotherhood from the Northwest Territories so all growing up I learned all about Native issues throughout and being Indian and that's pretty well where I learned Native issues 'cause when I was in school, they didn't really teach Native history yet so I learned it from home and I always knew I was First Nation. There was no distinction. It wasn't like I thought of myself as someone else but the cultural aspect, who you are, is just a normal part of everyday life, yeah (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006).

Derek and Valerie identified their children as factors in reminding them who they are. For example, Derek said:

Every time I take a look at them I'm reminded of myself. All three of them have a definite sense of me in them from humor to seriousness to curiosity to intellect. They all fashion some form of myself in them so I don't need to look any further than to interact with them and talk with them on a daily basis to know who I am" (Personal Interview, January 22, 2007).

Valerie said:

My kids keep me really grounded especially with being recently single and everything; I think that they keep me really grounded in who I am and remind me of the goals that I want in my life and what kind of person I want to be because of them. I guess it's as a result of them (Personal Interview, September 12, 2006). 148

Two students became aware of being Metis and this made them feel special because their ancestors fought hard to be recognized as Aboriginal. Their Metis' history made them proud. Haley recalled:

/ started to realize that I was.. .you know, you kind of have a simplistic view of what being Metis is when you 're a child so I understood that I was Native, or part Native and so I remember that and I was probably thirteen or fourteen before I really started to realize the whole nationalistic side of being Metis, that we had a place in the world, that we had special rights, that we had a heritage and a culture that was different from other people (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

These students were given lessons of Aboriginal culture, history, and pride.

These lessons gave them knowledge of traditions that they held close as cherished memories. These memories helped them know who they were as Aboriginal people and thus became accepting of themselves because they recognized that they had a proud and rich culture.

In the following, ten students (16%) always seemed to know who they were, for example, Vince, Lisa, and Harold all commented that they always knew they were

Aboriginal. With this came confidence in knowing themselves. They could say without questioning they were Aboriginal which built on their self-confidence and secure identity.

For example, Vince stated, "Well, I guess I've always had an idea of who I am and as long as I can remember since, you know, my teens (Personal Interview, September 28,

2005). Lisa said a similar statement. She said: "/ think I've always known, ever since I was born who I am, where I'm from, that I'm First Nations on my mother's side "

(Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). Harold also sated, "I just knew all the time"

(Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). In a similar case Dynamo stated:

Becoming who I was, well, I kind of knew in the back of my mind who I was throughout elementary school and it didn't really start to affect me 149

until I learned more about it because once I understood who I was and where I came from and my ancestry and that sort of thing, I began to understand how fortunate I am to be who I am and how thankful I should be for what my ancestors have done for me (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Derek's earliest memories of becoming aware of who he was from three years of age. He stated:

Oh since I became conscious to the world. My late paternal grandmother...made very sure that I knew exactly who I was and instilled in me many, many of the principles, ceremonies, beliefs and practices of my people. My first initiation into a ritual way of life was at the age of three and that's my earliest memory of knowing who I was and who I am and who she wanted to make me to be, to mould this little being into somebody that she felt was important in the world. That begins right from age three (January 22, 2007).

6.2.1.1.8. Seeing direction for the future:

Early memories by ten of the participants recalled were that they knew at a young age what they wanted to do in the future. Cassie recalls, "Let's see, back in grade school for as long as I can remember, I think it was in grade one or two, you had to draw a picture and for some reason I chose a teacher and that's still my goal profession so it hasn't changed" (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006).

Lori has also followed her goal since she was 11 years old. She said, " Well, I know that when I was about, I guess eleven, at home, I used to always want to teach and

then as I grew up, I guess I just always sensed that I liked helping people and listening to people" (Personal Interview, September 16, 2006). Lori wants to be a youth counselor or to continue with teacher education. Earliest memories of having direction of where,

when, what the students wanted to be or do is admirable because it usually is not until 150 later in life that one finds direction in what they want to do. It can be inferred that having this direction and determination so early in life, paved the way for their experiences to guide them toward their selected goals.

The early memories of the students were varied, some were positive and some were negative. The students' memories of their early years influenced how they saw themselves in a variety of ways. Some negatives were that they felt confused about their

Aboriginal identity, while others knew themselves as Aboriginal early in life by being exposed to knowing their heritage by being taught their traditional culture by family members. Blumer mentioned that everything has meaning in our lives and with our past experiences it does influence our thoughts, behaviors, and feelings. As young children, we imitate significant others that surround us and some experiences have an impact on us that later as older adults can modify and change the way we behave and think. Our past does impact our identity and identity formation.

In summary, some of the participants learned early in life, others later, that they became aware of difference which had an impact on them as an individual. This experience had both a positive and negative affect on them. For example, those that knew who they were as an Aboriginal individual accepted themselves and were comfortable with their difference in race. This made a difference in their lives because of the rich history and culture that they were a part of.

Those who experienced negative events, as a result of being Aboriginal were less confident and less assured of themselves. This uneasy feeling led to uncertainty. For example, they had hurt feelings when teased and became ashamed of their heritage. But learning Aboriginal ways of life, both early and later in their lives, provided a strong means and connection of identity as an Aboriginal person. Finally, there are those participants who knew who they were and did not question aspects of themselves as an

Aboriginal person. As a result, they developed a strong respect for themselves and for others. For example, some of the students encouraged other Aboriginal students to try hard to succeed in university.

The meaning derived from early childhood experiences with being Aboriginal meant being special and for some a unique aspect which helped solidify their Aboriginal identity. Because they knew themselves as Aboriginal, their interactions, confidence and self-assuredness of being Aboriginal made their relationships and their understanding of themselves definite and strong.

Being Aboriginal meant standing out among others. For those who were uncertain of themselves the drive to explore their identity was evident. It can be inferred that memories guide how one feels and meaning is derived from that, which modifies how one looks at themselves. Our past has an impact on our identity.

6.2.1.1.9. Questions about Place:

The question, 'what can you tell me about the place where you grew up?' provided information about the students that gave a sense of where they have been and whether their sense of self had been influenced by it. Linking to the past and seeing the meanings the students took from their experiences helped provide an understanding in their Aboriginal identity formation.

Eleven participants (16%) had moved several times during their formative years.

Some had moved back and forth between the reserve and the city, while others moved across Canada. Having a sense of attachment to a particular place was absent from their experience. For some, this influenced their feelings of Aboriginal identity. However, learning Aboriginal traditions as youngsters was relevant and provided them with a firm background as to who they were as an Aboriginal person. For example, Curt mentioned they moved a lot when he was young and being in a rural community was difficult because it was a non-Aboriginal community and he felt,

pigeon-holed a lot of the time... 'cause I still was dealing with both identities of being white and being First Nations, you know, so I felt like a bit of a fence sitter [but his mother's teachings] of oral traditions and legends about my heritage and my origins...about our history of how the Sioux got to Canada...gave me a sense of my Native identity (Personal Interview, June 14, 2005).

In another situation, Brad, who also moved around a lot when young said he too had learned traditional teachings that influenced who he was. He learned Cree, though it is lost to him now, and learned smudging, sweats, and hunting:

/ went out hunting with my uncle...he taught me how to shoot the gun and bow, hunting with the bow too... [He also was taught by] I don't know if you 'd call her my grandmother or my koko but she taught me lots of things and she'd always take me into the big smoke hut where she'd smoke, smoking fish and smoking all kinds of meats and teaching me what wood to pick, how your meat will taste if you pick this kind of wood and, yeah, she had a whole set-up behind her house. She had a big tanning...you know where you stretch the hide out. She had one of those big things and you could stretch a whole moose hide on it and she had a sweat lodge back there and she had the smoke hut and a couple of other buildings. I don't know what they were for but [these teachings] were just a part of my life. Learning Cree in grade nine...I was pretty independent at that point. I was living in a foster home so I looked for the opportunity to learn Cree and then everything before that was just kind of brought to me. I was almost expected to learn all of it (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005).

Brad's early experiences with the ways of life of Aboriginal people and their teachings seemed not to be significant enough to him to hold on to them as part of his life now. However, his feelings about betraying his Native roots were due to the fact that his light complexion made it possible for him to pass as Caucasian. Being seen as Caucasian was important to him, however he felt inner conflict over the issue because being

Caucasian appeared to be more acceptable and has more advantages to him, but he knew he was Aboriginal and continues to explore this identity.

An example where a student moved when little but then settled in a city her experience allowed her to see various cultures. She shared that she was raised in the city and not in the best part of the city. Although she was able to see the diversity of people around her she found that in school she was able to connect with her Aboriginal identity.

She said:

/ grew up in East Vancouver so it's, you know not the best part of Vancouver but it was pretty diverse. It was very multi-cultural. There wasn't a lot of us Natives. My elementary school there, there was maybe about a dozen of us and we were lucky enough to have, like, a Native counselor there and we would have a special hour, a couple of hours a week to leave the classroom and go into this little classroom and she'd do cultural things with us. We did beading and making little button blankets and dolls and she would tell us stories and stuff like that so it was a cultural time for us (Personal Interview, June 22, 2005).

Another student after some moving around the country grew up in a city and said that, "The place where I grew up was a very homogeneous environment of non-

Aboriginal people. It was a very suburban area. I remember being one of the only

Aboriginal students in my elementary and junior high school" (Personal Interview,

October 18, 2005). This student was also able to learn of Aboriginal culture from her school experience. Both these students found themselves in the city but through their school experience were able to connect with parts of their Aboriginal culture.

Blumer would comment that even though some of the students moved around a lot when they were young from rural settings to urban settings, they still derived meaning 154 from their experience. Curt found that although feeling trapped between his White and

First Nations identity, and being moved around a lot was outweighed by his mother's constant presence in his life. She played a big role in his discovering who he was and in teaching him his Aboriginal heritage. This meaningful experience helped him explore various other aspects of himself as an Aboriginal while at university.

Both Curt's and Brad's experiences affected their identity differently. The meaning they derived from early upbringings affected how they interacted in the world today.

6.2.1.2.0. Traditional Teachings:

Another aspect that participants felt guided them when young to who they were was learning traditional teachings. For example one participant gained a lot of knowledge from her grandmothers. Her grandmother taught her, "about edible medicinal plants and spirituality and woman's skills and just knowledge of the territory and the powers of water and fire and stuff like that" (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005). Her other grandmother taught her a lot about her Native language. Overall her family overall instilled:

Respect for yourself, pride, respect for the earth, the animals and plants, just a good knowledge and foundation of where we've come from as Okanagan people. I think, understanding where we come from in our duties in this life gives us a lot of guidance and which direction we should go in and just adds strength and pride to ourselves and our people in whatever we do decide to do. I think they (family) put a lot of pride in me for who I am and where I'm from and what my responsibilities as an Okanagan person are to my community, be that my fellow people, the environment and future generations and everything, so a lot of respect to that responsibility (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005).

Another student stated: 155

The place where I grew up was a very homogeneous environment of non- Aboriginal people. It was a very suburban area. I remember being one of the only Aboriginal students in my elementary and junior high school, however, I had a unique high school experience. I went to Children of the Earth High School which is an all Aboriginal high school so I was very fortunate to be taken from one extreme to another...We learned about sweat lodge ceremonies and fasting experiences, learning about the teachings from Cree and Ojibway perspectives of those teachings. We learned about the pipe... A lot of people are now, just now focusing their life onto post-secondary education but I notice a lot of my peers at that point have gone on to be very political, very outspoken people in the community. All of us are very positive role models and I thought that was a really awesome thing...It gave us a real grounding because our history, our perspectives that were being taught weren't being taught from...there were non-Aboriginal teachers and there was Aboriginal teachers but our perspectives were taught on an Aboriginal perspective which is very unique because you don't get that anywhere especially in post-secondary university and especially in high school, you don't get that (Personal Interview, October 18, 2005).

Having had this experience of increasing her awareness of Aboriginal culture greatly influenced this student's Aboriginal identity.

Derek, who grew up in a small fishing community, had to be bussed to and from school which was about a three-hour return trip daily. He recalled learning a lesson taught by his great grandmother which focuses on identity. He stated:

Oh there were many (memories) but I think the constant memory that comes to mind is one of...the only way I can remember it is I had a late great grandmother. Her name was Mary and I used to spend a great deal of time with her as a child and on her front porch. She used to have a little front porch and she'd sit there, make baskets, talk to us, sort of a daily activity kind of stuff but when there would be a stranger in our community, a person not familiar in our community, she would always call them over and she'd ask them 'Who are you?' and the person would say, "Oh, I'm Derek", and she'd say "Well who are you Derek?" and she'd keep asking it again until the person figured out, "Oh, I'm Derek and my parents are...my mom'sfrom this place. My grandparents on this side are from here" until she was able to form sort of an image in her mind of not only the person that was standing in front of her but of the people that this person was connected to and to her that was important because it then linked with her to this person and then she could say, "Well, now I can tell you how I'm related to you. I can tell you how I know your family", so 156

this person was no longer a stranger, but in fact, possibly a relative, an extended family member somehow. There were some people who didn't care. They just sort of looked at her and kept on walking and she saw that as a sign of disrespect that this person didn 't have enough respect to engage in some sort of conversation and I think that's a lesson that my grandmother...she didn't say, "sit down and I'm going to tell you something". It was lessons instilled in her daily life. She lived the way she believed things to be (Personal Interview, January 22, 2007).

Derek's great grandmother had a unique way of connecting herself with others

Derek recognized the significance of his great grandmother's behavior towards strangers

and even now follows his great-grandmother's ways by asking those very questions to

people he meets but does not know. This is a unique example, of seeking out a person's

identity and of finding connections between each other, which is important for our

interrelationships. As such, situating oneself and finding connections as in this example

has not been reported in the literature as a means to defining ones identity.

These early experiences were important in the students' formal years because how

one defines him/herself begins at a young age. The participants' thoughts and behaviors

were a significant indicator in how they interacted in the world by the meaning they

arrived at by their early experience. For example, those who were adopted to non-

Aboriginal parents, yearned to seek out their heritage. Blumer would have to agree that

the students' desire to seek their ancestry makes their search for Aboriginal identity very

meaningful. It fills the gap in their lives. To further the idea that meaning if derived at a

young age, the next section specifically focuses on early memories of self.

6.2.1.2.1. Clues to Identity:

In accordance with Blumer's first premise that everything has meaning, the next

area of exploration asks whether anything happened to the participants that helped them

determine their identity. This question highlights special events and people that were 157 significant in their exploration of identity. Although some of the situations influenced them were discussed previously, certain other aspects stuck out in the student's minds about what helped them discover their identity as an Aboriginal person. For example, one participant discovered the Canadian Death race competition . This student saw that no Aboriginal person successfully challenged or completed this race. He stated:

/ thought if I could complete this race it would be positive for my own children and possibly for my in-laws and just kids in general who know me and it has. When I went up there and ran it, I knew my purpose or role or destiny was to run these exceptional races" (Personal Interview, October 11,2005).

This student found a purpose to his life and more so found his role as an

Aboriginal person. He found that completing the race as an Aboriginal person was most important as it had never been run by an Aboriginal person previously and thus made him feel very special. He found his role and purpose in life as an extreme adventure runner.

Another student recalled this:

/ would say when I was about five years old, I just remember being very curious and having a high imagination and I just always knew that...and I always loved writing ever since I was a child so I'd say around five when I would make my little children's books so I have a sense of imagination. I knew I'd be a creative person (Personal Interview, June 14, 2005).

Much like the above example, this student found his purpose in his life as a writer. Writing gave this individual the confidence and certainty to what he wanted to become.

Some students found that their university experience has proved to be an aspect that helped them define their identity as an Aboriginal person, for example, classes,

The Canadian Death Race began in 2000 and meets at noon near Grande Cache, Alberta. It is an elite racers adventure race that is 125 km course begins and ends on a 4200 foot plateau, passing over three mountain summits, includes a 17,000 feet elevation change and crosses the Hell's Gate Canyon. The race is not an ordinary race as it challenges the best of the best (Canadian Death Race, 2007). 158 lectures and social life gave them direction to what and who they wanted to become as an

Aboriginal person. Haley stated:

That going to university was definitely a growing time in my own identity because I started to study Aboriginal politics and governance, I really took that time to look at the history of where my people had come from and how they had developed, what were our specific needs and so then I started to realize more what I felt it meant to be Metis, what the differences were and how I saw myself as different from, say the Canadian collective (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

Fifty-eight of the 60 students found that their experience in university impacted them by feeling that it helped them discover who they were. For example, their university experiences provided some of the students with exposure to Aboriginal ceremonies and rituals that they had not experienced previously. This provided them with an awareness of Aboriginal culture. University life, classes, professors, and social interactions all challenged the students' confidence, efforts, and understanding of themselves. The joy and rising consciousness expressed with being exposed to

Aboriginal culture was important to them. Other students who had a firm Aboriginal identity found their university experience complimenting what they all ready knew about

Aboriginal culture. University solidified their sense of self. These situations helped them identify and get in touch with their Aboriginal identity.

One student felt uneasy about the reactions he received about who he was as an

Aboriginal person, from both people on the reserve or in the city. He stated:

Because of the amount of time that we moved back and forth to the reservation, the reactions that I got...because in the early seventies racism was still pretty obvious, that gave me a sense of who I was. I wasn't them but moving back to the reserve, the reaction I got from people of my own kind was, again, was not good. Apparently I was an apple. You know red on the outside, white on the inside, so again, despite being among who I thought were people of my own, I was still an outsider so I've always perceived myself as an outsider no matter where I'm at-either at the reserve or in the city or wherever I'm at, I'm always on the outside looking in (Personal Interview, November 1, 2005).

This student felt no sense of belongingness to either community. He appeared to feel lost, lost between two cultures, where he did not fit in either.

Another individual felt similar feelings. For example, he said:

Like being around the white community and being around an Aboriginal community, I could see changes in myself and then those changes that I would always, like, adapt to what kind of crowd I was in. Those changes kind of made me think about what I really was...Well, I guess I'm caught in the white persons' world and I'm at a loss to the Native world, completely out of touch with it and I felt ashamed that I'd betrayed them. I betrayed my roots kind of thing (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005).

Some individuals experienced conflict about accepting their Aboriginal identity and it played out in various ways. For example, these students, even though it was hard to accept their Aboriginal roots, they took on roles, such as being on Native Students councils as a form of over compensation. It appeared as though they were put in the spotlight as being role models for Aboriginal people. Some of them even tried very hard to get good grades thus letting other people know they were successful Aboriginal students.

For these individuals there was conflict about accepting their Aboriginal identity and it played out as to who they are as seen in previous passages and plays out in later passages in this study.

Finally twelve students (18%) identified Aboriginal activities, such as powwows, trap line hunting and values, such as truth and honesty as providing structure to their identity. One individual identified cultural activities, such as being out on a trap line going caribou hunting with his father, instilled Aboriginal identity in him. He stated:

"teaching of values (such as humility and respect) and seeing it with my own eyes and knowing that that was something special and then as I got older just realizing that that

was significant in itself' (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006). For two participants being in the wilderness helped them identify with their Nativeness. Being in the bush like their grandfathers and grandmothers used to be helped them not only identify with their

grandparents but with the way things were done in the past. Lily summed up her

experience as:

Well, when I go into the bush...this is where it all comes back. Like rushing in, I feel like a different person. I feel like I'm back to who I think I am, you know, the Dene woman which I feel is my strongest identity. When I'm in the city I feel like I lose it sometimes and I just need to go...even if it's a drive out to the mountains for a hike. It just beings...just being in nature and the silence and, you know, it's no comparison to what's up north but at least it gives me that identity back (Personal Interview, April 29, 2005).

Lily's remarks were supported by many of the students who said that going into the bush, hiking or just being in nature's setting helped them reconnect to who they were

as Aboriginal because it reminded them of when they grew up and experienced this.

One participant recalled a play that her aunt took her to when young which gave her a sense of who she was. She recalled:

She brought me to a play and I was, like, nine or ten years old (the play was) about residential schools and it was very intense but then afterwards explained a lot of things to me, explained that grandma had gone to residential school and explained that some of the behaviors that my mom would have showed and that my auntie showed and even that she showed came from that and I remember that being really, really intense for me because I was so young but already knew that some things were different and needed an explanation, you know, knew that there was something possibly dysfunctional about who I was and my family life and she was able to...that was really, really changing experience for me in terms of identity (Personal Interview, September 28, 2005). The play not only showed aspects of residential schools, it gave a historical perspective and what being Aboriginal meant, for example, Aboriginal children felt the prejudice shown against them. They were to be assimilated into the non-Aboriginal culture. This individual understood residential schools and their affect on the Indian children. Residential schools were common for many Aboriginal people and its affect was mostly negative although there were also positives. The play helped this student to see the impact of residential schools on her family and understood her family's behaviours. She was shocked at hearing survivor's stories. The play changed her awareness of the events that affected many Aboriginal people in the past and where she fit in the Aboriginal community now. By understanding her parent's experiences the awareness brought a clearer image of her Aboriginal identity. The play promoted understanding for this student and made her look to her own identity as an Aboriginal person.

Still, another individual was linked to her culture by receiving her spiritual name which she understood as part of her identity. She said, "My spirit name (says name) I have known it since I was little. It's like always having someone on your shoulders telling you who you are all the time even when people call that you're lost, they're still there" (Personal Interview, September 14, 2006).

For these individuals' ties to Aboriginal activities, such as values and traditions were indicators that helped them form their identity. For them participating in ceremonies and rituals of Native culture helped them identify, accept, and promote their

Nativeness. Ceremonies and rituals have been maintained for generations. The meaning they derived from their experiences was significant in that Native ceremonies are a 162 special aspect of Aboriginal culture. They want these traditions to be preserved. Those students who experienced Aboriginal traditions early in their lives were accustomed to them and they were a natural event. For those students who learned their culture later in life, they actively sought out the traditions and understandings of Aboriginal culture and appreciated them. Whether culture was provided for them as part of their socialization as children, or whether they actively sought it out as interested adults, the significance of maintaining an active meaningful Aboriginal culture is important and must be practiced.

The meaning they derived from this helped them identify as Aboriginal thus has been a powerful event.

6.2.1.2.2. Things That Remind Them They Are Aboriginal:

Other factors also influence the students and helped them to form their identity.

When asked the question, 'Are there things that remind you who you are as an Aboriginal person?' all the students identified peers, humour and language as being aspects that helped them form their Aboriginal identity.

6.2.1.2.3. Peers:

Ms. Jimmy noted that her peers where important figures in her life that help or remind her who she is. She said:

My peers remind me of who I am. A lot of the time when I tend to fall off the track, they kind of put me back up there, you know, 'You're strong. You're a woman. You can do this'and my friends do a lot of that. They'll make me feel good about myself, you know, 'Thank you for helping me', like even that makes me feel good about myself and that's who I am (Personal Interview, September 18, 2006).

Being in university, surrounded by peers who are directed toward a common goal, such as, being successful and graduating, as well as having the support of the Aboriginal 163 student's centers on campus helped the students explore and acknowledge their

Aboriginal identity. For example, Joe's experience becoming acutely aware that there were Metis students in university helped him to see with a clearer sense of self that they had things in common (Personal Interview, September 23, 2006) such as, they were intelligent and capable students. Dynamo found that "Indigenous ...areas of study or textbooks or what's going on throughout history with regard to Canada's First Nations, it reminds me of where I came from and what my ancestors have been through and it kind of reminds me of who I am" (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). Brock agrees with Dynamo in that "through Native Studies (courses) a lot of that, my interest in these can probably define a lot of who I am" (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006). Vince simply realized just being in class, at present, makes him fully aware of whom he is.

6.2.1.2.4. Humour:

Drew Hayden Taylor is a well known and leading Canadian Aboriginal playwright and humorist. Taylor has been researching and writing about Aboriginal humour for 15 years and it figures in all of his work. In his writings he has explored the

"struggle to understand how Native identity can survive under the pressure of the settler culture" (Nunn, 2008). Taylor has won many awards for his writing and his writing is an important aspect of the Native Cultural renaissance. Some of the students commented on this sense of humor as being part of their identity. For example, Rhonda reported that

"everyone says they know me by my laugh. They know where I am by my laugh"

(Personal Interview, September 13, 2006).

I will say more about the students experience in the section on post-secondary education later in the chapter, but can note here that the participants' experiences in university has greatly influenced their identity as an Aboriginal person. 164

Humour was identified by participants as being an aspect of their identity as an

Aboriginal person. A sense of humour seems to always play a role in identification with

Aboriginal peoples. From the earliest times laughter was shared and in a lot of cases the trickster figure is dominant in writings and most always brings a smile to the faces of those who are reading about them.

Sonia said the thing that reminds her of who she is "Probably laughing a lot. One of the things that I really miss about home is that the humour is different. Some of my white friends don't get my humour where as a lot of my Native friends will, like the mockery of oneself or making fun of each other's families, that sort of thing. That reminds me of home a lot and of who I am" (Personal Interview, September 16, 2006).

Standing Sun Bear Man agrees and has this to say about humour:

The collective nature of our people, the laughter, the sense of humour, how we learn things especially when we laugh together [reminds him of who he is]. Ashinabe people or Native people joke around in class. That's just an element to support the educational attainability of how we can advance in society. Sometimes Native people seem to forget about that. Either they're too serious...but laughter is actually a teaching element coming from our ancestors since time immemorial [laughter is very contagious and involves a sense of camaraderie] see, that's what I tend to notice especially on a First Nation's reserve or even in a community in an urban context when you congregate with other Aboriginal people or Ashinabe people, like they'll tell a joke and that joke will spread, like that one joke will spread, a collective joke, it will spread, like everybody will have their input onto that joke so it actually solidifies what you learn. I find it is what you learn, either by storytelling or by teaching (Personal Interview, September 14, 2006).

Humour is special and for some of the students' identity development as an

Aboriginal person. Humour plays a significant role in Aboriginal community because

Aboriginal people are known for this keen sense of humour and it's always been an essential part of their culture. 165

6.2.1.2.5. Language:

Finally, speaking or hearing Aboriginal language spoken held significance for the participants, which reminded them who they were as Aboriginal people. For example,

Jason stated:

/ don't have any grandparents any more so I can't really relate to them anymore but I guess more or less when I go to powwows or I go to a sweat lodge and just speak the language which I'm just trying to learn, so just doing that everyday, helps me know who I am, I guess, more and more (Personal Interview, November 24, 3005).

Sid stated that the language of Native people was important. He said:

It's just holding onto it. That identifies me as a human being and with language comes along with the custom, the beliefs, regarding your traditional lifestyle or even how you could identify with other people regarding like sharing, community awareness, compassion, understanding, and respect (Personal Interview, October 9, 2007).

Maintaining the language was seen as valuable for most of the participants. Some could speak their language, while others desired to learn it and all saw it as an important aspect to retain as Aboriginal people. Symbolically it tied them to their ancestors.

Acknowledging this connection was emotionally important for the participants. Some of the students know and speak their Native language while others do not. For those who did not speak their language they desired to learn it and noted that not being able to speak their language it was not a deterrent to their Aboriginal identity.

Some of the participants could identify what reminded them of who they were while others could not. As well, one individual identified with negative aspects and experience, such as poverty, violence and isolation as the things he felt reminded him of this identity. He experienced each of these and saw poverty on the reserve; hence, identified with it. This individual appeared to recognize the harsher side of some Aboriginals' experiences and did not want to 'sugar coat' his experience by only presenting a positive outlook. By stating the 'darker' side of some Aboriginal's living conditions, he was being honest with himself. It was important for this individual to acknowledge the reality of some of the negative sides of Aboriginal life. This individual was being acutely aware of where he came from and what he has experience. It had an influence on his identity as an Aboriginal person.

6.2.1.2.6. Analysis of Blumer's First Premise;

Blumer's first premise stated that everything in a person's world has meaning for them and that they act toward these experiences based on this meaning. In essence, everything both present and past history has meaning and influences identity. The students in this study have drawn upon their Aboriginal experiences and culture to understand and give meaning to their identity as an Aboriginal person.

I wanted to know whether early experiences and other aspects of their past had influenced their Aboriginal identity formation. The participants' experiences, such as place, early memories, traditional teachings, and the meanings that they derived from each of these pave the way for Aboriginal identity formation. For example, the places where the students grew up were diverse. Some lived on the reserve, others lived in the city, while others moved frequently between the two locations. Each location had supports for acquiring Aboriginal culture such as Friendship or Community Centers.

Those who moved around a lot were not attached to a particular place and therefore did not play an important role in their identity development. Needless to say, they still had memories that they saw as adding to building onto their identity formation. For example, 167 those who lived on a reserve had an abundance of cultural experience and resources while those in the city did not have as much access to cultural resources.

Receiving tradition teachings when young strengthened their Aboriginal identity.

Some did not know they were learning Aboriginal ways of life when young because they thought the special activities, such as collecting herbs or ceremonies were just a way of life. They understood later that some activities were specific to Aboriginal culture and traditions. These memories for the students were significant to their understanding of their Aboriginal identity because it solidified and confirmed their Aboriginal identity.

Early memories of racism, adoption, and poverty also influenced the students' experience of identity. For those who experienced prejudice initially felt that there was something wrong with being Aboriginal, hence, they had less self-esteem. Racism has a long history. Its effects were felt early in Canada's history and is still prominent today.

For Aboriginal people it is not easy to get rid of the impact of racism as seen by some of the students' experiences. When the students were young, they were given explanations by family members to counter the prejudice remarks, and some of them felt that being

Aboriginal was special thus felt special and began feeling positive about their identity.

However, the negative effects of racism continue to be felt in university. As will be seen later some of the students continue to encounter racist remarks while in their university experience. Some students have been able to confront those who made the racist remarks and have felt better and more in control of their feelings, however, they also realize that racism is difficult to stop, and is something that they will encounter for a long time.

Being adopted was another area where some of the student's early memories and experiences affected their identity. The students who were adopted experienced a 168 yearning to discover who they were. The parents tried their best to explain situations as they arose. The yearning and questioning that the students felt in trying to discover who they are is an aspect of adoption itself. From my personal experience, I have seen child after child who were adopted seek their true identity even if they have a good childhood and upbringing. This yearning seems evident. For the students in this study their

questioning led to an understanding of their Aboriginal roots, which they learned to grasp as part of their Aboriginal identity.

Poverty on the reserve was experienced by some of the students. They did not know anything but poverty so they did not feel deprived. For example, one student who had to collect water from the stream, this was just part of her life. Students came to recognize this as part of being Aboriginal. Although recognizing poverty as being part of their memories, they wish for a positive outcome for their experience of being

Aboriginal, hence, thought positive, behaved positively, and felt positively towards their

Aboriginal identity.

Frances Aboud in his ethnic self identification theory stated that children learn of group membership at a young age. Aboud says that ethnic difference and identity development begins early in life, and this data supports that assertion (Aboud, 1987).

Thus, early memories and activities helped the students' self-define who they were as an

Aboriginal person. Some students recalled memories from four to six years of age which

influenced how they viewed themselves. For example, at such a young age they

experienced racism and the concept of difference.

Group membership is experienced early in life. What can be inferred is that

identity is stable. Josselson (1987) stated that identity is stable and that the past influences identity development. Again this data supports Josselson's study. She recognized the importance of the past affecting ones' identity.

Blumer stated in his first premise that "humans act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them" (Blumer, 1969 p.2). Where the students grow up, whether or not they received traditional teachings, earliest memories and events that reminded the students who they were was shared and all of which has an influence on their identity formation. Because of this, the students reacted to events today from their memories of their past. The stableness of identity begins early in life, but can be further influenced upon by social interaction. This topic is addressed in the next section.

6.2.1.2. HERBERT BLUMER'S SECOND PREMISE:

Blumer's "second premise is that the meaning of such things (that everything has meaning) is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with ones' fellows" (Blumer, 1969 p.2). Blumer stressed that ones' social interactions with others have an impact on identity development. The process of social interaction with others defines oneself by communication. Feedback from others allows the person to accept or change his/her behavior in accordance with this communication.

This section explores two questions derived from the incidents when the

Aboriginal participants had felt proud of who they were and/or events when they had been made to feel ashamed. By exploring experiences of pride and shame the focus centers on the emotional impact on identity development and social interactions influence on identity development. 170

6.2.1.2.1. Experiences of Pride in Aboriginal Heritage:

The feelings expressed by all of students except two were of pride in their

Aboriginal heritage. Whether it is interactions with family members, Elders, or with other university students they identified positively with their Aboriginal heritage. For example, Valerie certainly finds that her interaction with her father created a sense of pride and a sense of accomplishment because he instilled positive values about life. She stated:

/ don't want to sound boastful or anything but I think I'm pretty proud of who I am all the time. I think that my dad always told me to be proud to be who you are and be proud to be Aboriginal and he didn't like the people that would say...if someone asked him where they're from and they would use on the towns around the area instead of referring to the reserve. He'd always like pointed that out to us and I think that he always made us feel proud of who we were even though he never really promoted the Aboriginal aspect, like the traditional part and plus he went to residential school so he was more really concerned about not being ashamed about where we are and who we are and where we come from and I think that I feel proud about the way I am with my children and the way that I take care of my children and the way that I take care of my house and the fact that I have the stuff that I have and the fact that I'm going to school and I'm getting really good grades and I feel good. I'm pretty proud of who I am (Personal Interview, September 12, 2006).

Valerie's experience of having positive values instilled by her father created a healthy positive attitude toward her Aboriginal identity.

Kimbel's interactions with Elders also strengthened his identity as an Aboriginal person. The Elders are respected individuals in the community and their words of wisdom made him proud. He said:

Everyday, everyday and that's what I tell youth, aye, "Be proud of being an Indian because you can't change who you are no matter how much you can cut their hair and dress like a hip hop artist, whatever you want, but you'll always be Indian and accept that. That's a teaching from the elders. Acceptance, "Accept who you are and then you will begin to reach your full potential . That's what I like to say (Personal Interview, October 1,2006).

University classes had an impact on identity especially Aboriginal classes with

Aboriginal content. One person was impressed that non-Aboriginal students showed interest in taking Aboriginal classes which gave her a sense of pride in being Aboriginal.

She said:

/ feel proud a lot actually especially taking classes that are, I guess, Aboriginal classes. I call them Aboriginal classes yet the topics are Aboriginal management or Aboriginal issues and justice. They're not always classes that are all positive obviously but going into a class and seeing that it's not only all Aboriginal people. It makes me proud 'cause these students have made a conscious effort to learn about Aboriginal people and I know that at some period of time that never would have happened (Personal Interview, January 20, 2006).

Seeing other Aboriginal students succeeding in university made Brock identify with them and their success encouraged him to try even harder. He said:

/ guess it would be when I'm with a group of people who've done really well and I'm speaking about Aboriginal people in particular and they've achieved a high level of education and a high level of a sense of accomplishment within themselves and with everyone else around them and that makes me feel good because I know I can be a part of that (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

Sid found living both in the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures, made him proud of both cultures. One culture did not take precedent over the other and there was no struggling between the two. He said, "Knowing full well that I'm capable of fitting into modern society but also going back to my community and saying that you can do it.

In both cultures I feel proud" (Personal Interview, October 9, 2006).

Many of the participants interacted with a diversity of people providing a variety of situations where they felt proud. It was through interactive relationships that identity 172 appeared to be interwoven into their self image, self-esteem and confidence. Feedback from others reinforced competence and self-acceptance, thus, interaction was an important social tool for creating and supporting change and developing pride in the

students' identity. Blumer's theory says that meaning is established by ones' social interactions. This data supports that notion. Thus, the activities of others are positive factors in the formation of their own conduct. In other words, through our interactions

with others we give and take aspects from others that we wish to incorporate into our

identity.

6.2.1.2.2. Experiences of Feeling Shame about Their Aboriginal Heritage:

Whereas the above passages spoke of positive examples of feeling pride in

Aboriginal heritage, the following examples show situations where the participants were made to feel ashamed of their Aboriginal heritage. Students stated that they experienced racism because of their Aboriginal heritage. This created a conflict in their identity

development. As children, many felt hurt and were confused by the nasty behavior of

others. But as adults the feelings expressed were of shame. Over half of the students reported feeling ashamed of their Aboriginal heritage at later points in their life. For

example, a student reported that she felt ashamed when Aboriginal people do not speak up to defend Aboriginal people from racist remarks. She said:

I'm ashamed when people I love don't speak up when things are being said that are not right. For example, if I'm out with a group of people and somebody makes a comment about how Aboriginals are always being arrested in Winnipeg and if somebody that's with me, like say my husband doesn't speak up and say" You know, that's really stereotypical", that would make me ashamed that the people I'm associating with me are not speaking up (Personal Interview, November 19, 2005). 173

In yet another example, Jamie found that she was torn between going to university and living back on her reserve, and felt shame over this issue. She said:

I've sometimes gotten a lot of flack for leaving the reserve and wanting to go to school and a lot of my peers and friends that I grew up with are tired of me going to school. They want me back home so they're like "come home. What are you doing? You should be home", and you know and they're doing all the fun stuff-camping, hiking, and fishing and all this stuff and sometimes I think what I'm doing is a big sacrifice, to learn in this academic world and sometimes, you know, I feel ashamed when I miss out on my culture back home (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005).

One example that stood out for some of the students was their light-coloured skin which created conflict because they could pass as Caucasian. These students felt caught between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures due to their skin colour and felt apart from either culture.

Levi says that he feels caught between two worlds, Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal because he can pass as Caucasian. He felt he had to defend both cultures which caused conflict and dissonance (imbalance) in his identity formation. For example, he said:

Definitely (caught between two cultures) yeah. It would be funny because, even today, my non-Aboriginal friends think of me as like their Native friend quote- unquote and then some of my Aboriginal friends think of me as just as being their white friend sort of thing and that's sort of interesting, but then when you get into the heavy political situations and stuff like that, I find myself having to not sympathize, well it is sympathize and try to be empathetic sort of thing to what's being said, so if I'm in a context where Aboriginal people are putting down white people, then, of course, that's where I feel really caught because people will look at me and they'll say, "Well, why do you say that sort of thing? You're in a room full of Aboriginal people. Why are you here defending the white devil?" sort of thing, you know, and people would be like, "What do you know about being Aboriginal? You don't even look Aboriginal", sort of thing, and that's difficult and at times it plays to my advantage too, like in those very same instances, some people will look at me and they'll be able to identify with me, connect with me on a different level than if I was wholly 174

brown I guess, but I mean, this kind of discrimination isn't nothing compared to what people who look Aboriginal have to face so, I mean, it's just part of who I am and it's these experiences that just shape how I react to different situations in the future sort of thing, (Personal Interview, September 30, 2005).

Other students felt trapped like Levi with being Aboriginal but looking Caucasian.

Some felt that they have 'white skin' privilege which caused conflict when in a situation where non-Aboriginal students talk poorly towards Aboriginal people. For these students ambivalence towards identifying who they are as an Aboriginal person had affected their self-acceptance. Questions they thought about were 'where do I belong'?

Some students felt a sense of complacency at times because it seems nothing can or will change the situation. They felt that changing negative stereotypes is difficult. As mentioned earlier, changing negative stereotypes is hard, but not impossible. Most of the students had experienced racism, some more directly than others. One student recalled making fun of other Aboriginal people. His mother scolded him when he was making fun of the traditional dances that Aboriginals take pride in. His mother reacted by walking away crying. This student was embarrassed by what he has done and felt badly.

He stated that he was ashamed with himself and was never going to make fun of

Aboriginal people again. This situation impacted him greatly and over the years he learned more about Aboriginal people and took pride in himself.

Complacency over the idea that racism and stereotypes will not change was felt by some of the students prior to their university experience. But the students experience at university has given them a new sense of pride in themselves and for all Aboriginal people. This was seen by their acknowledging their Aboriginal identity and how their increased knowledge of Aboriginal culture made them proud. 6.2.1.2.3. Analysis of Blumer's Second Premise:

Feelings of shame stemmed from how the participants perceived comments and interactions with others. This is an important aspect in identity development for one sees or identifies themselves in terms with social interaction with others. Both acknowledgement and congruence of perceptions affect their Aboriginal sense of self.

Situations where the participants have been made to feel either pride or shame have had an influence on their identity. The social interactions with others in either of these cases has hindered, enhanced, and heightened the forming of their Aboriginal identity. This overall effect has strengthened the participants' understanding of themselves.

The feelings that they had of themselves guided their behavior, as seen, in the examples of feelings of pride. This can also be said for feelings of shame. The interactive relationships created both confidence in and defense of their Aboriginal heritage. It appeared that because of interactions with others both feelings of pride and feelings of shame are factors in defining identity. In reviewing Blumer's first and second premises, the concept of emotional impact is not referred to directly, but may be implied.

In other research, such as Mead, Josselson, and Waterman identity development has an emotional impact. With asking participants questions on pride and shame, emotional concept is brought into the definition on identity. It is an important aspect. Some students' conflict with their Aboriginal self, whether it is confusion over their white- skinned privilege or feelings of shame are being challenged within their university experiences. 176

6.2.1.3. HERBERT BLUMER'S THIRD PREMISE:

Blumer's first premise explained how one derives meaning from everything around us. His second premise focused on how ones' social interactions with others influence ones' identity. His third premise states that meaning in ones' life and identity is handled in and modified through our interpretation process in dealing with everything that one encounters (Blumer, 1969). How one interprets the events in ones' life is an important aspect as it influences all ones' thoughts, behaviors, and feelings. This section addresses five questions that explore the interpretative process in which the participants give meaning to their Aboriginal identity. By asking these questions one gains an awareness and understanding of the interpretative processes that Aboriginal students in this study encounter in the search of their identity. The five questions are:

1. Are there things that cause you to forget who you are?

2. Do you ever feel like you do not know yourself?

3. Do you ever feel like you do not like yourself?

4. Do you ever feel like you are lost? and

5. Do you think that you see yourself differently than others do?

6.2.1.3.1. Forget Who You Are?

Asking the question 'Are there things that cause you to forget who you are?' focuses on the issue as to whether ones' identity is stable. One of the factors in defining identity was that it is stable. One-quarter of the participants felt that they knew themselves fairly well and that there was not anything that caused them to forget who they were. Whether they were younger or older or had grown up with their Aboriginal culture or lived in the city, the majority of the responses to the question were similar. For 177 example, Standing Sun Bear Man noted that speaking his Aboriginal language was very important in his knowing who he was. He said:

I know who I am and I'm pretty grounded. I know who I am. The only thing that I wish I could do is have a real strong language component. There are not many people that speak our language and our language is very important to us because our language is living. It moves. It has a spirit and living in an urban environment there's not many people that speak the language (Personal Interview, September 14, 2006).

Standing Sun Bear Man also commented that it is important not to forget the collective nature of Native people versus the individualistic paradigm in the urban context. He inferred that Aboriginal people interact as a total community and for the benefit of the whole group. He felt that in the city people interact for the benefit of themselves rather than the whole community. Sid also made mention that he felt that individuals act for themselves.

It's more or less trying to adapt to modern society regarding trying to understand the concept of individualism and trying to believe it with the group interest and at times, society itself is geared towards the me instead of the we (Personal Interview, October 9, 2006).

Jordon felt that at the end of the day he does not forget who he is. He said:

No, there are times that you'll see that you are different but it won't ever...I've gone to school in predominantly, I guess you could say, white schools growing up and even in high school but you can see the differences. You can see that everybody else is of European descent but at the end of the day you always know who you are and you won't ever forget that (Personal Interview, February 8, 2007).

Most students at the university were confident and had a firm sense of who they were as an Aboriginal person. They were aware of situations that influence and support their Aboriginal identity. Not all the students felt this way. For example, what stood out as a common cause of forgetting who one was, was being in university. University expectations, such as, course obligations and time constraints, caused some students to forget who they were. Sonia looked Caucasian and felt that university sometimes makes her forget she is Aboriginal. She said:

/ want to say school, like going to school, but it's very different just because I'm constantly reminded that I'm Native as well because of people...because my choice of department right now is due in fact to my background because I want to work with Native people but school sometimes makes me forget that I'm Native because I don't look Native so it's like, sometimes I forget (Personal Interview, September 16, 2006).

Christina also found courses influencing her Aboriginal identity and challenging her belief system. For example,

Sitting in a class trying to listen to some professor telling you what's right and what isn 't. Sometimes you get stuck, or I get stuck and I think "How is this important in the great scheme of things?" I don't believe in Anthropology and saying that I came from apes and so if I take an Anthropology class it's really tough and episodes like that really are a struggle for me (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

Brock expressed his forgetting this way:

Sometimes, I guess when I start thinking too vainly and start thinking about myself like more than other people then I think that's where I forget who I am because my mother always put values on me to always try and remember, do the good morality(sic) thing, right, help others (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

New ideas and concepts presented during university classes influenced the

students' concept of themselves and made them question and challenge who they were.

One student found that racism makes her forget herself. She said:

/ think things that probably make me forget who I am as far as being a Native or First Nations is racism. Whenever I see racism and if it's directed at me, it makes me want to forget that I'm Native, that I'm First Nations, but I don't experience that a lot but, I guess in some cause I've found myself being a little racist towards my own people just because I 179

was brought up with that mental attitude too (Personal Interview, September 21, 2006).

One student reflected deeply about what makes him forget who he is and summed up his statement this way: "It's just that there are so many things competing for your attention in the modern society that it's hard to remember or think about, or find time to

think about who you are on the inside" (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). This

student sums up this question by saying that one can feel that externally university,

alcohol, media, racism for example makes one forget who one is. But he continues to say

that it is equally important to remember who one is internally on the inside, for example,

activities such as drinking can make one feel or react differently than what he/she

normally would do. Pressure to perform activities not normal to a person hinders ones'

growth as a person if it interferes with what we believe or feel on the inside of us. Our

intuition and believing or knowing what is right guides our behavior, thus meaning is

derived through our interpretative processes.

6.2.1.3.2. Do Not Know Self:

The next question asked of the students was 'Do you ever feel like you do not know yourself?' This probing question was asked in order to gain insight into their

awareness, understanding and/or questioning of who they were. It is felt that the students

use an interpretative process in forming their identity, which Blumer acknowledged is

important when looking for meaning to everything in our lives.

About one-third of the participants responded to the question that they knew themselves. Of those, the majority were 32 years or older, the average being 39 years

old, and 64% were male. One can infer that older male students had more experiences in 180 acknowledging their identity and thus their experiences helped them know their identity as an Aboriginal person. Their background, whether they were from the reserve or city, did not play a factor. One comment was, "/ know who I am and where I'm going"

(Personal Interview, January 16, 2006). What can be inferred here is that as one grows older, one has a clearer sense of who they are. In this case, 39 years old is an age where one pretty much knows where he/she is going in life. On the other hand knowing who one is at a young age is also as important because it can drive a person toward achieving goals, especially because confidence in themselves is strong. For example, one participant answered the question "Do you ever feel like you do not know yourself?' as:

/ would have to say probably not. I think probably as I was growing up...as you're growing up you're trying to find out who you are and what your purpose is right, so part of growing up that's kind of like a natural process but as I was growing up I always knew I was Aboriginal. I always knew I was Treaty after being told when I was in grade eight and I always thought, "There's better things than staying around in Cumberland House so one of these days I'm just going to leave this community and then hopefully come back and work from my community as well", so I've always kept my head up high (Personal Interview, February 13, 2007).

This student had a firm grasp on her identity because she knew she was Aboriginal at a young age and felt confident in who she was.

One individual came to question her identity while living in the United States. It

seems that the appearance of Aboriginal people is a bit different there in that they can be

easily mistaken for Mexicans. Aboriginal population in the United States is a smaller proportion than in Canada. Reasons for fewer Aboriginal people in the United States

were the destruction and genocidal efforts in the early history of the United States. They nearly eradicated all Aboriginal peoples. "It is plain that the killing stopped only when

there was quite literally no one in the target population left to kill" (Ortiz, 1992 p.7) and thus it is no wonder that this student kept being mistaken as Korean, Japanese, Chinese,

Polynesian, anything but Native because there were fewer Aboriginal left to compare with. She said:

If I don't even look Indian to these people, you know it kind of made me look at the whole identity then how should I recognize myself or how I feel about myself being First Nation and I think that whole experience definitely attributed to me coming back and standing up for myself you know, and being aware of how other people looked at me and viewed me...there was a point where I was questioning who I was (Personal Interview, January 20, 2005).

Not being recognized as Indian while in the United States, this student's internal process of understanding herself made her look critically at her Aboriginal identity.

Not being tied directly to Aboriginal culture made one student question her

Aboriginal self. She said she does not know herself "lots of times. I've actually felt like

I'm not Indian because of the fact that I didn 't go to residential school, the fact that I didn't grow up on the reserve, the fact I've barely ever been on my reserve" (Personal

Interview, September 21, 2006).

Being caught between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures is a theme expressed by some students. One individual grew up away from her reserve and did not have a lot of education and feels she does not know enough to claim being Metis

"because I have white skin privilege and because I didn't grow up in my nation that I don't necessarily have the right to claim being Aboriginal" (Personal Interview, October

8, 2006).

Seeking that balance between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal culture is felt by another student. He said: "sometimes I question whether I'm ever going to get that 182 balance I want between mainstream and Aboriginal identities" (Personal Interview,

September 28, 2005).

One student feels that he does not know his Aboriginal side because his grandmother was kicked off the reserve and his mother hated the Aboriginal side of herself which has made this student "very confused a lot of the time because I don't feel that I'm fully immersed into this culture and I want to find out who I am in my other one"

(Personal Interview, September 16, 2006).

These students are questioning their Aboriginal identity because they do not feel

'Indian enough'. In some cases it appeared that they are questioning their Aboriginalness because of lack of experience in Aboriginal culture. This issue plays out in later passages in their university experience. What can be inferred here however is that the students' interpretation of what makes an Aboriginal is having been immersed in the culture. At this point, their connection to who they are is perceived different with what they are.

Probing of how they feel about their acceptance of self as a natural flow from the above question is discussed next.

6.2.1.3.3. Do Not Like Self:

The question, 'Do you ever feel like you do not like yourself?' seeks information regarding the comfort level the students feel about themselves and the interpretative processes they use in determining this comfort level. One third of the participants felt comfortable with who they were. Feeling positive about oneself is reflected in the confidence they have. For example, one student responded, "No, I've always had a strong sense of esteem and confidence. I don't think I've ever grappled with moments where I don't like myself. Although I've questioned myself, I've always sort of been able 183 to provide myself with an answer" (Personal Interview, January 22, 2007). Yet another individual said:

Well, there's definitely many things that I wish I did not do, but in terms of identity and who I am as a First Nations person, once I realized all the great things that my ancestors have done for me, no, there's no point in my life that I would never be not liking who I was (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

These students' interpretative processes were strongly constructed by their experiences in knowing themselves, and being able to relate these experiences, such as, appreciation for ancestors, which led them to a positive sense of self-worth and increased self-esteem.

Some of the participants felt less inclined to like themselves due to their physical appearance. Some participants (5%) disliked their body image which made them not like themselves. Only female participants felt this way. These participants felt they were overweight and wanted to slim down. The media's portrayal of thin models as the ideal made these women feel the pressure to lose weight. Since body image can play a role in identity development it can hinder acceptance of self, as was seen in this case.

Some students could pass as Caucasian, thus they felt conflict with their

Aboriginal identity. For example, one individual felt he betrayed his Aboriginal roots by hiding his Aboriginal identity. He said:

There are times when I feel ashamed about my identity. I don't like the fact that I can't tell someone straight out what I am. I kind of have to dance around it...I can't tell anybody. Like I said, there are certain consequences if you tell someone in the white community that you 're Aboriginal especially for me because I act and I look so white (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005). 184

Another student also felt trapped by his physical appearance. He said:

/ used to have a lot of those feelings. For me, growing up basically as a white kid and then being able to be accepted into that community was a great experience and a great thing but at times it's a weird, weird situation. It's like you're between two worlds. I'm in Native Studies but I was like a white kid, right, so sometimes I'd get...I'd feel like I'm ostracized from the white community for being this white looking guy in a Native Studies field and then other times I feel like from the Aboriginal community that I'm just this white kid trying to be, "Oh, poor, poor Indian", you know what I mean and that's not what I'm trying to do but it's difficult to explain to people because it's a first impression thing. Sometimes I hate the fact that I feel that way, I feel stuck and sometimes I hate myself for being there (Personal Interview, February 15, 2007).

Hence, physical appearance plays a role in identity development. These students are interpreting that dark skin and light skin are incompatible with their perception of what a typical Aboriginal should look like. For example, it seems that an Aboriginal person's skin colour should be dark, thus for those who have light skin find it uncomfortable identifying as Aboriginal, such as expressed by a student earlier in this study. Having light skin appears to carry the thought that one is more accepted in society. The imbalance of looking Caucasian yet being Aboriginal is a concern for some of the students, for example, one student said she has 'white-skin' privilege. Another student commented that to his white friends he is their token Aboriginal, and to his

Aboriginal friends he is considered their white friend. As well, one of the lighter skinned

Aboriginal students said that they do not get the racial comments directed at them but they feel inside the negative impact this has on a darker skinned Aboriginal. The connections to self-acceptance and physical appearance play an important part in the image one has with ones' self. Our physical appearance is one factor that is openly viewed by others and initial impressions are made on this factor. The comfort that a person has of their appearance is a reflection on how they feel about themselves. 185

In summary, one-third of the participants felt secure and comfortable with themselves. The remainder of the students felt some struggles in this area which influenced their identity. Whether it is body image, frustration or difficulty liking themselves, some of the students struggle with their identity for these reasons.

Compounding the issue of acceptance of self is feeling ashamed or feeling trapped by their physical appearance. This fact has been mentioned in earlier passages in this study and continues to affect the students' acceptance of themselves. Acceptance of self is one of the main components to identity identification and hence, is an important aspect to knowing who one is.

6.2.1.3.4. Lost:

The next question posed to the participants was "Do you ever feel like you are lost?" for example; they are without direction in their life. The responses are an indicator of how certain they believe their identity as an Aboriginal person is. This question is also supporting evidence that finding ones' identity can be difficult, and this question can also confirm their comfort level with who they are. Nearly one-third of the students stated that they did not feel lost. Most mentioned they feel grounded and secure in their identity as an Aboriginal person. One student said she was without direction but was not lost. Another mentioned she was overwhelmed, but again, not lost. Still, three others said their relationship with their families keeps them balanced. For example, one of the participants said:

There are times when things don't go your way and you're not sure if you should be in school, if there's something going on back home kind of thing. I don't think I'm lost. Like I said, I'm very grounded with my family and I kind of live on the philosophy that not everything's going to go our way and the only thing you have control over when you think about it is yourself and you can either choose to make things better or not in 186

addition to having good cultural and family values, I was also raised in a Christian home so spiritually as well, I have that foundation as well so I'm not saying that my life just goes smoothly. Things come up but I have a very good support network externally with family but also within my spiritual beliefs where I know somehow you're going to get through it (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006).

Supported interactions with parents helps the participants feel grounded in their identity development.

One individual received help from elders to keep himself grounded. He said,

"Lost, no. I'm connected with the elders and if I ever stray off the path, I just go to them and they'll straighten me right out and I attend ceremonies all the time" (Personal

Interview, October 1, 2006). These students felt that their relationships with family,

Elders, and community helped them feel secure in who they were. As was noted in earlier passages, interactions with others influence and help solidify their Aboriginal identity. A small number of students (9%) stated when they were younger they felt lost because they were in a population of mostly non-Aboriginals and felt like they did not belong or fit in. One of them said:

/ did... I went to a high school that was called Children of the Earth and I would say before that I was pretty much lost in the education system 'cause there's not really anything in early education that makes a Native person too proud of themselves and that's knowing that, oh, they helped these people and that's why we have the fur trade and all that stuff, like what you learn just basic. I would say I was lost because I don't speak Cree. I never lived on the reserve but I've always visited but I've always felt kind of on the outside just on my own home reserve (Personal Interview, November 24, 2005).

One participant had earlier stated that she once had turned away from her

Aboriginal culture and felt pretty lost. In high school it was really confusing for her. She found it cliquey but being in a non-Aboriginal community she did not want to be labeled 187 as a bad Aboriginal so she had non-Aboriginal friends which seemed to bother the other

Aboriginals, so it was a confusing time (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

Historically, students "who opted for integration into the dominant Euro Canadian culture [found] most of them gave up or denied their Aboriginal roots" (Friesen &

Friesen, 2002 p. 121). Although one student was uncomfortable with his Aboriginal roots, this study disagrees with Friesen and Friesen's findings that most Aboriginals deny their roots. This can be a confusing time for some students because they are trying to remain Aboriginal yet function adequately in a dominant society. It is not surprising that conflict is felt when young. A big factor affecting Aboriginal identity when young is trying to fit in with peers, and in this case, fitting in with mainstream society. The social factor is a strong element for the participant. The fact that a person wants to be the same as everyone else plays a big role. There are pressures to change and be like mainstream society, yet there are pressures to remain Aboriginal also. Recall that one student was pressured by her Aboriginal peers to return to the reserve and not to live in the city. They did not want her to get an education because it was felt that she would change who she was. This student found it very hard to go against her peers' wishes, but she also knew the importance of higher education. This student struggled in this situation; however she has kept her Aboriginal self. It would seem in this situation that her peers do not think that she can be living in both worlds and maintain her Aboriginal way of life.

Feeling lost in the city environment can be difficult for those students who have lived on the reserve. Eight students (13%) felt lost feelings. One participant said he felt lost:

In a big city, Yes, just 'cause I'm still a rural prairie boy at hear and just living in the big city mad me feel a little bit lost, from the fast pace, and a 188

little lost spiritually, just because I'm a very spiritual person and the big city is kind of detached from that. You have to go out and seek the right people (Personal Interview, June 14, 2005).

The city is much different than rural environment on the reserve. Demands are different, for example, the concrete walls of city life verses the bush environment of the reserve is strikingly different and because of this the students feel a connection to the bush over the staleness of the city environment. The longing for life back on the reserve appears less complicated and thus some of the students definitely feel lost. Those students who are not affiliated with a reserve, did not comment on this difference between reserve and city environment.

Some of the students feel lost at university because they are not used to university life and the demands the institution makes, such as studying or social life. One student felt pressure from professors when they expected her to comment on Aboriginal issues which she was not aware of. She was expected to be an expert in Aboriginal information.

She is still becoming aware of herself as an Aboriginal person and still learning. She said:

/ don't know things so that's when I start to feel lost, especially when I'm sitting in a class, especially if it's Native Studies and people are putting their ideas out 'cause whatever they know, they engage in a conversation and then I can't because I don't know it and moments like that, I feel lost (Personal Interview, October 10, 2006).

Another individual felt lost with her interactions with her classmates because they talk to her as though she has the same economic social background and experience as them. She said: "they want to include me but I don't understand what they're talking about", [so she feels lost] (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006). 189

One student gets confused at university but sees it a stepping stone to furthering her goals. For example, she said:

Sometimes, I can get somewhat confused in what I'm doing here in school because my core of my, like I said, being at peace and the environment and my core of my purpose and my knowledge and my responsibilities is with the Okanagan people and the Okanagan traditions within the Okanagan territory and sometimes I feel, like, what am I doing in this concrete world and this city and I try and make light of it, you know, that it's not forever and it's a learning experience and it's hopefully something that I can benefit for my daughter at least being somewhat a role model in this Western world and I'm sure that there will be some benefits (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005).

Stress was felt by some of the students which made them feel lost especially when they did not know the answers to questions about Aboriginal culture. For example, one student said, "/ do feel lost in some ways when it comes to knowledge about our people, like our traditions, our customs, our rituals, everything like that. I feel with that quite lost" (Personal Interview, September 21, 2006).

Yet another student felt lost because of just being Aboriginal. She said, "/ guess it's the whole me being different, visually different". [She felt discrimination in being where she is at and said], "I guess there are times when I feel lost and I know it has everything to do with who I am as a First Nations person" (Personal Interview, January

20, 2005).

One individual in particular felt lost because he could not perceive to get a balance between his non-Aboriginal family and his Aboriginal friends and family. He said, "/ still can't get them all together. I don't know what it is going to be like. It's going to be chaos if finally every do get married and I invite everybody. Let's see what happens. It'll be a social experiment in itself (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). 190

To recap, one-third of the participants did not experience lost feelings as they had a strong positive identity as expressed earlier. The other two-thirds felt lost in a variety of situations. Most have reconciled with these feelings while others continue to be overwhelmed. Entering a new environment, such as the university created lost feelings.

However, most of the students have become more comfortable with themselves and their experiences. For example, some of the students questioned their goals, purpose in life and responsibilities and appear to be finding themselves and trusting their intuitions.

They seem to be finding meaning within their experiences and interpreting them as such.

The sense of feeling lost could be matched to Erikson's adolescent stage where conflict with identity is played out. As well, this conflict of feeling lost could also be found in Mihesuah's encounter stage, where Aboriginal individuals come to awareness of their Aboriginal self. The concept of feeling lost implies doing things without direction.

Most of the participants felt lost and were temporarily questioning their identity. With the support of family, peers, elders, and their university experience, they were able to find meaning in their exploration of self identity.

6.2.1.3.5. See Self Differently:

The purpose of the final question to this section on identity was to see the reflective thinking and interpretation processes the students used in understanding their identity. The question was a subjective assessment of self, which was 'Do you see yourself differently than others see you?' A review of their feelings of self was important because it is key to whether they are able to connect who they are with what they are.

This connection can create a balance of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors towards which identity formation is made. 191

Ten percent of the participants did not see themselves differently than others do and ninety percent responded that they do. For example, some of the participants acknowledge their Aboriginal self and do not see themselves as being anything but

Aboriginal. For those who do not see themselves differently had these comments to make: Sid said, 'Wo, / see myself just as a normal human being, mind you I'm mature.

You go through a different phase or transition as you mature" (Personal Interview,

October 9, 2006). Wade simply stated, "No, what you see is what you get. I try not to be phony with anyone" (Personal Interview, November 1, 2005). Cassie said, 'Wo, I don't think so. I think that people see how hard I work and it pays off (Personal Interview,

October 18, 2006). Derek said, "Wo' he doesn't see himself as different. He knows himself, does not hide himself and people see what they see. (Personal Interview, October

17, 2006). Finally, Kimble said, 'Wo / don't think so. I'm who I am I don't pretend to be something I'm not" (Personal Interview, October 6, 2006). These students thought that they have a balance between feeling and behavior and a clear sense of their identity.

For those who see themselves as being different than others look for an awareness and insight of who they are which allows them to broaden their self image. For example,

Tara struggles with the Aboriginal traditional side of herself and others may or may not see the struggle she experiences with it. She said:

There are people who, I think, are close to me who understand a lot of the part of me that struggles to be traditional and looks for that. There are lots of people in my life who are in fact, fairly close to me but I don't think have any idea, have no understanding of my struggles to be traditional, see my struggles with academics and part of that comes with understanding, and the oppression theory, right, which is also consistent with tradition but they see one side and not the other so lots of people I think can see both sides of me but mostly the majority of people in my life, I think, don't see the struggle that I have with the traditional parts of myself (Personal Interview, September 28, 2005). 192

Gordon expresses his understanding of himself by being able to walk in both the

Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal worlds. He said:

Yeah, because I grew up...I'm growing up in both worlds. I'm only thirty years old so I'm still a child really when it comes to life so I'm growing up in both worlds. I feel comfortable enough to walk through them both. You 're going to have jerks on either side of the fence. You can't be scared of somebody being negative towards you or anything like that because, I mean, what's the point? I grew up in Saskatchewan with white people as my friends and a white family and I've grown to be Gord who has lived on the reserve and who has Native family, aunts and uncles and you know, there's a reason I've been given both so I walk through both comfortably. I'm no longer afraid of it. . I used to be but like I said university has done lots for me, this school, this place has done tenfold for me (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Gordon feels comfortable with both how he feels as an Aboriginal person and how this strengthens his interactions with mainstream culture. Sue sees her difference in a different way. For example, she said:

Yes, I think I have a difficult time celebrating my successes and I think for the most part people see me as an extremely powerful confident woman and I seldom feel like that. I really have to remind myself of my successes and remind myself of my level of courage. People will say that to me "Oh man, you are so courageous, how you can do this, or that or whatever?" and I'm thinking, "What are you talking about. I did what I have to do", so what they see as courage I see as just normal everyday decision-making so I definitely see myself differently than other people do (Personal Interview, October 16,2006).

Ninety percent of the participants responded yes to the question 'Do you see yourself differently than others do?' Some of the comments contradict how the individuals saw themselves and this has had an influence on their identity. Other comments were made which helped them clarify or sort out their feelings towards themselves. How these students saw themselves and how they reflected on their identity confirms, in part, that some felt secure in themselves while others, felt uncertainty towards their identity. Those who believe others see them more different than their own self image experience conflict. Some participants feel incongruence about their identity.

This incongruence affects their interpretative processes used for providing meaning to their identity, such as, in Tara's experience. It could be inferred that of those who felt difference, it is not a bad thing. For example, Gord felt that he is different and must live between both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures and states that he is comfortable enough with himself that he can walk in both cultures. His interpretation of this feeling is supported through his university experience.

6.2.1.3.6. Analysis of Banner's Premises:

This section brought forward many factors in the development of ones' identity.

Blumer's three premises that everything has meaning, that meaning is derived out of social interactions, and that meaning is conceived through our interpretations of the things, was valuable in discovering and exploring Aboriginal students' identity.

The three premises are highly regarded because they encompass aspects to which meaning in ones' life is explored. From the questions posed to the students, the participants' answers to the questionnaire guided the expressions and significances that the students found meaningful to their identity.

Almost all of the participants identified being Aboriginal; however, exploring further some of the students were in conflict with their identity as an Aboriginal person.

For example, those who were adopted to non-Aboriginal families, the students yearned for something more—namely their Aboriginal identity. Also, those who could pass as

Caucasian struggled with their Aboriginal identity and had the most difficulty in acknowledging their Aboriginal self. Their physical appearance impacted the way they interacted with others, such as being in defense of the Aboriginal person.

What was or caused the most turmoil for the participants was the concept of difference. Being different was difficult. Finding meaning, social interactions, and interpreting situations were all challenging for the students. Typically one would think being different was a good thing, but not in this case. When young, some of the students struggled with racism. Searching for meaning in these situations was difficult because being different and being Aboriginal was not accepted. Later in the students' lives, social interactions were important. For some of the participants caution about their Aboriginal roots was kept a secret. Others could not hide the fact they were Aboriginal and they began defending Aboriginal people. Social interactions thus were met with both positive and negative feelings. For example, some of the students were always on the aware about their Aboriginal self by being cautious before sharing of information. Of course there were also participants who had a firm understanding of their Aboriginal identity when young and in their later years. They, too sought meaning in things; their social interactions with peers were balanced most of the time, and their interpretation of situations had an Aboriginal focus. Being different remained difficult but they had confidence in who they were, and cautiousness was not a concern as it was for others.

Thus being different meant wanting approval, wanting acknowledgement and wanting acceptance. The following section explores identity development to which some of their concerns about identity as an Aboriginal person are delved in depth. 6.3. IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT THEORIES

The second part of my research question asks, 'Do identity development theories offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their identity?'

This part focuses on Devon Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model as it deals specifically with Aboriginal individuals. Mihesuah's model is a variation of William E.

Cross Jr.'s Identity Development Model which deals with African identity.

Cross's model is significant to understanding identity because it led others to expand and modify various discussions and theories with other classifications of people.

Although historical research expanded on the topic of identity development, little research was written on how and why Aboriginal people made their identity choices.

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Theory highlights the complexity involved in defining Aboriginal identity and fits well with the purpose of this study.

Mihesuah modified Cross's Identity Development model by keeping the four life stages as a base but adding social, economic, and political influences. These factors help explain the complexity of Native American identity. Mihesuah utilizes four life stages: pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion and internalization.

6.3.1. PRE-ENCOUNTER STAGE:

According to Mihesuah in the 'pre-encounter' stage some Native American individuals are well aware of themselves as Native American. As previously noted, some participants knew at an early age they were Aboriginal. For example, in grade one a student was made painfully aware when the kids would not pick him as their partner in a game because he was an Aboriginal. This student felt hurt and even today continues to

26 In the United States Aboriginal people are called either Native American or American Indian. Mihesuah does not distinguish between the terms. In Canada the terms Aboriginal or Indian are distinguished as previously noted feel like an outsider. As another example, a young student was playing in a sandbox and covered herself with the sand making her skin look white. She felt so proud and ran home to show her mother. Her mother was disgusted at her and said as much and made her go take a bath. The little girl reconciled the fact that she was brown and always will be. This student and others just intuitively knew they were Indian.

Mihesuah goes on to say that in this stage the Native American person knows

"little about their tribal history and culture, much less about other Indians or the political,

economic, and social state of tribes in general" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17). One- third of the students knew little about their tribal history; however, a greater number of participants heard of specific issues that Aboriginal people face. For example, one father

was highly involved in the Native Indian Brotherhood and spoke to a lot of the issues to the participant. She discovered the politics involved with being Aboriginal, such as, the

'White Paper' at a young age. This student, even though young, understood what

Aboriginal people were fighting against with the Government. She also realized the

specialness of being Aboriginal.

As previously noted, another student heard her mother give a presentation on residential school and this created an awareness and knowledge for her. She was struck by the history of residential schools and was moved by her mother's behavior

surrounding the issue. She began to understand her mother's painful memories. She

came to respect her mother even more. Through her increased awareness of early

education for her mother, this student was driven to get her higher education and let

others know not to forget those who experienced residential schooling. 197

Other Aboriginal students learned of their Aboriginal history and culture later in life. For example, a few students went to Aboriginal-focused schools and learned the history, cultural, and Aboriginal ceremonies while at the school. For example:

/ switched schools and attended an aboriginal school. At the time it had a bad reputation but now it's like in the MacLean's top ten. It's called Children of the Earth High School and they used to have cultural day once every six day cycle or whatever and I started learning about singing, singing songs on a big drum. I guess you could way...what is that...Ojibway, mostly Ojibway teaching. They also had Ojibway and Cree language which I was taught Cree but I never really learned it 'cause you can't really learn it from a book or anything without speaking so I don't speak it. I just know of it. (Personal Interview, September 19, 2005).

Two students experienced in high school Aboriginal customs and found this experience valuable to their Aboriginal identity. For example, one student went to

Children of the Earth High School and found that "was my first exposure to Aboriginal spirituality and traditional teachings" (Personal Interview, October 18, 2005). Yet another student found that in her school they taught the Cree language,

So at that point I started to think more about who I am and that I should be trying to figure out like how do I go about learning more about myself because it wasn't really...there wasn't any classes there at the school I was going to that introduced that (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

These examples show that the students learned many issues of the history and culture of

Aboriginal people.

Mihesuah comments that in this stage "the home environment is the place where the children first learn values" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17). The data supports the fact that most students (57%) learned traditional Aboriginal culture from their grandparents and parents. For example, they learned how to locate medicinal plants, learned of hunting, fishing, how to tan a hide and values, such as, honesty, respect, pride, respect to earth and animals, learned their language, Native customs, traditional teachings, spiritual and Aboriginal perspectives. For some of the participants' early exposure to Aboriginal values and customs provided them with a sense of identity and an understanding, awareness, and healthy respect for Aboriginal people. The values that were taught gave the students a solid base to stand on.

Also during the pre-encounter stage Mihesuah proposed nine scenarios in which the parent's values might influence the students' identity. They are:

1. The parents may possess only a white world view and are Indians by merit of blood, not by cultural connection. 2. The parents may be white with no knowledge of Indians while the children are adopted Indians. Even if the parents teach the children about Indians, it is often a superficial attempt, and the children desire to find out about their heritage as they grow older. 3. The parents may have an understanding of their tribal culture and of the white world because they are forced to interact in mainstream society. 4. The parents possess both white and Indian blood and want the children to know about both cultures. 5. The parents are bicultural and comfortable with both. 6. One or both parents may be racially Indian and repress Indian values in the home and refuse to impart tribal knowledge to their children. 7. Children with parents who possess an Indian world view exclusively are likely to live on a reservation or in an area inhabited by other traditionals. 8. The biological and cultural Indian family may live on the reservation or in an urban area in poverty. One or both parents and some extended family may be uneducated alcoholics in poor physical and mental health. This family identifies as Indian but they see little hope for advancement, so they do not try. 9. The family members look phenotypically black and possess Indian blood. Depending on the attitudes of the neighborhood, and nearby tribes, the people who look black will most likely be viewed as black. (Mihesuah, 1999, p. 17).

The first scenario states that "parents may possess only a white world view and

are Indians by merit of blood, not by cultural connection" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17). The children may know they are Indian but are not taught details about tribal life.

The data supports this scenario in one situation, for example, one student did not receive traditional teaching and said:

My mother and father both firmly believed that being...us being in a white man's world we should learn the ways of the white man and become as such, so despite the fact that both my parents were fluent in Blackfoot and English, they preferred not to teach us...teach the children any Blackfoot or any culture (Personal Interview, November 1, 2005).

Mihesuah states that children are often non-Indian in every way including appearance if they pursued their Indian identity; it is usually during adulthood through exposure to Indian ceremonies and rituals . This data did not support Mihesuah's claim.

Although some of the students looked Caucasian they acknowledged their Aboriginal roots. No student reported being non-Aboriginal in every way.

Mihesuah's second pre-encounter stage scenario explores that parents may be non-Aboriginal with:

No knowledge of Indians while the children are adopted Indians. The children are taught to live as whites, but they will know at an early age that they look different from their parents and neighbors (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17).

This second scenario fits with this study. Three Aboriginal students were adopted to non-Aboriginal parents. In each of the cases, the students were searching for their

Aboriginal identity, experienced conflict, and felt caught between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures. These students knew they were different than their parents both by their skin colour as well as being told at a young age they were adopted. In one case the student was being called names as a result of being Aboriginal. He fought with the

27In this study, I did not discern parents who only possess a white world view. Nor did I find participants who were non-Aboriginal in every way. 200 children but he talked to his mother about it. She stated: "Just don't bother with those people. People like that [name] walk away and turn the other cheek" (Personal

Interview, September 19, 2006).

As the students who were adopted became older each was seeking their

Aboriginal heritage in a variety of ways. As one adopted student commented, "I'm lost.

I don't know. I was raised in one world and I was born in a different world and I'm kind of trying to find my way back to the world I was born in" (Personal Interview, September

21, 2006). Another student who was adopted at an early age had been searching out where he came from. He said:

I've been searching out where I was from and I found out what reserve I was from in 2000 and from there I came to school here ...I've always searched out my own spirituality, my religion and my culture, I guess you would say and I really found a home learning my traditional values and being inundated with learning the culture (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006)

However this student felt caught between the two cultures, Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal. Being adopted did pose difficulties for these students. For many years the

issue of Aboriginal children being adopted by non-Aboriginal families is heavily debated.

The difficulties focus on:

Managing critical milestones such as identity formation during adolescence. It is observed that many Aboriginal to non-Aboriginal adoptions break down at that time and it's concluded that the interplay of cultural dynamics and identity formation play a significant role in this process (Richard, 2004 p. 101).

Although the students' relationships with their adopted families did not break down as they continued to love them but their questioning of their identity was a concern.

In Mihesuah's third scenario: 201

The parents may have an understanding of their tribal culture and of the white world because they are forced to interact in mainstream society.. .Those individuals may be surprised at the level of racism towards Indians, but because of their traditional family values and extended family on the reservation most remain confident with their Indianness. Many of the children become acquainted with the values of non-Indian society while attending white schools and playing with white children. Some grow judgmental against their tribes people and question the value of their tribal culture (Devon A.Mihesuah, 1999 p. 17).

Indeed, sixteen of the participants in this study were raised in cities where exposure to Aboriginal life was limited; however, their parents taught them traditional

Aboriginal culture. Instead of being judgmental against their nation some of the participants actually defended them even at a young age. For example, one student said:

When I was a kid and I was only five or six years old, I understood regarding the concepts of hunting, fishing and trapping and not to be afraid to speak your own language and even though at times where regarding we didn't shower everyday, but still we kept clean and in a sense that it's our belief regarding my language anyway being a Cree is not to be ashamed of who you are even though they'll be other people within society trying to dictate who you should become (Personal Interview, September 4, 2006).

One student because he lived among the non-Aboriginal society he became judgmental against Aboriginals he questioned the value of his tribal culture by betraying his Aboriginal roots. He stated:

Well, I guess I'm caught in the white person's world and I'm at a loss to the Native world, completely out of touch with it and I felt ashamed that I'd betrayed them. I betrayed my roots kind of thing...and then the fact that I haven't tried to be overt about the fact that I'm Aboriginal person and actually sometimes when I try to hide it, I don't feel like I know that part of me (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005).

The data supports Mihesuah's claim that confidence in the students Indianness is maintained. Support was also found in the students judgmental or ashamed feelings with his Aboriginal roots. 202

In Mihesuah's fourth scenario, the children learn both Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal cultures because the parents had both Indian and Non-Indian blood. She commented that the child may be confused if one group is seen as a higher status than the other. For example, if the child only hears negative comments about Aboriginal people or only hears negative comments about non-Native people, the child may become confused as to which group is better-Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal. But if there is pride in themselves and their cultures and both have equal status within the family then discrimination and confusion ceases to exist. An example from this study of having a balance between the two cultures by a student was stated as:

[The place where he grew up] was a small community in which, like any other community, I guess, where people know one another and you've just been socialized regarding your beliefs, regarding other people, like the culture, your language, your identity and who you are as a human being. [Traditional teachings] was half and half you could say, so part,...half in that aspect is learning the traditional hunting, fishing and trapping plus retaining our language and our customs but not in a sense where we participated in, say, the sun dance and other ceremonies regarding spirituality. My grandparents kept it within themselves and they just passed it on to their kids and then in turn my parents passed it on to me (Personal Interview, October 9, 2006).

Another student felt positive about being Aboriginal thus felt pride in her heritage. She said:

/ have a lot of traditional teachings and also a lot of Christianity. I'm more traditional. I learned about the sweat lodge. I've never been to one. I'm still waiting for that. I learned about the sweet grass and about respecting myself, my family and my friends, you know how I wanted to be treated. I learned about the land. I learned also from close friends to the family (Personal Interview, September 18, 2006).

Another participant learned respect for others from his grandmother. He said,

/ think that basically what I learned is that if you want to talk about principles, there's a principle of respect in engaging with people...I think that's a curiosity and kind of respect that's instilled in you for a very long 203

time that wherever I've gone in the world, [he respects others] (Personal Interview, February 8, 2007).

The participants learned of their heritage and cultural traditions from both parents and extended family members. They developed pride and a healthy respect towards both cultures. In only one case, did a student express a dilemma of inter-racial relationship where neither parent accepted his relationship with a non-Aboriginal woman. This relationship did not bother this student. In fact he found it amusing. He said that he would laugh at both his parents and his in-laws when they get married and then would wait for the fireworks to begin. In these situations the students did not find either culture,

Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal, better or worse from each other. Each culture had equal status.

Scenario five of Mihesuah's theory states that the parents may be bicultural and are comfortable with these lifestyles. They may live like non-Aboriginals during the week but attended Aboriginal ceremonies on the weekend. The data did not support this claim. Also included in this stage, the children can turn to their extended families for questions about their heritage. One student in this study sought out the teachings from an

Elder. He said, "/ told him I was interested in learning more about my culture because I felt quite disconnected from it for years and years and so we got a little bit of teachings from him" (Personal Interview, September 28, 2005). This student felt privileged and grateful being able to talk to an Elder and explore his Aboriginal identity. Extended family members also played an important role and input into the students life which was valuable.

The sixth scenario that Mihesuah describes states: 204

One or both parents may be racially Indian and repress Indian values in the home and refuse to impart tribal knowledge to their children.. .many Indian parents who appear to reject Indian culture do not want their children to become white. They simply want them to have equal access to the socioeconomic privileges that whites have (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.18).

The data reported that no participants' parents rejected their Aboriginal culture.

Some participants did not receive traditional teachings from their relatives but they were exposed to Aboriginal culture through their early school programs. In one case, the individual when young felt it was not 'cooV to learn the traditional Aboriginal teachings as it set her apart from others. She did not want to be seen as different. However, later on she realized the importance of knowing her Aboriginal culture and sought out her relatives for Aboriginal teachings so that her children could experience them. She said:

[She learned traditional teachings] through my grandma, through my aunties. I wasn't all that interested when I was a kid. I didn't want to know about it. It wasn 't cool. It set me apart so a lot of what I did learn, it was by osmosis. I wasn't actively seeking anything [until] I had kids. I've been so focused on other things and it wasn't a priority for me because I knew it was always there but I think now I'm kind of realizing that it's not going to always be there and if I want to pass it on to my kids, I'd better get a better handle on it (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

In the seventh scenario of Mihesuah's pre-encounter stage, "children with parents who possess an Indian world view exclusively are likely to live on a reservation or in an area inhabited by other traditionals.. .the children may become alarmed at the racism they encounter if they leave the home environment" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 19). Noted previously, students learned of racism both on and off the reserve. Parents, grandparents and other community people provided a variety of experiences and examples for the individuals in this study to learn about Aboriginal culture whether they lived on the reserve or not. One participant questioned why she was in university when she could be living at home on the reserve without feeling the pressures of city life such as meeting time schedules. Her friends on the reserve kept encouraging her to move back home but this individual realized that if she was going to do positive things with her life and strive toward personal goals she needed to stay in university.

The eighth scenario Mihesuah described was:

The biological and cultural Indian family may live on the reservation or in an urban area in poverty. One or both parents and some extended family may be uneducated alcoholics in poor physical and mental health. This family identifies as Indian but they see little hope for advancement, so they do not try (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 19).

As noted previously, four participants recalled the poverty they experienced growing up. One student said they had no running water and no indoor plumbing.

Another was grateful to have a roof over his head. The third recalled getting water delivered by a horse and buggy. This individual recalled the "simple life" as a beautiful experience, and has shaped her into who she is today by accepting and not worrying about the little things in her life. Another participant identified poverty, violence and isolation on the reserve and gives the notion that he has little hope for change and that things will not change, he still strives not to have these things be apart of his identity. It is clear from these examples that experiencing poverty when growing up did not interfere with their present identity as an Aboriginal student. They appreciated the 'simple life' and are thankful where they are today.

Mihesuah's last scenario described family members looking phenotypically black but possessing Indian blood. Mihesuah stated that, "if they desire to pursue an Indian identity, their appearances alert others to the reality that they are part black" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p. 19). None of the participants expressed or experienced this phenomenon.

Mihesuah stated that these scenarios are not exclusive as other examples exist.

She also states that, "regardless of the home arrangement, the individual will in large measure adopt the values and identities that are prevalent in the household" (Devon A.

Mihesuah, 1999 p. 19). According to Thomas Parham, not every Indian becomes aware that they are a part of, yet apart from, American society. For example, individuals who are mixed Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal may look Caucasian in appearance:

And who are not taught any aspects of Indian culture may experience none or only minimal negative feelings about being Indian because they do not perceive themselves to be Indian and neither does any one else. They can 'pass' as whites and can 'stay white' if they so choose (Parham, 1989 p. 199).

' As mentioned previously, some of the participants look Caucasian and indeed have experienced conflict in their identity when identifying as Aboriginal. Mihesuah does not recognize this issue of conflict at this stage.

In summary, the pre-encounter stage, participants were well aware of their

Aboriginalness. Some of the students learned of their tribal history and customs early in life, while others learned it later on. The various and diverse home environments influenced the individuals' values and understandings and some of Mihesuah's scenarios explain the students' experiences, while others do not. For example, students who could

"pass" as white and can "stay white" if they choose, experienced identity conflict, such as the student who felt he betrayed his Aboriginal roots by passing as white, yet within himself he knew he was Aboriginal. He said, "Like if someone asks me who I was, I wouldn 't say I was Aboriginal right off the bat. I would just say you know, just a 207

Canadian" (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005). He felt that at times he had to hide the fact that he was Aboriginal, but clearly identified as Aboriginal when I posed the question 'if I was to ask you who you were, what would you say?' There was more turmoil for some of the students than Mihesuah stated in the pre-encounter stage. For example, one student commented, "/ want to be with Aboriginal people I know I'll reach out to make a connection to some that I don't know. I think my white appearance gives me disadvantage because I think that's what they first see and I've felt it first-hand, specifically in institutions". This student found that applying for housing she got a "cold reception from the staff who were working there and I get some of that too from other students at school" (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006). Mihesuah commented that teachers, television, books, radio, sports mascots also influence identity in the pre- encounter stage. Few participants did identify that these items did in fact impact their identity. For example, one student found listening to music made him forget who he was

(Personal Interview, October 7, 2006). It was a distraction from his concerns. Another student found living in the city made him lose touch with who he was which influenced his identity. For example, "being away from home and living in the city to a point where

I used to be able to do a lot more different things, physically and emotionally, I'm finding that living in the city is really dampening my senses" (Personal Interview, September 22,

2006). Yet another student made this comment, "/ never forget I'm Native but there's been learning processes that I've had to de-program myself I guess you would say to understand my culture more" (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

During the pre-encounter stage it was found that most of the students learned

Aboriginal traditions when young thus the values in the home environment prepared them 208 to acknowledge their Aboriginal ancestry and prepared them for identifying as an

Aboriginal person.

6.3.2. ENCOUNTER STAGE:

Moving from the pre-encounter stage to the encounter stage, Mihesuah highlights further aspects to ones' Aboriginal identity, which are:

The person may hear a moving speech about American Indian history and culture that makes her (him) want to know more about her (his) tribal history. This is an encounter because the person had previously only heard a negative version of her (his) history and is enthused enough by the new version to embark upon a quest to discover the truth (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.20).

Mihesuah states that "there are three basic goals of individuals who have an

Indian encounter: (1) becoming an Indian; (2) becoming more Indian/rediscovering

Indianness; and (3) becoming less Indian" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.20).

6.3.2.1. Becoming an Indian:

Mihesuah stated that appearance is a catalyst for exploring identity possibilities, and that adopted children's identity is dependent on their receiving Indian teachings or not. In earlier passages, adopted participants were searching and are in conflict with their identity. All of them continue to explore their Aboriginal culture. For example, one student found that having non-Aboriginal parents made him question who he was as an

Aboriginal person. He said, "For me, about my identity, about who I am, about being

Aboriginal, I think stemmed from living on my reserve when I went out therefor that year and realizing that that's my home. I'm from those people. I'm Native" (Personal

Interview, September 19, 2006). He has continued his exploration of the Aboriginal parts within himself. Another adopted student sought her Aboriginal roots and made the journey to seek her Aboriginal connections and said, "It's a journey that unfolds kind of 209 in its own way so I'm not so sure that I was as much seeking as I was open [to finding her

Aboriginal roots]" (Personal Interview, October 1, 2005).

Five participants experienced positive teachings about Aboriginal culture in junior and high schools that provided Aboriginal classes and they feel grateful for the experience which has had a positive influence on their understandings of what it means to be Aboriginal today. For example, one student received traditional teachings during high school. She said, "That was my first exposure to Aboriginal spirituality and traditional teachings" (Personal Interview, October 15, 2005). She mentioned that she learned songs, drumming, and singing. She also learned about the sweat lodge ceremonies and fasting experiences, and about the pipe ceremonies. Learning these aspects of Aboriginal culture strengthened her identity as an Aboriginal person. One student treasured her experience in school. She said:

A lot of traditional stories...about Turtle Island and the significance of animals and just about our environment and where we come from and the earth and just to appreciate and respect each other. We were all from different nations so we would be aware of where everyone was from and we would make certain items, for example, making the...we made these little dolls with little button blankets and so we would have to figure out what our family crest was so that we could make whatever it was, like a beaver or whatever the animal was (Personal Interview, June 22, 2005).

Many of the students were aware of themselves as being Aboriginal and throughout the years have strengthened their views and experience through situations, such as, coming to university. One student felt that he learned a lot, "I've learned a lot about being Native being here at university" (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006).

This was also supported by another student who found that his university experience,

Opened my eyes up a lot to the history of what the Aboriginal First Nations people had to go through in order to come this far and, therefore, 210

that's why I'm always obedient and respectful to my elders' teachings because I know what they went through (Personal Interview, October 1, 2006).

In the encounter stage the adoptive children wanted to learn more about being

Aboriginal and actively sought out their history. Others were taught Aboriginal culture in junior and high school programs and they appreciated their experiences. Students were affected by the racism in their early school experience and have come to appreciate positive examples of being Aboriginal and continue to seek these new positive versions in the university setting. For example, many students felt proud that more Aboriginal students are in university and are succeeding in graduating. They feel good that they are a part of that success. Becoming aware of their Aboriginal identity was very significant for the students because it gave them a sense of belongingness and a sense of community.

For some the journey to discovering themselves was met with open arms.

6.3.2.2. Becoming More Indian/Rediscovering Indianness:

Mihesuah stated that some Indians may have not been aware of their history or culture or have joined non-Indian religious groups or may have married a non-Indian or speak English exclusively and then lose their connection to their Aboriginal culture. An event may occur and may jar them into becoming Indians or 'rediscovering their

Indianness' (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.21). Even though some of the participants learned their history later in life, or learned Christianity and may have married a non-

Aboriginal person or have non-Aboriginal girl/boyfriends or speak English exclusively, they have not lost their connections to the Aboriginal culture. There were examples where the students re-discovered their Indian identity. For example, their many experiences of learning Aboriginal teachings and ceremonies further enhanced their 211 understanding and as a result they experienced 'becoming more Indian'. Some of the participants know their Aboriginal language, while others feel that becoming more Indian they need and desire to learn their language.

Examples of 'becoming more Indian' were experienced through their university courses, for example:

Some of the things that I'm learning now, say in some of my Psychology courses, like, I have a belief system and my own spirituality is a big part of that and it actually makes me reevaluate their beliefs because I think it's unfortunate that our university experience comes from only one perspective, so I'll leave it at that. In a positive way, they make me more aware of things in my surrounding that I might not have understood before. For example, Sociology courses that I have taken have made me aware of other social issues that sometimes I don't think of because I'm in my own little world sometimes, so yeah, I would say they do influence my awareness (Personal Interview, October 18, 2005).

University experiences also helped some of the students to get more in touch with their feelings, such as, having an ability to make changes for Aboriginal people. Some of the students wished to get rid of Aboriginal stereotypes and see university education helping in this regard. For example, a student said, "Taking Sociology courses has really opened my eyes to being able to make a difference. I never felt that I could have a sense of agency before, that I could make a difference in peoples' lives, so for me, that's been very meaningful (Personal Interview, November 19, 2005).

Also, students experienced Aboriginal spirituality and university classes reaffirmed and provided meaningful explanations for them. For example:

There's just so much more out there and I know that education has definitely helped me have better relationships with my friends, just to talk about more interesting things that are so different from what we used to talk about ten years ago, more meaningful conversations...! know we learn spirituality...it's in an educational setting but I have found that I have learned so much more in that class than I did in going to sweat 212

lodges...I learned more structure and concepts of what those ceremonies actually mean (Personal Interview, September 12, 2006).

The students' experiences at university have definitely had an impact on their

'becoming more Indian', not only did they not lose their connection to their culture, it was strengthened. Rediscovering their Indianness meant a great deal for the students because it reaffirmed their identity as an Aboriginal person.

6.3.2.3. Becoming Less Indian:

Mihesuah commented that "not all Indians desire to find an identity that stresses their Indianness. Some Indians have and still do search for an identity that is more white oriented" ( Mihesuah, 1999, p.22). Some Aboriginal people do not self-declare their

Aboriginal identity, for example in cases where they can pass as Caucasian. In doing so they may not experience the racism that a self-declared Aboriginal person might. One example where a participant stated that as a way to survive in a non-Aboriginal culture, he tried to alter his speech and conversations away from sounding Aboriginal in tone. He said:

I felt kind of different most of my life. I felt like, kind of this is a way to survive if I adopt this whole nature to have a good vocabulary and pronounce my words the way a white person would pronounce them and pronounce them right and then not say things like, "ers" or things that are quite obvious in a Native person's conversation and if I didn't say these things, then the rest of the community besides the Native community, the Native community would kind of make comments like my cousin did or kind of put me away, like push me out but then a bigger community filled with white people, they wouldn't discriminate against me so it was kind of a way to survive in the white man's world (Personal Interview, June 17, 2005).

This student found comfort in the non-Aboriginal culture by speaking carefully as a way to survive in this world which was interesting because he self-declared being an

Aboriginal. Becoming less Indian was important to him at this time. 213

In the encounter stage indeed a few participants heard negative remarks about being Aboriginal and embark on a quest to discover the truth about what it means to be

Aboriginal. Many adopted and non-adopted students sought out their Aboriginal roots.

Junior, high school and university provided avenues for them to search Aboriginal culture, where they re-discovered being Indian. One student did not want to be perceived as an Aboriginal and found he was different from other people which created identity conflict. Hence, it can be inferred that most of the students indeed had an encounter with being Aboriginal, and this stage is important because it effects how the students deal with the immersion-emersion stage.

6.3.3. IMMERSION-EMERSION STAGE:

This stage, according to Mihesuah, can be a volatile stage causing depression, anxiety and frustration at becoming the "right kind of Indian". Old perspectives of stereotypes are demolished and a new frame of reference is constructed. Mihesuah stated:

Many Indians at this stage engage in aggressive behavior. They seek information on Indians (not necessarily their own tribe) and participate in powwows and religious ceremonies. They protest against racial injustices (often violently), deny the racial and cultural non-Indian aspects of themselves, and become hostile towards non-Indians (whites, especially) and other Indians who do not conform to their ideas of Indianness. Those insecure in their economic or political worlds adopt a "redder than thou" attitude and question whether another Indian is 'really Indian' (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.28).

Many students in this study fall within this immersion-emersion stage. Although not experiencing the volatile or hostileness. Mihesuah noted that participants felt frustrated with racial comments made towards Aboriginal people. For example, one student stated:

Most people don't know that I'm First Nations because I'm so white skinned and I get a lot of experiences with white people who think they can talk bad about First Nations people, Metis or whatever and I'm kind of left sitting there feeling, well ashamed and upset. There's a lot of racism out there that people don't know about (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Racism also affected another student. She recalled:

I've had many experiences of racism, many and in fact a couple of months ago I was talking with one of my friends here, a new friend. I'd just met him and his girlfriend maybe a year ago or so in school and we were just talking about our different experiences of being Aboriginal and people calling me Pocahontas and, you know, just saying outright racist things to me and I was explaining different experiences and my one friend, Lome, was like, "Wow, you've really experienced a lot of racism in your life" and I never looked at it like that but I guess I have in a sense...Oh yeah, I've had definite experiences where I've been belittled or people have tried to make me feel bad or ashamed of being Indian (Personal Interview, January 20, 2006).

In one case, university administrators were making racial remarks and the student felt hurt and angry. He was frustrated because he thought that educated people would not be racist but this situation proved him wrong. He sought to correct the situation. The individual was able to confront the administrators in a respectful way.

The administrators apologized for making the racial remarks and the student felt relieved for taking a stand against the racism. He also felt proud as an Aboriginal person that he had confronted them (Personal Interview, January 22, 2007). The fact that students stand up against those who are racist strengthens their identity as an Aboriginal person.

Most of the participants took Aboriginal courses at university which heightened their awareness of Aboriginal issues, such as, residential school and its affects, 215 colonization and its impact, and political issues such as the 'white paper'. Gaining these new perspectives allowed them to construct more of a healthy view that they had not held before. They gained an understanding and appreciation for their ancestors. For example, while growing up some of the students experienced negative remarks from others towards

Aboriginal people, and were made to feel ashamed, as noted in previous passages on identity. With gaining awareness and understanding of why negative remarks existed, while studying at university, many students developed a desire to promote a positive outlook. For example many of the participants found their 'voice' and spoke up when situations arose. They would no longer sit idly by and accept negative remarks.

Understanding Aboriginal history created a confidence in who they were and family supported them also, for example, one student commented:

It's a lot more difficult to try and be positive and have a healthy(attitude), not just for myself but I have a lot of friends and it's so easy to fall back on the negative and be bitter and be angry about things that you don't have or you don't get or the injustice. It's a lot of hard work to make something out of that and to bring something out of it and it would be a lot more easier for me to fall back and not be so positive about things, you know...I look in the mirror everyday and I realize who I am in a literal sense but also in a metaphorical sense. I look and it's okay that this is who I see. This is who I am (Personal Interview, November 24, 2005).

Aboriginal individuals questioned whether another Indian is 'really Indian' comes from a participant who feels caught between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures.

Because this student does not look Aboriginal and defended a non-Aboriginal perspective the comments he received were, "why are you here defending the white devil? What do you know about being Aboriginal? You don't even look Aboriginal". This student sees both the advantages and the disadvantages of this situation. This participant felt trapped between defending both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal perspectives. In part, it also involves tension within the person. History such as the treaties made between the Crown and the Aboriginal people dictated that among Aboriginal people established, "peace, regulate trade, share use of lands and resources, and arrange mutual defense [be made].

Through pipe smoking and other ceremonies, they gave these agreements the stature of sacred oaths" (RCAP, 1996 p.5).

Conflict within the Nations occurred even into present day and resentment between some Nations still exists. Thus not all Indians get along, like each other or support each other. There exists some tension between status Indians and Metis, "The

Metis have never received the benefits governments grant to status Indians and Inuit

[and] were finally recognized as one of Canada's Aboriginal peoples in the Canadian

Constitution of 1982" (Association, 2005 p.l). One student found that being Cree or

Metis was troublesome. He said:

Well, my family's kind of interesting in that my mother's side of the family is where I derive my status from and they tend to have a strong relationship back with the reserve back in Northern Alberta and so that side of me, I guess. I've said that that's my Indian side and then on my father's side of the family, they're mainly English Metis and they come from around Lac La Biche area and so that's why I say I'm a Cree Metis and a lot of people...and then I tell them I'm Section 91 and they try to figure it out and they're like "You can't be both" and so there's a whole idea there of you can't be both at the same time you know, especially nowadays, I guess for the Metis you have to either...you have to kind of not be any other group. You have to be distinct from that group to be Metis and I don't really agree with that. I just don't see that. I've been both elements of both lifestyles in my whole life (Personal Interview, October 31,2006).

In summary, the data supported examples for the Immersion-Emersion stage.

Frustration was experienced over racist remarks. By confronting those who made those remarks the students were able to feel empowered about being Aboriginal. With 217 university classes providing information on Aboriginal people, most students have gained an awareness of the issues Aboriginal people experience and are beginning to find their voice and are speaking up for Aboriginal people. Hence, most of the students are being immersed into the Aboriginal culture and emerging and developing new perspectives of being Aboriginal. This increasing acceptance of experiences has led to a greater development of Aboriginal identity and takes us into the final stage, internalization or acceptance of who one is.

6.3.4. INTERNALIZATION STAGE:

Mihesuah stated that at this stage the "person develops inner security about her

(his) identity. She (He) is able to discuss in a rational manner racial issues with members of other racial and/or ethnic groups" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.29). Many of the participants in this study knew who they were from their teachings from family and extended family members. Early in their childhood for example, one student's aunt was researching the family's ancestry and the student recalled:

/ understood that I was Native, or part Native and so I remember that and I was probably thirteen or fourteen before I really started to realize the whole nationalistic side of being Metis, that we had a place in the world, that we had specific rights, that we had a heritage and a culture that was different from other people (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

Another student recalled a similar event. She said:

Oh since I became conscious to the world, my late paternal grandmother made very sure that I knew exactly who I was and instilled in me many, many of the principles, ceremonies, beliefs and practices of my people. My first initiation into a ritual way of life was at the age of three and that's my earliest memory of knowing who I was and who I am and who she wanted to make me to be, to mould this little being into somebody that she felt was important in the world. That begins right from age three (Personal Interview, January 22, 2007). 218

Acceptance of self was discovered early in life for many students. Respect for oneself, pride, respect for the earth, good knowledge and foundations were installed in many of the participants experiences. Understanding where they came from, through guidance and direction, they developed a strong sense of who they were. Some of the students' experiences in university also influenced their Aboriginal identity.

In summary, how the participants identified as an Aboriginal person is complex.

"Unquestionably, the diversity of opinions over what it means to be American Indian renders the issue impossible to generalize and difficult to analyze" (Devon A. Mihesuah,

1999 p.13). However, how Mihesuah developed and explored Aboriginal identity choices and development is significant to the understanding of Aboriginal identity.

Many elements, such as, gender, racial, political, occupational and religious identities contribute to an Indian's identity. It is important to include Aboriginal interpretation for they can identify aspects that shape their unique self-images (Devon A.

Mihesuah, 1999). For example, the four life stages highlighted the many factors that played in defining ones' self. The values that the participants learned in their home environment affected their self-image. For example, some students moved a lot during their childhood and this influenced their interactions with peers but as mentioned previously it did not play a major factor in their identity formation. Others were taught a traditional way of life and having experienced this gave them a real sense of Aboriginal identity. Whether or not the students encountered a positive or negative event made them reevaluate their place in the world. Some participants did not learn traditional behaviours until later in their life, and thus saw themselves becoming an Indian or rediscovering their

Indianess. A few participants, did not desire to find or seek out their experiences that emphasized their Aboriginalness. For example, as we recall one student abandoned his

Aboriginal roots and was a bit more relieved to pass as white, while others immersed themselves in the Aboriginal culture. Emerging and internalization aspects helped provide a clearer sense of who they were.

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development model and some participants' experiences were supported throughout this study. Progression of identity was made through explorations, development, and choice about their identity.

The students' background or early childhood experiences gave them a foothold to stand on. For example, those who were taught Aboriginal culture seemed to have a solid identity today. For those who learned Aboriginal culture in their later years also seem to be connecting to Aboriginal identity. Because of this, the participants moved from

Mihesuah's stages both in a linear style and a non-linear style. Some students moved from one stage to the next, as well as, moved back and forth from other stages.

Whether Metis or Indian it appeared to show a difference in their responses on one level. For example, each was able to connect to being an Aboriginal. For those students who looked Caucasian they had difficulty finding a secure identity but at the same time, they felt they had an advantage, such as having a foot in both cultures.

Whether it is age difference, or gender difference or whether they lived on a reserve or not, did not seem to make a difference on their identities as an Aboriginal person. Asking the question "Who am I?' is complex. Mishesuah's identity model helped us answer this question, and thus, is a valid approach to Aboriginal identity.

Explorations into Canadian Aboriginal identity is discussed in the next chapter. 6.4. UNIVERSITY EXPERIENCE:

In discerning what role the Aboriginal students saw post-secondary education playing in the development of their identity was captivating and intriguing. The diverse responses to the questionnaire evoked a sense of understanding and insightful thought given to their university experience. Participants explored their identity as an Aboriginal person and their identity as a result was enhanced by their university experience. Many factors came into play both in the exploration of identity, as well as, supporting or strengthening their identity. In a few incidents, some students found their university interactions negative and some found it was more of a neutral experience in that they had neither positive nor negative feelings about it. In these instances students realized there was still racism, and in other situations, they had no emotions surrounding their experience, and it was not meaningful mostly because they did not have a clear goal in mind. Overall, however, the students' experiences in university were diverse and very significant.

6.4.1. Why Participants Attended University:

Reasons why the participants came to university were as individualistic as the students themselves. Some of the reasons were not unlike those of non-Aboriginal students, such as to learn to get a higher education for better paying jobs or to get into graduate school.

Some of the students came to university because they wanted to make their family proud. One student's grandparents and mother all went to residential schools but no one made it past grade twelve. She said: "we were pushed harder in our education because we didn't want to...we wanted to make [our mother]proud...there's a drive to succeed" 221

(Personal Interview, September 18, 2006). An added factor as to why the students came to university was that they were expected to get a higher education. The second highest group of reasons why students came to university was that grandmothers and parents expected them to get educated. For example, on student's grandmother said, "You better go to university now because when you have kids, this free education...it's not free and you 're going to have to do that for your kids so you have to make sure you have all the tools necessary so you can provide for them (Personal Interview, September 30, 2005).

The change in attitude toward education by grandparents and parents who went to residential school was evident by their stressing to the participants the importance of education.

Additionally, some of the students wanted to help their communities and saw education as a way to do that. For example, one student said: "/ wanted to have a more positive role, contribute more and also work with First Nations groups and help establish community development" (Personal Interview, April 29, 2005). As well, another student

said, "/ want to set good example for my nieces and nephews, my younger brother and sister because I can say 'We 've all been through the same thing but you know I can do

that" (Personal Interview, September 13, 2006).

Another student wanted to help his Aboriginal community by changing the way

education was taught so Aboriginal people could know their rights (Personal Interview,

October 31, 2006). One student stated that he saw a need for more Aboriginal people to become professional who could work with the Aboriginal youth (Personal Interview,

October 1, 2006). These examples and awareness of being involved with their communities and caring passionately about their community made their decisions to attend university plausible.

Others came to university for personal reasons. Some students wanted to follow their dreams and goals. For example one student said:

/ came to university because I realized that without education I could never to what I really wanted or have...I can be as smart as I really want but I don't think people wouldn't listen to me if I didn't have my piece of paper that says, "Yeah I'm educated", right and so I think in the long run without an education, I could never attain the dreams that I want to do (Personal Interview, September 30, 2005).

Another participant saw university as a form of a spiritual quest "because I wanted to have a critical view of Christianity and Native Studies and the rest of the religions" (Personal Interview, September 23, 2005).

Some students saw education as a reflection of personal efforts, for example, one student said:

Because I want to gain that independence. I want to expose myself to the outside world. There's other places outside the reserve too, right where it would also be good to contribute to 'cause I know there's a lot of people who've never seen outside the reserve because they're afraid. I had to do this by myself and I just want to be able to say, 'You know what, if I can do it, you can do if (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

Others saw education as a means of change. For example, one student was employed up North and after seeing the way it was there, such as the education system or lack of encouraged her to come to university. She said:

My big thing is...the whole reason I went to Education was because I didn 't like how I was educated. I did it. I did it fine. I found it easy but I didn't like the way that we were taught and the things that we were taught so I wanted to go in and change that and then once I got in...I worked up North in mostly Aboriginal community and it was 95% Aboriginal and the school system was totally European and they deliberately didn't fit the community in and as a teacher I could only do a little bit in my classroom 223

and it just made me mad so I was just like 'I'm going into law. I'm going to change this' (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

In summary, the factors that played a role in the participants' decision to come to university were diverse. The decisions were very optimistic, such as, following goals and dreams; for betterment of self, children and community; to learn and get a better education for improving job opportunities; and to gain independence. These decisions may be like non-Aboriginal peoples' decisions to get a degree. For example, a post- secondary education helps prepare the students for a new career helps them to solve problems and think critically. A high point of the decisions by Aboriginal students to attend university was seeing other Aboriginal students being successful in completing their education. When we look at the following section on meaningfulness of university experiences their reasons for coming to university was greatly enhanced.

6.4.2. Is University Meaningful?

Posing the question whether their experience at university was meaningful, the majority of students stated that it was. Almost all of the participants stated that university was definitely meaningful because they had become more analytical, developed insight and became critical when looking at the world. Others increased their awareness, confidence, knowledge and learning. For some it broadened their horizons and that their experience was eye-opening. Conine stated that university is "very, very meaningful.

Taking Sociology courses has really opened my eyes to being able to make a difference. I never felt that I could have a sense of agency before, that I could make a difference in peoples' lives so, for me, that's been very meaningful" (Personal Interview, November

19, 2005).

Lori stated: It's helped me understand the structures and different things that are in place throughout society...I've learned a lot. I've learned a lot about, not myself as, like, my cultural self but I've learned a lot about myself in becoming involved and I've shaped and I've shaped and become more self-confident sort of thing, so I think it's definitely been meaningful (Personal Interview, September 30, 2005).

Haley commented that university was very meaningful. She said:

/ have learned a lot about how to analyze the world, about how to critically think about things. Even when I started university, I remember reading the newspaper differently than I used to. I think it really helps me...it helped me to find my own identity as well because I became very connected with the Aboriginal students' groups here and taking Aboriginal classes has really helped me to become aware and realize the importance of maintaining it. It's been valuable just as a growth in general. It's a great time for anybody, Aboriginal or not to just kind of come into their own ways. I left my parents' house. I had to decide on my own beliefs and identities at that time so I think it's been a very valuable experience (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

Sonia found that university made her a better person. She said:

It changed me really fast. I don't want to make it sound really horrible but within a year I was a far better person than I was before, like even though sometimes I feel very conflicted about who I am, I still feel that I'm a far better person than I was before and I respect who I am more now (Personal Interview, September 16, 2006).

A few of the students found university meaningful because of their experience surrounding Aboriginal issues. For example, Kimbel stated that:

It certainly opened my eyes up a lot to the history of what the Aboriginal First Nations people had to go through in order to come this far and, therefore, that's why I'm always obedient and respectful to my elders' teachings because I know what they went through (Personal Interview, October 1. 2006).

Rachel found a sense of maturity in herself. She stated, [university] "totally changed my outlook on things. It taught me to mature; how to think a little more... university changed me as a whole person and it did help me to be proud of who I am (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

Some of the participants found university meaningful because of the people they met. Standing Sun Bear Man stated:

Yes, I've met a lot of nice people that actually share the same vision as me. It's that they have this gift to put into this vision but sometimes it's a struggle. Sometimes it's a struggle, like when you live in a cultural silence for so long it's hard to have a voice. Like you get ostracized from our own leadership or non-Native in general but yeah, I've met a lot of people here and made a couple of best friends (Personal Interview, September 14, 2006).

One student found that he could explore his identity while in university thus it became meaningful over time. He said: "I've learned a lot, definitely a lot about the legal issues and yeah, definitely. I've learned a lot about being Native being here at university" (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006). Okimaw-Willier found "the stories and knowledge of other Native people is nice to hear at university" (Personal Interview,

October 17, 2006).

Another student felt great because she was the first in her family to be at university and succeed. For example, she said:

It gives me a sense of accomplishment because I have made my grandmother proud of me and my mom proud of me and my dad's happy with me because for the first time, someone, the oldest child in the family has actually finished high school and university and to fight for the future generations of my children and the future there is that they don't have...that there is success in that and they don't have to not go beyond a certain level and not be held back and that, so that's part of it (Personal Interview, September 18, 2006).

Charlotte also found meaning in her experiences. She said: 226

Yeah, very much [meaningful]. I enjoy the courses I'm taking. Because I'm doing a double degree, in Native Studies as well as in Education so I really enjoy all of my classes and it's definitely been regarding because it helped me to learn a lot of stuff and just have a better understanding. I think in itself and when I go back to my community, I can be more involved in the political process back home. I've been involved in the past but not with as clear an understanding that I feel that I have now (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006).

Julie stated that university has "absolutely [been meaningful] as it's brought me back to my culture. I've met, like, some of the most influential people in my life. Some of the people I most admire, I met at university. My best friends go to university" (Personal

Interview, September 19, 2005).

Meaning was experienced by the increasing of confidence, eye opening incidents, development of empathy and pride, and by the fact they were becoming role models for their children however, not all the students found the university experience to be meaningful.

Two students did not share in this feeling that coming to university was meaningful. One participant said that, "it's been a struggle. I guess in some ways, like, I kind of outweigh the good with the bad and it's been more, like. ..I don't know how to put it. It seems like it's almost more grief than it's worth" (Personal Interview, May 7, 2005).

The other participant found that he could not voice his opinions and that university is rather Eurocentric. He said, "Who says your way of thinking is better than my way of thinking?" (Personal Interview, October 9, 2006). In these situations, the participant isolated herself from other students and had allowed herself not to experience various activities of university life. The other student felt defensive about a variety of topics being taught. As a result these students' felt their university experience was not 227 meaningful. It can be inferred that these two students sense of identity was neither challenged nor strengthened as a result of being in university.

University opened many doors for the students. The majority of the students found their experience at university very significant. Some experienced situations where they grew as a person, developed insight, became more analytical and critical. University broadened their understanding of Aboriginal culture and increased their awareness of the world. Some of the students developed tolerance for the dominant culture by not engaging in political events and found support for their Aboriginal culture by increasing their understanding of traditions. The meaningfulness that was felt by the students enhanced positive self-worth. Many of the students became more aware of themselves as an Aboriginal person, as well as, developing pride and self-confidence within themselves.

The experience of meeting people at university and the fact that independence and future goals were explored made their experience at university significant.

6.4.3. Can You Be Yourself as Aboriginal?

Going to university provides a challenge to most students who experience new situations, new ideas, and new ways of thinking. When the question 'Can you be yourself at university?' was asked, 85% of the participants said 'yes'. By asking this question exploration could be sought as to whether the participants felt assured of themselves in order to be comfortable with their identity.

For most of the students they said they can be themselves in university and found that the university was fairly liberal thus they could be themselves. For example, a student found, "the university pretty liberal [as he can say something] and the professors

[can] be open about change and they probably just never had anyone say this to them 228

before but for them to take it on and use it I think is just a great meaningful thing"

(Personal Interview, April 29, 2005).

Tara recognized that she could be herself with those who were close to her but not

so much with others who were acquaintances. For example she said:

Yep, yeah, I can [be herself]. I think I can be myself ..honestly mostly I can be again with the people who are close to me who understand that my identity as an Aboriginal person is a very large part of my life and, for me, that includes tradition and so those people I can be around and be the most myself and that's in the Aboriginal community and outside as well, like, my partner understands that very well. Those are the people I can be the most myself around. I think that I'm not putting on a disguise when I'm around other people but I'm keeping part of it out. I'm just excluding some of it just because it's too much. You have to pick your battles, like, 'Do I want to explain this part of myself now? No', so I'm just not going to so, yeah, I can be more so in some areas than in others but I'm not at a point anywhere in my life where I'm disguising who I am. I'm just choosing where things are most appropriate (Personal Interview, September 28, 2005).

Most of the students felt at ease with being able to be themselves. The ability to be comfortable in most situations allowed them to strengthen and to enhance confidence

in themselves. For those who said that they can not be themselves found that they had to

be cautious of their behavior in certain situations. For example, in some classes the

participants felt hesitant to be themselves by being reserved or by having to curb their

spontaneity towards what they felt they 'should be' behaving like. In this sense they

were holding back their true feelings and behaviors, thus ending up being restrained in

who they felt they were.

In summary, being genuine with themselves and with others, by the majority of

students, appeared to validate their self-identity. For those who felt they could not be

themselves found they were limited by situations, such as not expressing their true feelings because they might be judged by others, thus they were unable to feel comfort or secure with their identity.

6.4.4. Pushed or Pulled:

By asking this next question further data is sought to determine their confidence, assertiveness and strength in their identity as an Aboriginal person. The question asked was: 'Are you ever pushed or pulled into being something or someone you aren't?'

Responses were split in half. For those who said 'no' they are not pushed or pulled, they felt quite confident in who they were. For example, one student said, "Ifeel pretty confident [thus is not pulled or pushed to be something or someone] (Personal Interview,

June 14, 2005).

One student said she was not easily swayed. She said:

/ don't think that I'm easily swayed by anybody. I don't think anyone can make me change my mind about what I believe in, who I am, I mean I'm open to things I think and I think that I allow the opportunity for others to have their own thoughts and opinions but I don't think that they could sway me in a different direction (Personal Interview, September 12, 2006).

Another student said he was true to himself and honest with himself and others thus felt he wasn't pushed or pulled in any way (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006).

The students' recognized their strengths in this area, such as, not being easily swayed, thus felt secure in their identity as an Aboriginal person.

One student felt the pressure from her peers with coming to university and to stay connected with herself. She commented:

Oh you have to be like this. What are you doing going to university? Who do you think you are? You think you're so cool" and there's been a lot of that too because if I go "Are you telling me not to get educated?" but it's not that it's kind of like you're changing, you're becoming somebody different and that really scared me too that I was going to become 230

something that I wasn't, so I've been pulled in a lot of ways and I think the biggest pull now is from myself. I'm like "I know who I am. I grew up this way". I've been kind of letting it go because I wanted to see what other things were like but I always came back to who I am now because I value it. I've seen what the other options are and I don't like them (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

Others felt they were pushed to be someone else or be like everyone else, hence, were being pulled between school and their community or between Native and non-

Native, for example on student said:

Yeah, obviously at school and stuff or when I'm not around my own people, it's kind of like oh yeah, you kind of want to fit in so you kind of want to take on the traits of the people that you're around and for a long time I did that to an extreme [her husband was Chilean and learned to be a good Chilean wife] but I've been pulled in a lot of ways and I think the biggest pull now is from myself. I'm like 'I know who I am. I grew up this way'. I've been kind of letting it go because I wanted to see what other things were like but I always come back to who I am, now because I value it. I've seen what the other options are and I don't like them (Personal Interview, October 31, 2006).

Peer influence can affect a person's behavior and in this situation it has an influence on the student's identity.

Some students were asked to sit on committees involving Aboriginal issues, hence, felt pushed to be involved in politics. For example, one student said:

The only time I really find [I'm pushed or pulled] is because I am a good student and I'm very involved. I find a lot of time people are looking for the Aboriginal to be on their Board, for the Aboriginal student to represent them and that becomes frustrating because while I am Aboriginal, I'm more than that and I don't necessarily want to spend my entire life as a token. I want to be invited to these things on my merit not necessarily my identity (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

Feeling pressures and struggles to be herself, a student comments:

I'm the last person who should be judging anybody but I think there are times when people are talking about things, especially about First Nations things and they haven't shared the same experiences as you but they are 231

trying to relate to you, and I think there are times where I don't feel where I am legitimate enough and I think it does come down to identity and I think it does come down to being half or being full, and even being full being urban or being raised on the reserve, like, there's a whole sort of struggle with this Native identity where it does play a factor, I guess, into sometimes me thinking who I am (Personal Interview, January 20, 2006).

In summary, being pushed or pulled to be someone or something they are not, emphasized both an inner struggle and inner confidence with their Aboriginal identity.

For those who had a strong solid identity found they were not pushed to being someone different. Being able to stand firm in regards to oneself, reinforced a positive image and

assuredness of self identity. For those participants who felt pushed had less confidence

and questioned themselves. Even though there is internal questioning of self, students recognize this fact thus seem determined to find a balance between who they are as an

Aboriginal person and who others see them as.

With having gathered important information regarding the participants reasons for

coming to university, whether their experience was meaningful, and whether they could be themselves or felt like they were being pushed or pulled into being something or

someone they are not, the next focus is on the influence of university specifically whether courses caused an impact on their identity, traditional Aboriginal identity or belief

systems. Was their identity different as a result of being in university?

6.4.5. Identity Development Formation:

The participants' experience at university is furthered explored by focusing on the courses and its influences on the students' identity as an Aboriginal person. As well, one focus is to look at their university's impact on their knowledge of traditional Aboriginal culture, whether they re-examine their belief systems and if they perceived difference.

This information can create or reinforce or distance their identity development as an 232

Aboriginal person. Focusing on the influence that courses had on the students' identity was essential to the understanding of how the students formed or acknowledged their development of self.

6.4.5.1. Course Influence:

University courses had an impact on the students' Aboriginal identity. The diversity of courses helped participants explore their identity. For example, for Mary, the

Political Science courses made her think critically about what she believed about the world. She said:

Some of my Politics courses really made me question what I believe and then adopt those, the ones that I knew I really did believe in, like ideas about socialism or you know, whatever, so yeah, it does influence some things, the way I think about the world (Personal Interview, September 24, 2005).

Marilyn felt that her awareness had been increased by taking a variety of classes and that her overall goals for the future had been made more clear by taking a diverse selection of courses. She said:

In a positive way, [courses] make me more aware in my surroundings that I might not have understood before. For example, Sociology courses that I have taken have made me aware of other social issues that sometimes I don't think of because I'm in my own little world sometimes, so yeah, I would say they do influence my awareness. A Disability Studies course... really kind of set my goals of what I wanted to be. It taught me a lot about the importance of activism and speaking and knowing what you are saying before you say it and those are really important lessons (Personal Interview, October 18, 2005).

Levi found courses 'to a degree' were influential. "They [courses] help me define and articulate the raw ideas...so it's really helped me articulate my thoughts and it has given me some guidance as to where I want to go and how to approach things in the future" (Personal Interview, September 30, 2005). 233

Lori stated that her Native Studies courses '''helped me identify [her Aboriginal identity]. They helped me understand myself better and where I come from and what my people are about and made me feel part of it" (Personal Interview, September 16, 2006).

Her Women Studies courses made her aware of issues for women and created an understanding of her female self.

Curt found that "courses made me a lot more passionate... One course on sustainable development and it just gave me a better drive to try to make a difference and better the planet and other courses just kind of...just helped me to articulate myself better and helped my communication" (Personal Interview, June 14, 2005). The variety of classes, such as, Communication and Culture, English, Sociology, Drama, and

Anthropology gave Curt a sense of interconnectedness with himself by challenging his views and understanding of identity.

Jack felt that Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies courses reinforced his pride in being Aboriginal. For example, he said, "J took a couple of the Canadian Studies and they probably reinforced my pride. That's about it... The reason why they were so influential is because the instructor actually had a real, legitimate, honest interest in

First Nations, Metis, Native people" (Personal Interview, October 11, 2005).

Christina felt that Native Studies classes increased her awareness of Aboriginal people. She said:

Native Studies classes opened my experience to new possibilities and new ways of learning. I didn 't always understand the Metis perspective but when I take a class in Native Studies where the prof is Metis and speaks from that, it does open my mind a little bit more. They [courses] help me know what the history is of our people 'cause you don't really learn that in Junior High. It's definitely helped me become more aware of my people (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006). 234

Charlotte said that courses reinforced who she was as an Aboriginal person. She said:

It just makes me stronger in what I believe. With Native Studies courses they've helped me build a better foundation and better knowledge base to strengthen my views and opinions of what I already had so it just gives me a better backing, just more knowledge. I'm taking Political Science and History this year so it's just giving me a better foundation of what my values are already based on and expand them (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006).

Derek finds that courses influence him by changing his way of thinking.

Anthropology in particular allowed him to see different cultures from all perspectives and it is a big influence in the way he looks at the world. His Political Science class enhanced his knowledge of political issues and because of this he finds that he is more outspoken (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006). He developed the confidence to share his views.

Ms. Jimmy was helped to see things from different perspectives through her courses. For example, in one class, in particular, she was able to help explain issues on

Native peoples and being able to participate and contribute to the class which she found as influential. She also said that:

I know who I am. I know where I want to be. That's one of my goals and knowing who you are is a process because you're always developing and you're always taking so much knowledge in and sometimes change your point of view and sometimes it changes who you are, so I don't exactly know who I am but I have a sense of it [and is on the path to find out] (Personal Interview, September 18, 2006).

Lisa was encouraged by her Indigenous, Religion, and Psychology courses. She

said: 235

That definitely changes my th8inking...you get to see just how people think. Well, every single class, you just learn something new everyday and it changes the way you think...even the people you meet. I meet someone new everyday and just having new conversations; it all affects my thinking or my outlook on life (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Bill says that Indigenous Studies classes "help me to maintain who I am"

(Personal Interview, September 18, 2006). Harold says, "Courses reinforce who lam"

(Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). Grace found her courses make her more proud of who she is. "I feel history very interesting and I feel like I know more about myself or more about who we are and it's interesting to me" (Personal Interview, October

10, 2006). Her experience has given her more of a sense of belonging in the community.

Dynamo found that courses were definitely an influence on his identity because:

The university courses teach you how to express yourself better, teach you how to communicate your ideas more effectively. They teach you how to be critical of the ideas and information that is presented to you so that you don't just believe everything that you read or see... University gives you a new perspective (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Kimbel is actively involved with peers and on campus and finds courses, "makes me think and it makes me ponder a lot of questions and makes me not question who I am, but makes me think more imaginatively and more in depth and it makes me analyze my self (Personal Interview, October 1, 2006). He says all his courses are influential because "out of each discipline, I notice there's always something said about Native spirituality and that just makes me feel so wonderful, because I'm an advocate of First

Nations spirituality" (Personal Interview, October 1, 2006).

Haley commented that her university courses helped her explore her identity:

The courses have made me ask myself who I am. When I take a...in my degree we take a lot of Indigenous Knowledge classes and those classes make me ask myself, you know, "Am I Indigenous? Am I that different? What makes me different? What is identity?" Like the Metis community, there's all different kinds of Metis and what makes me different from say Metis people from other parts of [the province] or all these things, so I think when university classes are talking about who Aboriginal people are and what rights they have, it really makes me investigate my identity and where I fit into all that...Since I really grabbed hold of my identity I always now evaluate things in relation to that and how I see the world, so I think as influential as they are, in some ways, in some ways my own identity helps me influence them into what I want to learn from them and how I want to evaluate them (Personal Interview, October 8, 2006).

Courses indeed had an impact on the participants' identity as an Aboriginal

person. However, some of the students recognized that their professors were the ones

who had an influence on their identity. Caron mentioned that she was, "very lucky to be

in their [professor's] presence, you know, like, taking their classes because they were

very inspiring" (Personal Interview, September 23, 2005). Julie liked her professors and

courses because they provided her with different points of view which were an asset to

confirming her identity (Personal Interview, September 19, 2005). Sonia says as a result

of good professors, "they fine-tune [my] interest, like if I'm just running around in a jumble; they help focus me a bit. That's how they influence me" (Personal Interview,

September 16, 2006).

Not all university courses influenced the students' identity. There were a few

participants who felt isolated from Aboriginal culture and activities. For example, one

student commented:

Most of the university courses, all they've done for my identity is really isolating me from the Aboriginal community. I'm taking a lot of science courses and I'm not thinking of Sociology or anything like that and really none of the courses have really changed who I am. They're influenced me by isolating me from the Aboriginal community (Personal Interview, June 17, 2006).

In summary, when given an opportunity to take several courses from various

disciplines, it created and had created a chance for Aboriginal students to seek out their 237

Aboriginal identity. As seen from the above passages, courses created interconnectedness, pride, and provided a better foundation of an Aboriginal perspective.

Some courses, such as, the Sciences do not appear to give a chance for the students to explore Aboriginal issues, but all of the other courses from several disciplines prove to aid in the search and exploration of identity. The courses had a strong impact for the students, as they increased their awareness, knowledge, and understanding of the world around them. The courses also provided insights into ones' behaviour, as well as, providing guidance and reinforcement to identity development. For example, the students understood why they behaved the way they did and with more of a critical eye they explored various aspects of themselves and their identity. Courses also provide a balance between Aboriginal traditions and academic learning. Thus, the courses affirmed their Aboriginal identity. Courses indeed provided information that challenged the students, hence, the courses proved to be influential in strengthening their identity development.

Many of the students felt fortunate to experience and explore aspects of themselves as a result of taking a variety of courses. Native Studies courses proved to have a greater impact on the participants' identity; however, courses from across all disciplines also were influential factors in identity development. Most of the courses increased insight for the students.

The value that the course information provided was powerful in that it changed how the students felt about themselves. For example, negative stereotypes of Aboriginals being lazy and uneducated were countered by seeing more and more Aboriginal students succeeding at the university level. The students felt empowered by this fact. Their thoughts of how this affected their knowledge of traditional Aboriginal identity are expanded on in greater detail in the next section.

6.4.5.2. Formal Education's Influence of Traditional Beliefs:

Courses had an impact on the students' identity but another determining factor was whether their formal education supported or detracted from their traditional beliefs, thus influence their knowledge of traditional Aboriginal identity. By asking this question

it can be used to see if Aboriginal traditional identity was altered by the students' university experience. Many students discovered for the first time parts of their

Aboriginal history which they came to greatly appreciate, and which made them search within themselves and seek out who they were. One student said:

[University education has been an influence on my knowledge of traditional Native identity] because of Cree people and their involvement in the fur trade. I definitely think that that's helped, well, just a greater understanding of Cree culture and their history which I didn't have before, so...what I have learned here has also led me to believe I may not be as Native as many, many other people especially due to the fact that there's no traditional territory essentially for Cree whereas other First Nations have really close connections to the land and stuff so I think that's helped me question my identity for sure (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006).

Many students learned about residential schools for the first time. For example one student said:

Initially courses influenced myself because it was coming to university where I learned things about the Aboriginal part of who I am and that was my opportunity to do a great deal of research into residential schools and what it was about and what some of the experiences were and why it happened and what the church's role was and the state's role and the people's role so I think that deeply impacted who I am because it gave me a much greater insight into who my mother is and she's a huge part of who I am so yeah I think it did from that aspect and there's all kinds of good things about Aboriginal society that I learned in school and then there's the traditional teachings that I learned from that elder (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

Learning about residential schools helped the student understand their grandparents' and parents' behavior. They came to appreciate the hurt that their family members experienced and learned respect for all who experienced residential schools.

Others learned about the medicine wheel or about Aboriginal spirituality. For example one student said:

There were so many ideals that I had about before coming to university, like I had no idea about a medicine wheel. I had no idea what the heck that was and I was taught quite a bit about that. I was taught about various dances and the fact that not all dances are given away completely until...I think it was a certain ritual or a certain amount of time, then the whole dance will be given away to another culture and I didn't know about that and I actually felt better knowing about that and as well as other things too, like the animals, how they fit into the circle of life and the trees and I had no idea that man was seen actually the bottom of the food chain and not the top (Personal Interview, September 21, 2006).

The significance of Aboriginal traditional rituals allowed this student to appreciate that she was a part of this behavior to which she felt special as an Aboriginal person.

Learning about spirituality and how important it was to Native society was

.significant for some. For example, one student stated:

My knowledge of traditional Native identity, yes, [has been an influence on my identity]. With regards to the elders gathering, I've had the opportunities for the past two years to be exposed to some very interesting people and it opened up my eyes and broadened my horizons about what Aboriginal traditions and spirituality are so, it kind of yeah, gave me a different perspective on things. The facts that okay what I've heard and learned is not the be all and end all. There are many ways and many traditions out there (Personal Interview, October 29, 2005).

Corrine commented that her education: 240

Has influenced me to get more in touch with my traditions. Certainly now that I've taken all these courses and I have all this knowledge, my goal is to move back to B. C. where I can start learning some of the things that I didn't pick up on when I was a child. I want to learn dances and songs and the stories that my mother had forgotten 'cause she was in residential school, so in that way, university has sort of influenced my identity. I think that would be the most important one, yeah (Personal Interview, November 19, 2005).

Delving deeper into Aboriginal traditions is a journey shared by others. Valerie's

Aboriginal identity was affirmed by her education. She said, "The Aboriginal Spirituality

Identity classes...help me to maintain [identity] and reaffirm it and expand on it"

(Personal Interview, September 12, 2006). Sonia felt some congruence between what her grandfather knows, even though he has not gone to school, and what she is learning now.

She learned respect from her family and "they basically respect me now because I can do both, learn outside and inside school" (Personal Interview, September 16, 2006).

Vince found that his knowledge of traditional Aboriginal identity was

"absolutely" affected. He said:

With regards to the elder's gathering, I've had the opportunities for the past two years to be exposed to some very interesting people and it opened up my eyes and broadened my horizons about what Aboriginal traditions and spirituality are, so, it kind of yeah, gave me a different perspectives on things. The facts that okay what I've heard and learned is not the be all and end all. There are many ways and many traditions out there (Personal Interview, September 28, 2005).

Derek's Aboriginal identity was confirmed and his desire to install the importance of education to his children was important. He commented that education has:

An influence in a sense that it's affirmed those things and a definite sense of the importance of trying to install those in my children that it's good to have a meaningful life, whatever they choose, hopefully it's underpinned by education. Since they were in their mother's womb, I've been talking to them about the importance of education and I think that, just my university experience to this point, had me trying to instill in them the 241

importance of going to university and getting that education (Personal Interview, January 22, 207).

Okimaw-Willier mentioned that through his education he has had a chance to look at his inner self, and that education has been an influence on his knowledge of traditional

Aboriginal identity. He said that he enjoyed learning the Cree language, "which is fun and alive again, and that it broadened my knowledge, strengthened my identity and am proud of who I am" (Personal Interview, October 17, 2006). Lisa's experience at university was "definitely" a learning experience and has had an impact on her knowledge of traditional identity. She said that, "I feel like I've learned a lot more about

First Nations culture here than throughout my whole entire life" (Personal Interview,

September 19, 2006).

Joe found a real sense of community, a sense of longing and an identity in his experience at university. He said:

You know, I have really have. I've really come to an acceptance of who I am. I've really come to an acceptance of who I'm not and that's something I really like now, admitting I'm wrong. You know I'll admit to myself that I'm not my grandfather and I'm not my grandmother and I'm not my dad although those people are just very huge influences in my life. It's like I'm not my ancestors who died for the Metis nation or died trying to keep their homes but I'm a descendant of them and although I have them in my blood and in my body, that I'm also so many other different types of things too, so it helped me to not only find out who I am but who I'm not too. I think that's been the most important part actually because a lot of people that I go to school with, they don't really take a look at that. They won't admit who they're not. We read this history about our people and people get more angry and more bitter towards you know European type societies or whatever, history of your own government...very resentful and stuff just simply because of the history but not understanding that those are two different groups of people and we're only descendants of those people so having that understanding I think is really what's made me more grounded and I feel a lot more comfortable about my education knowing who I'm not and that's just been an amazing thing (Personal Interview, September 23, 2006). 242

Janine's experience has been important. Her grandfather was really significant to her in forming of her Aboriginal identity and at university, she says: "I've never been in an environment that's so balanced with spirituality, with the culture, the education, so yeah definitely [is important]. She continues to say that it helped solidify "a reconnection I guess. I need to know who I am and where I'm going but I also need to know in order to get there where I come from, so that was really key for me" (Personal

Interview, September 18, 2006).

The students expressed appreciation for learning about and exploring aspects of themselves but in a few situations the participants did not feel that their university experience had been an influence on their traditional Aboriginal identity. Most said they have a balance of both cultures. One student summed it up this way: "/ do believe that an education, a degree is important but it won't define who I am in the end. It won't make me more important than the elder who doesn't have a university degree. It just makes my experience different" (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

In summary, the students' education reaffirmed Aboriginal spirituality, traditions and Aboriginal identity. Courses expanded knowledge of the history of Aboriginal peoples and this increased awareness for the participants which helped strengthen their

Aboriginal identity. Some students felt they found a sense of community and a sense of belongingness. In their university experience one student found that she developed continuity between what she learned with what she thought or knew previously. Thus, the students' experience of university influenced their knowledge of traditional Native identity, and for those who saw a balance of their knowledge of traditional culture previously, the courses just affirmed their beliefs. 6.4.5.3. Influence on Belief Systems:

Courses and professors had an impact on the majority of participants' identity and knowledge of traditional Native identity. Whether or not university courses made the participants re-examine their belief systems was telling, in that just over half (57%) refined their beliefs. For example, Corrine stated, "I would say I don't trust blindly anymore. With, like, government policies or media stories, I don't trust them blindly anymore but in the past I might have just taken things at face value" (Personal Interview,

November 19, 2005). Corrine is more prone to question things and is more open to different ideas now.

Cheryl noted that she learned more about Aboriginal spirituality. She was able to learn from the courses of the structure and concepts behind the ceremonies which has

"definitely strengthened my spirituality and respecting other peoples' spirituality and different religions (Personal Interview, September 12, 2006).

For Wade, university courses "made me defend my belief system" (Personal

Interview, November 1, 2005). Jordan felt that courses increased his awareness of

Aboriginal history and issues and, "that helped me reexamine my faith at the time and

I've returned to my Native spirituality so to answer your question, yes, university, what I have learned, has helped me greatly to change my views on a lot of things especially religion" (Personal Interview, February 5, 2007).

James felt that courses made him reexamine his beliefs by stating:

It opens you up to think and try to make your own judgments and things and being as a Catholic in my family...in my family... it's really changed and opened me to not just look at things one way, but to try to look at things in a bigger picture and a bigger perspective and try to come to my own conclusions based on what I think and getting opinions from other people...It's mad me instead of being one-sided, it's always made me more 244

open to open communication and to learn (Personal Interview, February 13, 2007).

Charlotte reported similar feelings about re-examining her belief system because:

It makes you more confident in voicing your opinions or your beliefs. A lot of the courses are seminar-based or promotes class discussion and stuff like that and a lot of people have different views than me. I'm not saying that that's a bad thing but it's helped me to learn to be tolerant of other people than although you don't share the same belief system that we can still respect each other but it has made me think stronger in what I believe and being able to voice that to other people (Personal Interview, October 18, 2006).

Gordon felt that, "just learning the way that the European political thinking is and then learning about who my culture is it's really made me question where I stand"

(Personal Interview, September 19, 2006).

Forty-two percent of the participants said courses did not make them reexamine their belief system. They believed that they had a strong belief system or that the courses actually strengthened their beliefs. Joe, for example, stated, "it totally inspired me to just keep digging around and keep thinking and challenge myself over and over again and it's absolutely awesome. I love challenging myself on a daily basis" (Personal Interview,

September 23, 2006).

In summary, courses, professors and book learning have had an influence on the

students' belief systems. Some of the participants were able to re-evaluate their beliefs

with information from various courses, and were able to make a conscious decision on where they stood. Some students felt better prepared to defend their belief systems, while

others continued searching and challenging themselves. As well, others felt courses

strengthened their spirituality, and they also learned to respect others spirituality and difference. They sought out a balance with their beliefs and gained awareness, thus, understood theirs and others belief systems.

6.4.5.4. Feeling Different About Ones Self:

In this section the focus was whether or not they felt different as a result of being in university. Forty-one (68%) of the students said 'yes' they were different and 19

(32%) said 'no' they do not see themselves as different as a result of being in university.

Of those who said 'no' they felt they knew who they are, their knowledge had increased and are able to express ideas but in terms of identity they were the same as before, for example, one student said, "Different in regards to my level of knowledge and my ability to express my ideas but not different in terms of identity or ability to know who I want to be in life" (Personal Interview, September 19, 2006). Some of the students had gained confidence, know who they are and were able to be themselves. Most of the students commented that their experience at university drew them to their Aboriginal self. Many participants developed pride in learning and some even stopped using drugs and alcohol.

For some students, university was an eye-opener and thus has changed some students from being shy and introverted to being confident and out-spoken.

Of those participants who felt they are different because of their university experience, some of them felt that they are a lot more confident in expressing opinions and are more analytical and critical now. For example, Erin said:

Definitely [feel different], I mean I think you become different because you become more aware of things and more learned. I would say I think university changes who you are fundamentally and what you believe in and you just start to realize what you believe in, whereas before you come in as a high school student you don't really know much. University changes that for sure. You just know things (Personal Interview, November 10, 2006). Tyler said he, "thinks more critically about the world around me" (Personal

Interview, February 15, 2007). Sid said university, "opened up my mind to understand how cultures work" (Personal Interview, October 9, 2006). Monique said:

Yeah, it just feels good to have knowledge and so that kind of carries with me. It shapes a lot of the interactions I have, not only with my partner or my family or my friends because communication has changed and how I communicate with people and the in-depth and the respect that we have for each other's opinions, so being in university has [made her different] (Personal Interview, June 22, 2005).

Steve said that he was, "absolutely without a doubt" different since coming to university. He said:

As I said before, in high school I had a chance to be myself and try stuff and not be afraid of who I am and just let people if they don't like it, they don't have to be a part of me. It's the same way here. I'd have to say that, for instance, I know when I get out of school that my life outside of school will change me and it will make me...I'm trying to become a certain person that I have, like, imagined in my head and, I guess, when I came to university I had an idea in my head of who I wanted to be and I wanted to work towards that but it's completely changed so being in university and all the things that have come with it have really changed my views of who I want to be and what I want out of life, so, all these things that I've come to learn being in school, all the things that happen outside of school, they've changed who I want to be and what I want to do with my life in ways that I can't imagine (Personal Interview, November 8, 2005).

Participants stated that they are different or seen as different when they go back home, to the reserve. Jamie said, "sometimes I feel like there's a fine line if I learn too much on an academic Western side, I feel like I might disconnect with my peers back home" (Personal Interview, June 30, 2005).

Rachel felt similar thoughts and said:

/ notice that when I do go home, I get like a totally different reaction. I don't know how to explain it. I don't know if it's good or bad. Maybe people just think I have too much knowledge. I don't know how to explain 247

it but I do totally feel like a different person. I know a lot of people look at me a lot differently than they did before (Personal Interview, October 16, 2006).

To summarize, coming to university was seen as an important step in the participants' lives and identity as an Aboriginal person. They were met with challenging responsibilities which they faced head on. Achieving a higher education, for Aboriginal students, is important because there are lesser numbers of Aboriginal students in university, there is lower proportion in enrollment and they have to work harder to get to university. Fewer Aboriginal students seek a higher education; however, there is an increase in number of students over the past few years who are enrolling in university.

Family members are a factor in encouraging students to enroll in post-secondary institutions. Family members are seeing the importance of education and the students themselves are realizing the significance. In the past, education was not always seen as a good thing, but this attitude has changed as more and more Aboriginal students are enrolling in university.

The participants in this study found university a very meaningful experience.

They learned to be critical and analytical, thus increasing their awareness, understanding, and confidence. Most participants grew as persons. They were able to seek out who they were and were emotionally and intellectually challenged from the material presented in their classes. On average these qualities were experienced by the average non-Aboriginal

student. But what made university significant for the Aboriginal student and stands out for them, is their experience learning about Aboriginal culture and traditional ways of life. They learned more about being Aboriginal and the courses overwhelmingly had an

affect on the students. They gained insight into themselves and their Aboriginal identity 248 was strengthened as a result. For example, the courses not only provided information but made the students search and expand their knowledge on various topics. The course material was significant not only those discussing Aboriginal issues, but also to the course material from all areas of disciplines.

Some students felt they had a 'voice' now with gaining information from classes.

They see themselves differently due to their university experience, such as, feeling confident in who they are. Some students felt that education in itself makes them different, but their experiences with learning more about Aboriginal history, cultures and traditions definitely helped them understand themselves as an Aboriginal person.

Coming to university was seen as very valuable. The importance of their university experiences can not be emphasized enough. Socially and psychologically the interactiveness with the life at university was important and affected how they saw themselves as an Aboriginal person. 249

7.0 CHAPTER SEVEN: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

7.1. DISCUSSION:

The importance of ones' identity cannot be stated strongly enough. The question and value of asking "who am I?" has been a focus of study for a very long time. Over the years, it is believed that we have come closer to answering that important question.

Defining identity was important because of the evolution of definition.

Historically each definition borrowed concepts from previous ones which made the new definition more inclusive and clearer in its meaning. The core understanding of ones'

self directs all that we feel, think and behave while interacting in the world. When one asks "who am I?" he/she searches within themselves then evaluates, and chooses the

aspects that one wishes to explain who one is.

This study looked at the definitions of identity from many perspectives. With the focus on Aboriginal identity, conventional definitions do not seem at first to explain

Aboriginal identity but with a closer look one can see that there are similarities.

Identity development theories are also important in understanding the processes one experiences in exploring and developing their identity. Robert Park and Everett

Stonequist had the right idea in the 1930s about cultures colliding and the need to find meaning within ones' culture.

The research done by W.E. Cross on African American identity development was valuable. Other researchers adapted and refined their work from their understanding of the essence of what Cross explored. This allowed the researchers to further their studies by exploring other groups of minority people. Devon Mihesuah's Native Identity

Development Theory was the basis of this study. She based her research also on Cross's theory. As we will see, this study explores added information to be considered when looking at her theory, for example, when looking at a Canadian Aboriginal population.

Post-secondary education enhances critical and analytic thinking and challenges the students to understand and explore the world around them. For these reasons post- secondary education is significant. Aboriginal students in this study found meaning to their identity as an Aboriginal person. Through their studies they were able to explore and strengthen their knowledge of Aboriginal people and themselves. They have gained an understanding and value into accepting themselves. Aboriginal students' experience in university was empowering and did not divert them away from their Aboriginal self or community.

7.1.1. DEFINING ABORIGINAL STUDENT IDENTITY USING VARIOUS

MODELS:

Answering the research questions can be made. The main questions were: 'Do conventional definitions and identity development theories offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their identity, and what role do Aboriginal students see post-secondary education playing in the exploration of their identity?'

By integrating conventional definitions of identity a proposal of a new definition was made. For this study, defining identity is, a life long process involving self- definition, self-acceptance and a reconciliation of internal and external components.

Taking into consideration the questions that were posed to the students how Aboriginal students view themselves, various factors come into play when they are exploring their

Aboriginal identity. By taking each definition of identity and showing how the students in this study met the criteria in the definition gives support and answers part one of the 251 research question: do conventional definitions offer an adequate basis for analyzing how

Aboriginal students define their identity?

To begin with the first exploration of identity, Aristotle began his discussions with the belief that the T is knowable, stable, and discussible. It is believed that the T is, through our experiences, knowable. We come to know ourselves or our identity, by our interactions both internally and externally, as was seen in the many examples by the participants in this study. For example, family, peers, and community helped the students form their identity, which are considered external interactions thus influencing our identity. Internal interactions involve how we feel and what we say to ourselves. If we are accepting of our emotions and our behavior then our thoughts about our identity are internally confirmed, which results in self-acceptance and inner calmness.

This study agrees with Aristotle that the T is stable. For example, many of the participants knew at an early stage in their life that they were Aboriginal and this remained so today. Where this study would disagree with Aristotle is that identity or

'who we are' can change with our interaction in our world of experiences. This fact was supported in this study, for example, some of the participants discovered their Aboriginal identity later in life. Thus, there is some stableness in recognizing who we are, and there is some ability to alter our experience to form new feelings, thoughts, and behaviours about our identity.

For Aristotle the T is discussible. The fact that he asked or pondered about identity 2500 years ago and that we are still asking ourselves today 'who am I?' is important. It is believed that it is a part of development to confirm and question ourselves and our identity, otherwise seeking the question 'who am I?' would not be 252 sought for so long. That being said, beginning our search for the definition of identity

Aristotle offered an adequate explanation, and one that we can apply to the definition of

Aboriginal identity.

Saint Augustine believed that the human soul sought a true, divinely inspired identity. Along with Aristotle, Saint Augustine contemplated the subject of identity 1600 years ago. Historically Aristotle and Saint Augustine are early pioneers in describing and questioning identity, and their contemplations can be seen as building blocks in our search of identity, notably Aboriginal identity.

Immanuel Kant, in the eighteenth century, divided the person's Self into perceptions and qualities or attributes. As this study pointed out, perceptions played an essential role in the formation of identity. How Aboriginal students perceived themselves was reflected in each of the questions that were posed to them. For example, they perceived themselves as an Aboriginal person, first and foremost. The students' perceptions can be divided into three aspects, which are: critical perceptions, accepting perceptions, or questioning perceptions. Their critical perception was found when the

students were feeling discriminated against. They were most critical in how they saw themselves as an Aboriginal person. For example, the students felt the feeling of the

stereotypical comments toward Aboriginal people stating they were lazy and drunk. This feeling changed to seeing Aboriginal people being successful especially in university.

The success that Aboriginal students encounter at university is positively reinforced by

seeing the numbers of past successful Aboriginal students.

In situations where the students saw and felt accepted, their perceptions of themselves as an Aboriginal person were positive and they felt strong and confident. 253

They readily acknowledged their heritage with no pressure from the interviewer. Indeed there were situations where they felt they were not accepted, such as during the conflict situations of perceiving themselves as caught between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures or in situations where they felt racism. Thus, perceptions played a significant role in identity and as such should be included as an aspect in defining identity, and more importantly in Aboriginal identity.

Kant also said that the 'Self involves qualities or attributes. We seem to clarify with distinct qualities which help us narrow the wide parameters of identity composition.

For example, the students labeled other attributes, such as, 'I am a student, a mother/father, a sister/brother, a Canadian, a Metis, or two-spirited'. Realizing various aspects about ourselves helps form a solid identity where one knows and acknowledges the various roles one plays.

Kant's belief that the 'Self is divided into perceptions and attributes helps discern composites of identity and thus helps narrow the definition of identity. It can also be said that it adds to the composite of Aboriginal identity.

It is agreed that William James and George Herbert Mead's development of an individual's identity involves social interactions with others. The basis of identity truly involves our interactions. Others validate our being. So much of what has been reported in this study focuses on the social interaction that the Aboriginal students had with others which helped them narrow their thoughts about themselves. Thus a key aspect in the definition of identity and Aboriginal identity involves our social interactions, hence, needs to be included in the definition of Aboriginal identity. Erikson's theory of Identity Development plays a role in clarifying identity. He puts the period of adolescence as the point of concern or stage where individuals experience conflict and seek out the question 'who am I?' Erikson's stage theory was important and many researchers acknowledged it was and thus it was a dominant theory for years. Erikson's stages of development were such that a person must pass through all stages and a linear fashion in order to achieve ones' identity. Here is where this study diverts from Erikson's theory. This study has shown that long before the adolescent stage some of the Aboriginal students became aware of their Aboriginal identity and that even some experienced conflict at the time. Quotes from some of the students stated that at age four or five they knew they were Aboriginal and knew there was a difference between themselves and non-Aboriginal peers. Researcher Frances E. Aboud supported this fact that children recognize early in their development the difference between themselves and other individuals. He said that at age three or four, the child recognizes

'difference'. Recognizing own group members begins at this age, where as recognizing other group's members continues to develop up to the age of seven (Aboud, 1987 p.36).

This supports the claim that Aboriginal children recognize their difference at a young age and not just at the adolescent stage. In furthering this fact, some Aboriginal students did not experience conflict in their identity until well after the period of adolescence. For example, some of the conflicting feelings surrounded the issue of whether or not their physical features resembled Aboriginal or Caucasian appearance. This created dissonance for them, in that they were in situations where they had to prove or defend their Aboriginal status. As well, for those who looked Caucasian they could choose or had a choice of whether to identify their Aboriginal origins or not. The periods of conflict which some students felt played a role in identity construction. Conflict denotes change and dissonance signifies exploration which is important in the overall search for identity. Aboriginal students, whether young or old, came to know and understand themselves as racial/ethnic beings and did not seem to need to be placed in the adolescent stage only in comparison to Erikson's theory. Erikson's theory is open to criticism but overall it is important when defining identity and its effects towards defining Aboriginal identity because it points to identity conflict which we will see showing up in other areas.

Ruthellen Josselson and Alan Waterman's definitions of identity were important and adequate definitions and needs to be considered as part of the understanding of

Aboriginal identity. Josselson stated:

Identity is the stable, consistent, and reliable sense of who one is and what one stands for in the world. It integrates ones' meaning to oneself and ones' meaning to others; it provides a match between what one regards as central to oneself and how one is viewed by significant others in ones' life. Identity is also a way of preserving the continuity of the self, linking the past and the present.. .At the same time that our identity is fundamentally interwoven with others to gain meaning, contrasting ourselves with others heightens our sense of what is uniquely individual (Josselson, 1987 p. 10).

Josselson's definition of identity poses several aspects that are essential elements of who one is. In response to the saying that identity is a stable, consistent and reliable sense of who one is has both been confirmed as previously noted and questioned by the participants in this study. For example, some of the students knew their Aboriginal self through their early experiences which confirmed their Aboriginal identity. Later interactions with others were strengthened by continued exposure to Aboriginal culture.

Thus, it could be stated that their identity was stable. Because their identity was stable, it was also consistent and reliable. In examples where the participants started to feel confused they found ways to re-center themselves by going for walks in the city parks or 256 by attending Aboriginal events. Josselson's definition reinforces the definition of

Aboriginal identity.

In this study, in opposition to the above, there are some examples where some students felt disconnected from their Aboriginal self and did not experience stableness, consistency or reliable identities. Some students continue to feel confusion and are continuing to explore their self. Being in university is offering them opportunities to look at themselves and explore their identity.

Josselson stated that identity integrates ones' meaning to oneself and to others and provides a match between what one regards as central to oneself and significant others.

This is an important aspect because ones' perceptions of ones' Aboriginal identity are central to ones' self as seen previously in Kant's definition of identity. The first question asked, 'If I was to ask you who you were what would you say', the results showed that

98.3 percent of the students stated they were Aboriginal. This response was first foremost and central to their identity. It had great meaning to who they were and significant others reinforced their identity through supportive measures. One student's grandmother sought new people's identity by asking who they were. After repeated questioning the person was able to say he or she was related to them through common ancestry. This can be seen as a form of identity clarification or definition. This student saw the meaning his grandmother was searching for, and provided him with insight into

Aboriginal connections. Another example of integrating meaning of identity was found among students whose parents exhibited positive role modeling, which provided the participants with strong Aboriginal ties. 257

Josselson noted that identity preserves the continuity of the self by linking the past and the present. Questions regarding early memories showed the many diverse experiences by the students. Many students moved around a lot when young but their exposure to Aboriginal traditions along the way provided them with the sense of an

Aboriginal self. Those who were adopted to non-Aboriginal homes found they were searching for their identity and caught between cultures. Because of this, there has been an impact on their identity formation; however, when referring back to the question 'If I asked you who you were what would you say' many still considered themselves

Aboriginal first and foremost and their past influenced who they are today. Josselson's definition of identity is an important one because it takes into account those aspects, which are more complete, than those mentioned up to this point, and thus needs to be considered when defining Aboriginal identity.

Alan Waterman agrees with Josselson, and describes his concept of identity which involves 'a clear sense of self-definition'. All but one participant made it clear that they were Aboriginal. They did not hesitate at all when asked the question who they were.

One student did not self-identify as Aboriginal and mentioned he did not want to be labeled as such, yet his physical appearance with braids and Indian tattoos may infer otherwise. Self-definition or self-declaration is essential to Aboriginal identity.

Knowing who you are allows one to acknowledge their heritage. In the comments made by the students, they realized their ancestors paved the way for them to appreciate their

Aboriginal identity.

Waterman also stated that identity involved 'the presence of commitments regarding goals, values, and beliefs'. Again many of the participants expressed values and beliefs that were centered in Aboriginal culture. For example, they found turning to nature, Aboriginal spirituality and ceremonies strengthened who they were. Concerning goals, some wanted to help their Aboriginal communities but others found their goals varied. Commitment was strongly expressed by the participants in all facets of their life, home, university, thus is supported by Waterman's theory.

As well, Waterman stated that 'the existence of activity directed toward the implementation of commitments' and 'confidence in ones' personal future' were aspects of identity. It was interesting in this study that students were highly committed to completing their degrees. Many had experienced poverty when young, a few gained

sobriety, and many wanted a better future for themselves and their children and thus were determined to finish university and were looking forward to new careers. Indeed, they were committed and confident and this directed their feelings and thoughts about their identity.

Again Waterman stated that another aspect of identity involved self-acceptance.

It is agreed that this aspect is essential to identity formation. As mentioned in other

sections, some of the participants felt caught between two cultures, Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal societies. Confusion existed for these individuals. Also mentioned previously, students adopted to non-Aboriginal homes made a difference in how they perceived their identity. As well, physical appearance created dissonance to the point that one individual stated he betrayed his Aboriginal roots and was not comfortable at all with that fact. And there is some dissonance for another individual who did not want to be labeled Aboriginal yet his appearance said otherwise. For these individuals the concept of self-acceptance was made difficult. When a person had accepted themselves, a concrete feeling of who they are is strengthened. For those who are in the process of accepting themselves it is a journey they are willing to travel.

Waterman's last aspect of identity involved 'the consideration of a range of identity alternatives'. This means that we use various other adjectives to describe ourselves and the many roles we fulfill. The students in this study were certainly able to state other roles they play that help form their identity such as mother, father, Canadian.

Waterman's aspects of identity are very important and they offer adequate definitions in the determination of Aboriginal identity.

Charles Taylor, on the other hand, talks about our many-sided aspects of identity.

He stated:

[0]ur identity is deeper and more many-sided than any of our possible articulations of it.. .But to be able to answer for oneself is to know where one stands, what one wants to answer. And that is why we naturally tend to talk of our fundamental orientation in terms of who we are. To lose this orientation, or not to have found it, is not to know who one is. And this orientation, once attained, defines where you answer from, hence your identity (Taylor, 1989 p. 29).

This is closely tied to Waterman's theory. Self definition is knowing where one stands and knowing how he/she wants to be identified. To ask ourselves, 'Who am I?' is identified by Waterman's concepts, and according to Taylor, once self definition is declared, it defines ones' identity.

Taylor goes on to say that what we define as good or bad, individual differences, spirituality, self-understanding, self-interpretations, community involvement and self- consciousness are all part of who we are. The Aboriginal participants in this study have come to know individual differences. They knew at a young age that they were different from their peers. They have also come to know Aboriginal spirituality as well as Christianity. Their understanding and awareness of what it means to be Aboriginal was learned through their many experiences. And as Taylor noted, the stories we or others tell of our history, and personal growth as a person, all encompass aspects of who we are, and thus is an adequate example of the components of Aboriginal identity.

Paul Ricoeur said much of the same when he talked about narrative. We make sense of our identity by the stories we tell of our lives. It is through this narrative that identity is defined. Ricoeur also stated that a person can have characteristics of another or have a unique distinguishing nature. The students in this study saw themselves as unique by way of their connections to Aboriginal culture. There was a sense of pride in their expressions. And by volunteering for this project, they were sharing their stories, linking their narratives with others. Like Taylor's, Ricoeur's discussion of identity can be an adequate reference to Aboriginal identity.

Weigert, Teitge, and Teitge's perspective on identity was that identity was a process that involves social interaction and that it is shaped by situational and cultural contexts. The situations in which relatives spoke of traditional Native practices, early educational experiences and self-explorations by the participants in this study, all focus on their emergent 'self, and is thus a comprehensible explanation of Aboriginal identity.

Joane Nagel describes ethnic identity as being self-definition (who I am) and external ascription (who they say I am) and Amy Schultz's social and historical factors shape identity has been touched on previously. The students perceptions of themselves in early life in being told who they are (you are an Indian) and their perceptions now (I am an Aboriginal) has formed the dialectic between internal identification and collective attribution, which provides one with the meaning of identity. And as Deirdre Jordan 261 stated, the location of the self, in a world of meaning, is by the self and others. Jordan stated that we recognize our sameness and continuity in time and hope others also recognize it too. Forming an identity is then verified by the individual whereby he/she can objectify a symbolic universe when they can locate meaning for themselves and others. An Aboriginal person finds meaning by being connected to the community, by being connected to the land, by being connected to Aboriginal spirituality and by being connected to the stories and it is apparent that these definitions of identity support an

Aboriginal perspective (M. Battiste & Barman, 1995).

The issue of identity can not be stressed enough without discussing further

George H. Mead's contribution to symbolic interactionism and its relation to this study.

Mead out of all the predecessors was more important and influential and "remains central to all contemporary version of the framework" (Stryker, 1980 p.34).

Mead understood that close relationships, importance of communication, the development of the self and the significance of self in social interactions were keys to a person's identity. His ideas were based on William James and Charles H. Cooley's work.

Mead commented that these aspects are essential in understanding the self (Ibid.).

Mead also commented that one of the first steps in the gradual transformation of

simple conversations of gesture to the mature ability to use important symbols in

interactions with others begins with children's play (Coser, 1977; George Herbert Mead,

1934). At a young age as children's games become more complex they are able to understand the rules and role play other children's behavior. Through this act of play the child's self becomes an object of his own reflection and the interactions with others builds the child's understanding of social processes. Recall the example from this study 262 where the student in grade one was centered out from playing the game. No one wanted him as a partner in the game. The symbolic gesture here was that being Indian was different and not to be accepted as part of the group. This student felt hurt and continued to live his life as an outsider.

Gestures and interactions with others are vital aspects of symbolic interactionism.

Mead stated that the "internalization.. .by the individual, of the external conversations of significant gestures.. .is the earliest phase of the development of the self (George

Herbert Mead, 1934 p.173). From this study gestures as a symbol was made in the case where the student at a young age heard from her father some of the issues concerning

Aboriginal people. She developed pride in her Aboriginal culture. In this case the symbol Aboriginal was seen as a positive factor and the individual hence developed a strong Aboriginal identity. The very nature of this conversation with her father and the gestures of learning Aboriginal issues changed the attitude of the student and changed the attitudes by others by the sharing of Aboriginal concerns.

Language is another important aspect in symbolic interactionism. Without language it is difficult to communicate ones' needs. Language then is an essential symbol. Communication is one of the significant symbols not only to oneself but also to others. Some of the students in this study spoke briefly in their Native language. They felt proud to have been taught their language and to speak it. It is definitely a symbol of

Aboriginal culture. Language is a vocal gesture and allows interactions with other and this helps define identity.

Communication is part of behavior that introduces a self. Mead stated:

The self has a character which is different from that of the physiological organism proper. The self is something which has a development; it is not 263

initially there, at birth, but arises in the process of social experience and activity, that is, develops in the given individual as a result of his relations to that process as a whole and to other individuals within that process (George Herbert Mead, 1934 p. 135).

Communication whether verbal or non-verbal creates an awareness within us. For example, only when Helen Keller was able to connect the symbol water to the spelling of water, did she connect the symbols and by understanding this connection the whole world opened up to her.

All our experiences make up a self. Mead commented that all our memories are organized and become part of a self. We view ones' past experiences as an essential part of who we are. The students in this study recalled many memories they had as a child and how the memories helped define them today. For example, some of the students learned traditional Aboriginal culture, while others learned it later in life. The symbol of Aboriginal way of life strengthened their identity as an Aboriginal person. Some memories were negative, such as the racism that existed then and now. These kinds of symbols

(racism) continue today and continue to be something hard to get rid of. If one does not allow these negative comments to become part of their identity then they can move on and carry themselves high above it. Recall that one student recognized the poverty and violence that exist for some Aboriginal people, and this student is trying desperately not to have this part of his identity. Coming to university and getting an education is helping him in this respect but he carries the dark comments and behavior with him still. Our self of self only exits in the relationship with others selves. By being in university with other successful 264

Aboriginal students can only help his own thought of seeing Aboriginal people in

a positive light.

Mead recognized that self-consciousness is organized around the social

individual. He said the person's:

Experience as a self is one which he takes over from his action upon others. He becomes a self in so far as he can take the attitude of another and act toward himself as others act. In so far as the conversation of gestures can become part of conduct in the direction and control of experience, then a self can arise. It is the social process of influencing others in a social act and then taking the attitude of the others aroused by the stimulus, and then reacting in turn to this response, which constitutes a self (George Herbert Mead, 1934 p.171).

By being able to feel what others are feeling is what constitutes self-

consciousness. Self-consciousness, "provides the core and primary structure of the self,

which is thus essentially a cognitive rather than an emotional phenomenon" (George

Herbert Mead, 1934 p. 173). Self-consciousness is important as one becomes an object to ones' self and social relations with others. For some of the students in this study becoming aware and self-conscious of their self, their identity occurred both at a young

age and later in life. Becoming aware of being Aboriginal was a surprise to some

students. For example, one student recognized that she had dark skin and was different

from those around her. At a very young age she realized this difference but did not feel

any different at the time but was confused about the issue and only later in life she

realized the importance of being Aboriginal. Another example of becoming self-

conscious of an Aboriginal identity was the student who denied his Aboriginal roots. He

was cautious to identify as Aboriginal and self-conscious about it. Through the student's

interaction with others, he challenged himself by being on the Aboriginal student council. 265

Because of being visible in this role he began acknowledging his Aboriginal identity.

The symbolic gesture of being a visible Aboriginal he reevaluated his Aboriginal identity.

The internal conversation that he had with himself to be a visible Aboriginal student on the student council is an essential part of the Median perspective (Wallace & Wolf,

1986).

Sheldon Stryker (1980) noted, "The structure of the self involves cognitive and affective responses to the self, more pivotal than self-cognitions and self-feelings and self-judgments in the sense of appraisal of intentions and self-intervention" (p. 118). The student above utilized self-intervention by being visible in order to evaluate his situation and his attitude and expectations of others helped incorporate his identity and self.

The final aspect that Mead expressed in his explanation of symbolic interactionism is the concept if T and 'me'. First he said, "the symbols are independent of what we term their meaning.. .there cannot be symbols unless there are responses"

(George Herbert Mead, 1934 p. 190). According to Mead, the individual organizes the responses to a specific symbol which derives from the social act whereby he takes the attitude of the other person who interacts with him. It is this act which gives him a mind.

"The mind is simply the interplay of such gestures in the form of significant symbols"

(George Herbert Mead, 1934 p. 189). By taking the gestures, attitudes of others and the individual's own attitudes this process can be categorized in terms of the T and the 'me'.

"The "I" is the response of the organism to the attitudes of the others; the "me" is the organized set of attitudes of others which one himself assumes" (George Herbert Mead,

1934 p. 175). For example, in this study, students recalled situations where they were identified as Aboriginal (who you are) with their own identification (I am an Aboriginal).

They were responding to social situations in reflection of the interaction with others.

The "I" and "me" together as it emerges from social interactions makes up the personality of the individual, which Mead believed to be a significant aspect of human experience (Stryker, 1980). Mead further commented:

It is a process in which the individual is continually adjusting himself in advance to the situation to which he belongs, and reacting back on it. So that the "I" and the "me," this thinking, this conscious adjustment, becomes then a part of the whole social process and makes a much more highly organized society possible (George Herbert Mead, 1934 p. 182).

The person's self-conscious adjustment in both his/her communicative process and conduct with others, is a constant fitting together of action through definitions and redefinitions, interpretations and reinterpretations (Coser, 1977). In this study students adjusted their experiences both past and present to form and understand their Aboriginal identity. They brought together the sharing of others opinion and their awareness of themselves and by communication of gestures and symbols they developed a self.

Through this process they came to understand themselves and were able to answer the question 'Who am I?'

In summary, the historical development and conventional definitions of identity are important because the progressions of identity definitions help lead how identity is viewed today. Even though, some early definitions, such as, Mead's social aspect of identity, remain valid today. The meaning that we give to ourselves and others is also essential, because it is that meaning that we accept or reject in clarifying who we are.

Conventional definitions of identity offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their identity. Each definition is important and can not stand alone. 267

Merging of definitions allows for a more complete view and as such integrates into my

definition of identity, 'Identity is a lifelong process involving self acceptance, self- definition and reconciliation of internal and external components'. For example, defining identity for oneself is a lifelong process. Some of the participants knew early in their life they were Aboriginal while others are looking at their identity more recently. During the

1960s it was 'novel' to acknowledge being Aboriginal. At this time as more individuals

sought an identity First Nations peoples began writing their stories themselves instead of non-Aboriginal people doing it, making understanding Aboriginal issues come from an

Aboriginal voice. Increased ethnic consciousness and pride was evident. Still today, it

is equally advantageous to be Aboriginal as more and more literature is being produced by Aboriginal people bringing forth increased awareness. Identity is a process that does not have a time limit. Self-definition and self-acceptance are essential features of identity. Even though conflict arose for some of the students who could not self define or

accept themselves, it seems that with furthering their experiences and exposure to things

Aboriginal, an identity as an Aboriginal person may develop if they so choose. We

continually need support and exploration of internal and external components that make up who we are. Internal aspects or questioning refines our self-acceptance. Self- definition and external aspects continue to be explored within and without ourselves to give us meaning to our experiences and identity. For example, Aboriginal identity is that exploration of past history. Some students, after learning the history of Aboriginal peoples, appreciate who they are today. It appeared to ground them and gave meaning to who they are. 268

Aboriginal identity is self-acceptance despite conflicts. Aboriginal identity is self-definition, despite legal definitions, which makes them unique. Aboriginal identity is that sorting out of internal questioning. Finally, Aboriginal identity is compelling and in exploring of external events that they accept or reject in order to be who they are as an

Aboriginal person. The definition of identity allows us to understand and to lead us to answer the question 'who ami?'

7.2. IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT THEORY:

The progressions of many identity development models were discussed.

Individuals progressed through similar stages of exploration and awareness of identity, to conflict and resolution, to eventually acceptance of identity. The focus was on

Mihesuah's Native Identity Development Model as her model concerned Aboriginal individuals. Support for her model was found and to further her study, 12 points were suggested that make her theory more inclusive to Canadian Aboriginal people.

Mihesuah poses two important questions. Her questions are: "But what about those individuals who never reach an equitable solution about their identity? Do they mirror Stonequist's model of a marginal person-one who lives a life of frustration, unable to fit comfortably into any group?" (Devon A. Mihesuah, 1999 p.29). A few of the participants in this study reflect a marginal person persona. Those who were adopted by non-Aboriginal parents express conflict in their identity. Those whose appearances encompass light complexions also express confusion and caught between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures. One individual, at times, felt he had betrayed his Native roots by adopting a non-Aboriginal view. Some participants expressed feeling lost. Thus, agreement is made with Mihesuah's model that some students mirror a marginal person.

Mihesuah stated that one study is not enough to show the complexities involved in Aboriginal identity. This study is in agreement. Although her model is American, the concepts can be generalized to a Canadian example. The four stages, pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion and internalization in her Native Identity Model highlights important aspects for Aboriginal peoples' identity. Many of the students, in this study, could be situated within the four stages, thus, giving support for her theory.

Some students were not aware of being Aboriginal early in life, but once they became aware, a period of exploration occurred, leading to immersion into Aboriginal culture.

Acceptance occurred surrounding their identity, and they were presently satisfied with who they are. However, 12 aspects or points that were not touched on by Mihesuah that need also to be considered in developing a Canadian Aboriginal identity model is made here.

The first aspect not mentioned by Mihesuah was that in describing Aboriginal identity, she does not touch on the Aboriginal's school experience whether elementary, secondary, or university experience. In this study, some of the participant's early school experiences with racism or prejudices influenced their feelings about themselves. Also, some of the students went to Aboriginal focused schools or had classes specifically geared to learning Aboriginal teachings. These experiences influenced their identity.

Some of their university experiences had opened doors to their awareness, while other experiences had made them frustrated. The importance of including school experiences is that a person is in school for many years and it is a base of their education and learning 270 about the world. Historically some Aboriginal students remaining in school is difficult.

Most are bored and drop out. They do not see the significance in staying in school. Thus it is an important aspect that needs to be added to Mihesuah's theory. This will be further explored in the next section.

Another point that Mihesuah did not focus specifically on was parents' and grandparents' experience in residential schools, which had an impact on the participants' identity. For example, some students were not exposed to Aboriginal teachings until later in their life. Some students saw the 'hurt' their parents experienced in residential

schools, and only did they understand this much later. A few participants were exposed to a balance between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures which influenced who they were. Although much has been written on residential schools, it is still important to note that its influence affected participants today. Parents' and grandparents' experiences are important because they can have residual affects on the children. Many negative and positive effects of residential school has been noted, such as, intergeneration effects. For example, parenting skills or lack of parenting skills has influenced the students' own parenting skills. Two students reported that they understood their parents' tears when

questioning them about their experience in residential school. This student also understood why education was and was not important.

A third point that influenced identity, not acknowledged by Mihesuah, was learning the history of Aboriginal peoples and its influence on Aboriginal individuals. In this study, in one case in particular, the individual's awareness of historical events made him ever so appreciative of his ancestors, which influenced how he understood himself and his path in life. In fact many students found learning Aboriginal history, customs, and 271 way of life very valuable. It increased their awareness and understanding of Aboriginal issues. With this increased knowledge the students felt that they could be an active

"voice" for Aboriginal issues and speak up when questions were posed to them.

A fourth point that influences individual's thoughts on identity that was not addressed by Mihesuah was the teachings of traditional culture at a young age. Young children copy their caregivers' behavior and they are curious when young. They are observant of all things around them, thus it would seem natural that learning the

Aboriginal way of life becomes significant. Many of the participants in this study had learned Aboriginal teachings. Some did not know or understand some of the lessons and did not recognize them as such until later on in their experience. For example, gathering herbs or smoking meat and the type of wood used made a different taste to food was not understood as Aboriginal culture until later in life. In another case where the participant was told a story about identity to which he understood, as his grandparents said, later in his dreams or reality.

A fifth point not mentioned by Mihesuah which affects the participants' identity and should be considered are peers, community and children. Interactions with important people in their life or having children identify social factors which were discussed in earlier passages. Recall that Mead stated social interactions were important to ones' identity development. Peers, community and having children greatly influence identity.

Significant others support who one is and many of the students recalled important incidents which influenced their identity. For example, students found the comfort and support they received being at university had a positive effect on their determination to succeed. 272

A related point to the one above is how much of a support system one has affects how one sees oneself. The more support we have the more understanding we gain. For example, some of the students had a group of people (relatives, teachers, elders, peers) that supported them through events in their lives. This guidance was reassuring and allowed for exploration of their identity. Our support systems influence and affect our acceptance of ourselves. Positive support systems can not be stressed enough on the development of identity. Many earlier discussions on components of identity, social interactions, identity development theories and university experiences influence ones' thoughts about ones' self. The students talked on many levels about their support systems and how valuable they were and thus need to be added to Mihesuah's theory.

The seventh point to consider adding to Mihesuah's theory is attending ceremonies as it spurs connection to Aboriginalness and thus should be an aspect to consider in identity development. Ceremonies create a bond with Aboriginal culture and provide a sense of belongingness. Some students did not experience Aboriginal ceremonies when young. They learned about them while at university and found that their participation in some ceremonies really converted them to aboriginal identity. This experience was gratifying and very important in how they saw themselves. They began to own their Aboriginal identity and become more in tune with themselves.

An eighth point, that needs to be considered in Mihesuah's theory involving a

Canadian study, is Canada's legal legislation's definition of who is Aboriginal. This definition can influence how one perceives themselves. Does this definition in itself limit how one feels and experiences their identity? In some of the cases in this study it pointed to confusion about how they defined themselves through a Status Card. At other times 273 having a Status Card confirmed that one was legally Aboriginal. For example, one student's father insisted he get a Status Card. Initially the student did not think it was important, but after his father's instance, he applied for and received his Status Card.

Later this student realized that his Band could pay for his education, as well as, officially identifying him as an Aboriginal.

Related to the above, (Point 9) what about Metis people and their coming to terms with their identity? Metis identity should be explored and included in Mihesuah's identity development model. In Canada, Metis people are as important as are Aboriginal or Inuit and must be considered when discussing Aboriginal people. They have a unique history and Metis leaders continue to fight for issues that affect them, such as recognition.

The tenth point to be considered in the identity development model is the confusion surrounding status cards, appearance, internal and external oppression. Recall the 'Big Game Story' in the literature review chapter. The Aboriginal players in a ball game were so immersed into who was to be considered an Aboriginal that they forgot all about the championship ball game. Status Cards, appearance and internal and external oppression are important aspects to explore. In this study, some of the students looked

Caucasian and this created conflict for them. They were not considered Aboriginal in some cases and they had to defend themselves. Both the student's internal thoughts of themselves and their external pressures made them question themselves and their

Aboriginal identity. This is an important aspect and should be considered in discussions on Aboriginal identity.

The eleventh point should include further exploration on those Aboriginals who feel caught between cultures due to adoption and/or skin color or for those looking for a 274 balance between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal identity as it has had an impact on the

students' identity. Adoption is a large aspect that influences identity development.

Literature discusses the complexity of interracial adoption and could be another area to

explore. In this study, the students who were adopted found they were searching for their

Aboriginal identity. Their adoption brought many questions about who they were. Their

searching was successful. As they learned about Aboriginal history, customs and way of

life, they began feeling secure in their Aboriginal identity. Their connection to their non-

Aboriginal family continued and remained positive.

Finally, Mihesuah talks a lot about parental influence, but as noted grandparents,

aunts, uncles, or significant others play a significant role in identity development and

should be considered in greater detail. Extended family members were very important to

the students, in some cases, that is all they had. A lot of important discussions occurred

concerning extended family and significant others. One student found strength in his

identity as a result of talking with Elders. Other students turned to grandparents for knowledge on Aboriginal issues. One student's grandmother showed him ways to

connect with others and how everyone is related in different ways. Others learned about

medicinal plants (knowledge that may disappear if not shared) and how special that

makes them feel about the Aboriginal way of life.

To answer my research question, 'Do identity development theories (specifically

Mihesuah's) offer an adequate basis for analyzing how Aboriginal students define their

identity?' Yes this study does answer the research question as Mihesuah's identity

development theory is an important theory and useful model. An Aboriginal person

searching for their identity may indeed fall within the four stages of development. Of 275 course some may never search for their identity and are assured of their sense of self from the beginning.

An important feature of the model is that the Aboriginal individual may jump from one stage to another. Movement is possible in all directions depending on their experiences. The model is not a linear one. It is believed that this is essential when one searches for their identity. We may gain insights then re-think or re-experience situations.

Mihesuah's theory encompasses a great deal involving identity and if we add to her theory the assemblance of the 12 points proposed, it deepens the understanding of

Canadian Aboriginal identity.

Robert Park and Everett Stonequist had introduced the 'marginal man' in 1937.

This important topic has evolved through the years leading Cross and eventually

Mihesuah to explore identity from a Black and Aboriginal perspective. The evolution of identity development theories has made understanding identity interesting and an essential part of understanding human behavior. It is believed that these theories help sort out situations that we experience and help us gain understanding of the Aboriginal experience. The theories sit along side the definitions of identity. For example as we search for and define our identity, we enter the phases of Mihesuah Native Identity

Development theory which help us define ourselves more clearly.

In summary, identity development theories combine our experience into manageable steps which enable us to move forward or back. It allows us to sort our experiences into meaningful wholes, allowing us to strengthen those aspects of which we keep and those aspects which we throw away. Identity development theories help us to 276 understand ourselves, our behavior, our thoughts, and our feelings. Identity development theories allow us to accept events and understand where we stand. Much like identity definitions, identity development theories help us understand our past in order to proceed.

At stages we self-define, self-accept, and reconcile internal and external aspects.

7.3. UNIVERSITY EXPERIENCE:

From this study, the participants' experiences in university had theoretical significance to the understanding of identity. In the introduction and literature review chapters, discussions about Tierney's comment that 'education draws students away from who they are' suggesting that education might make Aboriginal students less Aboriginal.

Also noted was that Tinto also stated that students' persistence in college depends upon their becoming departers from their former communities. The implication here is that

Aboriginal students must depart from their culture if they are to succeed in university.

The results from this study state otherwise on both remarks.

First of all, Tinto stated that a person's pre-entry attributes (family background, skills and abilities, and prior schooling) into a higher education institution affects their intention, goals, and commitments and their early departure prior to degree completion reflects the incongruence between their goals and commitments and the campus environment. On the one hand, the students pre-entry attributes does affect their goals and commitments. For example, some students had to upgrade prior to meeting the entry requirements of the university and this commitment strengthened their desire to be successful at university. On the other hand, the students in this study did not experience incongruence between their goals, commitments, or involvement in the campus 277 environment, and have not departed or are not thinking of departing prior to degree completion. In fact, most of the students have had a positive experience.

Some of the students' pre-entry attributes affected how they saw their experience in university, for example, some knew since they were young that they would come to university. For those individuals, their interactions with their grandparents or parents paved the way for them coming to university. Many were encouraged to do so. One student recalled that she enjoyed her elementary and high school so much, that she wanted the university experience as well she enjoyed learning.

Some of the students experienced poverty and realized that to get somewhere in life education was necessary. While others who had children wanted a better life for themselves and their children, and coming to university was not given a second thought.

For those who experienced prejudice in elementary or high school, they seemed to be determined to succeed in university and contradict old stereotypes. The students in this study worked hard to get to university. Some had to wait until their children were in school in order for them to come to university. The racial remarks about Aboriginal people made them work harder to dispel the comments. Some found it discouraging and became angry over racial remarks made by university staff. A few students just ignored the comments while others actively sought and confronted the staff. It was disheartening but the students realized that it will take a long time to dispel racial comments. The pre- entry attributes, such as upgrading, poverty and racial remarks made the students determined to do well. As we can see pre-entry attributes did affect their goals and commitments. 278

Because students who were interviewed were in their third or fourth years of undergraduate studies, no one was thinking of early departure, nor did it affect any

incongruence in their goals, commitments or involvement in the campus environment. In

fact, having a Native Student Services and student lounge reinforced their involvement in

the campus environment. Many of the students found that with having Native Student

Services allowed them to explore their identity and a sense of belongingness to the

Aboriginal community. The students' learned about theirs and others' culture and

various ceremonies becoming a part of Aboriginal culture, for a few, for the first time.

This had an impact on their identity.

The courses they took and also the professors made a huge impact on their

university experience also. For some, the Indigenous Studies courses were highly

influential on their identity but not the only courses of influence. The wide diversity of

non-Aboriginal courses also impacted their Aboriginal identity. For example,

Anthropology courses provided a glance at various other peoples' cultures and the

students came to appreciate theirs and others way of life. Psychology and Sociology

courses helped the students to understand human behavior and interactions with others.

The sciences made it difficult to explore identity; in fact, one student felt that it was

drawing him away from his Aboriginal self. Business and Health classes inspired and re­

affirmed their desire to help others and achieve their goals in these professions. The

students found that within all their classes there were things they learned that they could

take with them to strengthen their Aboriginal identity.

With regards to Tierney's comment that education draws students away from who

they are, is not supported. In this study, most participants were actually drawn closer to their Aboriginal identity. The courses, professors, and Native centers allowed the

students to explore and gain knowledge about their culture strengthening who they were.

In response to Tinto's comment that students' persistence in college depends on their becoming departers from their former communities, from this study this also is not

supported. Many of the participants maintain contact with their reserves; in fact some wished to return to their community after their degree was completed.

Most of the participants, in this study, overwhelmingly found their university

experiences a very positive one. The reasons for coming to university and the

meaningfulness they received because of their university experience were outstanding.

The reasons for coming to university were to learn and to improve work opportunities, but also for personal reasons, such as, to follow dreams and to legitimize their

intelligence. For some, they wanted betterment for their Aboriginal community or for

their children. Some even saw their experience like a spiritual quest. The meaning they

gained was significant. Most of the participants became more analytical and critical;

awareness, confidence and knowledge increased; horizons were broadened, and insight

was gained into the world. More importantly, some of the students grew as a person,

learned independence, learned being Aboriginal and learned who they were. This meaningful experience helped them sort out their identity.

Overall, the students' experiences in university strengthened their Aboriginal

identity. They were not drawn away from their Aboriginal roots; in fact, they were drawn closer to their Aboriginal self. Some indeed experienced conflict with their

Aboriginal identity, but most became aware of and strengthened it. 280

7.4. CONCLUSION:

This study sought out the concept of identity as it related to Aboriginal students in post-secondary education. The importance of seeking this understanding was because there is a gap in the literature on this topic. It is also significant because there is a steady

increase of Aboriginal students entering university and it can add to the value of their

exploration of their identity while in university.

Exploring early definitions of identity was interesting because of the complexity it presented in finding one definition that represented the totality of its concept. Each of the

definitions that were presented had value. Many of its aspects were significant to the understanding of who one is.

Because each definition posed aspects identifying its importance in the understanding of identity they were compiled and a new definition was posed that

incorporated all the definitions and was used as a key to identifying identity in this study.

The new definition was: 'identity is a life long process involving self-acceptance, self-

definition and reconciliation of internal and external components'.

The first part of the study focused on how the Aboriginal students identified

themselves and what factors were significant in their formation of identity. The symbols

they used, such as Aboriginal ceremonial items and examples of Aboriginal way of life

increased their understanding of themselves and involved many experiences of

discovering who they were. Some students intuitively knew who they were as an

Aboriginal person, while others through activities and school experiences became aware

of their Aboriginal self later in life. 281

Self-defining as an Aboriginal person was not always positive. Many factors influenced their self-defining their Aboriginal identity especially from external influences. The concept of difference was troubling for most students. Some students presently are experiencing conflict. The concept of difference can be a topic for further research. But for the most part the students in this study came to self-define their

Aboriginal self. The significance of self-definition is at the crux of understanding ones' self. It gives the person a sense of belongingness which is important in ones' life experience.

In order to grasp self-definition one has to understand how identity develops.

This study explored the history of researchers' identity development theories.

Stonequist's "Marginal Man" theory inspired others to develop identity development theories from different racial perspectives. All the models involved phases that a person goes through in developing his/her identity. Each model had unawareness of self as the first stage. The second stage involved an awakening of self. The third stage incorporated

immersion and emergence into self identity. The last phase involved acceptance of self.

Mihesuah's model was chosen for this study because she focused her work on Aboriginal people.

Mihesuah's model is important and situates the progression of Aboriginal identity

in an organized fashion. It adequately explores identity development for Aboriginal people. Because Mihesuah's model was built upon earlier identity development models,

the strength of her model made exploring development of identity a valid one.

The participants came to understand themselves and fit within Mihesuah's Native

Identity Development model. The students progressed through Mihesuah's model and at 282 various stages their identity became more refined. Her model was not a linear model as some of the students moved back and forth at different times through the stages. The students' age made a difference in what stage they were at. For example, the age range of the students varied from 23 years old to 51 years old. Their life experiences thus were an influencing factor on how they perceived themselves and at what stage they were at.

Most of the students recognized that self-acceptance was an important aspect in their

Aboriginal identity.

Mihesuah's model was based on Native American people and its applicability to

Canadian Aboriginal people is comparable. However, in situating her model to Canadian

Aboriginal people 12 points needed to be considered and added to her model to give a comprehensive viewpoint of Canadian Aboriginal identity.

The students experience in post-secondary institutions was significant.

Understanding their Aboriginal identity was greatly influenced by their experiences.

Many students came to understand their Aboriginal culture and traditions. Their experience in university was very meaningful. Their classes, professors, peers and family reinforced their Aboriginal identity because of the support that each provided for them.

For example, some professors were able to help the students understand Aboriginal way

of life and their words of encouragement were seen as very memorable. Both Aboriginal

and non-Aboriginal professors were identifies as significant in this study. Peers were

also an important support system. The students were able to show their share their

concerns and excitements with them. Seeing peers struggle, thrive and succeed at university were seen as great role models. Family members and extended family

members encouraged the students to study at university. Many of the students were 283 appreciative of their family's support knowing their parents were proud of them. In this study university classes proved to be highly significant to the students. They were able to explore their Native culture, gained confidence and hold a positive outlook for the future.

They were drawn closer to their Aboriginal self unlike what Tierney and Tinto said about education drawing Aboriginal students away from who they were or having to cut ties with their Aboriginal community in order to succeed at university. This was not the case in this study. Aboriginal students were drawn more to their Aboriginal self, understanding of Aboriginal culture and way of life, and they did not lose contact with their Aboriginal community. Their university experience became a vital aspect in their self-definition, self-acceptance and understanding of internal and external influences.

To take a global perspective of the theory of identity many factors influence identity and a combination of past history, present behaviour and thoughts, and through our interpretation of meaning given to everything we do, act upon or feel is essential in defining our identity. Whether the focus is on self, relationships with others, or behaviour any where we intervene on this triangle, we influence the interaction of the other two symbols. If intervention is on self then it has an affect on how we behave and how we interact with others. For example, focusing on the self involves input on self- esteem, self-acceptance and self-concept. When we intervene on the self in these areas, we build a base for how we see ourselves; hence, it is a reflection on our identity.

If we focus on our relationships with others, it influences our "social" interactions. Identity involves our social connections with others. It has been emphasized in this study and has been interpreted as an important aspect to identity formation. Our behaviour is a reflection on how we feel about ourselves and our relations with others. Through our interpretations of our behaviour to fit with situations we confirm how we want to be perceived and feel, and is a model for our identity. The question 'who am I?' then becomes a significant factor in identity formation, when we look at self, relationships with others and behaviour.

Based on the data in this study a number of factors can highlight the significance, as well as point to limitations and where we can go from here. The article, "Challenging the deficit paradigms: Grounds for optimism among First Nations in Canada" by J.R.

Ponting and C.J. Voyageur (2001) was important because they talked about the optimism in many areas that First Nations people are experiencing. Even though they wrote the article in 2001, we can see that this trend of optimism is continuing to grow to this present date.

Ponting and Voyageur report that language retention rates are increasing; school drop-out/push-out rates are declining; with more young people going to university the

'intimidation factor' has diminished; that a wider distribution of interests in university courses offer diverse employment opportunities; and that distance learning programs help individuals gain educational credentials while remaining in their communities. First

Nations people are countering stereotypes and reclaiming their voice (J.R. Ponting &

Voyageur, 2001 p.280-282). Based on the data from this study, enrollment in university continues to increase; diversity of classes taken show a wide range of interests; Native language is being retained with more students showing a desire to learn their language.

Optimistic outlook and attitudes continues to grow. 285

Optimism can also be seen in improvement of the barriers that Aboriginal students experience. For example, in this study family members are encouraging students to go to university. As well, students during junior and senior high school were experiencing Native culture and traditions which reinforced awareness, sense of community and Aboriginal identity. The students were increasing their self-confidence and self-esteem.

Another optimistic outlook was that more students are graduating from high school making enrollment in post-secondary institutions a reality. A positive factor shown in this study is that some universities have child care facilities on campus that allows the student to complete their studies while their children are being cared for. As noted previously 50% of the students had children thus being able to continue their studies was an advantage.

Not all barriers to ease enrollment into post-secondary institutions were broken however. For example, geographic factors can and are a barrier for some of the students.

Most of the universities are in the southern half of Canada and for those students who live in Northern parts of Canada, going to university can be isolating. The students leave their support system of their communities, and finding accommodations is an added expense and worry (Holmes, 2006).

Funding continues to be a barrier for Aboriginal students. It has not kept pace with the influx of Aboriginal students wishing to come to university. "The Assembly of

First Nations estimated that 8475 eligible students did not get any funding in 2000-01 when 25,305 students were funded by INAC" (Holmes, 2006 p. 13). This number is most likely to be higher today. 286

Another barrier for Aboriginal students is being poorly prepared at the primary and secondary levels of educations. However, in this study, students desired, after graduation, to return to their communities and teach young students Aboriginal history and traditions.

In an article, "Aboriginal institutions of higher education" the Aboriginal

Consortium stated:

Although positive changes have been made in the development of education for Aboriginal peoples, there continues to be much work to be done to establish a cohesive partnership between governments and Aboriginal peoples to design and implement an educational system to address the desires and aspirations of Aboriginal peoples. In addition, a serious commitment on the part of government is required in order to address the unique cultural needs essential in developing an education system that will empower Aboriginal students to flourish and succeed (The Aboriginal Institutes' Consortium, 2005 p.26).

Positive changes at many Canadian universities have developed programs to increase the enrollment and success rate of Aboriginal students. Some of the changes are: increased Aboriginal faculty and staff; pro-active recruitment; early intervention; pro-active admission policies; transitional/bridging programs; academic outreach programs; Native studies programs; student support, cross-cultural awareness training; and Aboriginal input into university governance (Holmes, 2006). The data from this study highlighted some of those aspects, such as pro-active recruitment with students having taken special Aboriginal classes in junior and senior high school and which encouraged the exploration of their Aboriginal identity. A major influence on the awareness, development and understanding of Aboriginal students' identity was the taking of Native studies courses. 287

Attention to decreasing barriers and increasing optimistic outlooks for Aboriginal people highlight factors that need to be emphasized. This study pointed to facets that reinforced the value of Aboriginal identity, identity development theories and post- secondary education experiences. It is important to understand the complexities in these three areas.

This research unearthed some unique and significant findings. But where do we go from here? I believe that work must continue to decrease the barriers of coming to university and support Aboriginal students in their university experience by building on their traditional knowledge, ways of thinking which, in turn, supports a strong foundation of their Aboriginal identity.

Further the importance of this study can also be found in the possibilities for others to further ideas such as exploring cross-cultural frameworks or to improve awareness on the part of universities, or to find more ways to increase funding for

Aboriginal students. This study can also be a resource to education, specifically English as a Second Language (ESL) classes, as it can provide awareness and a need stated in a new way for ESL students.

What can be taken from this study is that Aboriginal identity can be explored using the definition of identity, understanding of phases of identity development can help clarify their self, and that university experience can enhance their exploration, understanding, and acceptance of themselves. This is significant to future Aboriginal students who are contemplating going to university. At a time when potential students are searching for their identity and ways in the world by coming to university it can enhance their confidence and awareness of themselves and provide direction and

acceptance of who they are.

In general by discussing Aboriginal identity, it has led to creating awareness, an understanding and increased perception of Aboriginal people. By exploring identity

which is affected by self-definition, self-acceptance and understanding internal and

external components we come closer to answering the question "Who am I?" 289

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Appendix A Appendix B

QUESTIONNAIRE

DEMOGRAPHICS:

a). Pseudonym Name b). Phone number c). Institution: Calgary Alberta Saskatchewan Regina Manitoba Winnipeg d). Year Born e). Marital status f). Do you have children. Yes No_ g). Number of children Ages h). Do they live with you. Yes No_ i). How many live with you j). Aboriginal Affiliation: First Nation Metis Non-status Other k). Do you live on a Metis settlement? Yes No Now Ever_ Which settlement 1). Do you have links with your community? Yes No Explain m). If you lived on a settlement when did you leave n). Do you live on a reserve? Yes No Now Ever which reserve o). Do you have links with your community? Yes No Explain p). If you lived on the reserve when did you leave

EDUCATION: a). Educational attainment prior to attending this university b). Did you transfer in. Yes No From where c). How long have you been at this university d). Year in university 3rd 4th e). Are you full time or part-time f). Department 301

g). Faculty h). Have you changed faculties. Yes No Why i). From what faculty

BACKGROUND:

a). What can you tell me about the place where you grew up? b). Did you receive traditional teaching? Yes No Type c). What values were passed on to you through these teachings d). What traditions were passed on to you through these teachings e). Who taught you these values and traditions? f). Did you seek out these teachings. Yes No g). Why

IDENTITY:

a). If I asked you who you were, what would you say? b). How/what do you see yourself as? c). How would you introduce yourself to a group of Native peers or in a university class? d). What are your earliest memories of becoming aware of who you were or are? e). Anything that happened to you that helped you see or gave you a clue as to who you were? f). What things remind you of who you are? g). Are there things that cause you to forget who you are? h). When do you feel proud of who you are? i). Ever been made to feel ashamed? j). Do you ever feel like you do not know yourself? k). Do you ever feel like you do not like yourself? 1). Ever feel like you are lost? m). Do you see yourself differently than others do? When? In what way?

EDUCATION: a). Can you tell me why you have come to university? b). When did you decide? c). Something happen to cause this decision? d). Has being in university been meaningful? e). In what way? f). Can you be yourself? g). Are you ever pushed or pulled into being something or someone you aren't? 302 h). Ever feel like you are different as a result of being in university? i). Ever view yourself as different from others as a result of being in university? j). Has taking university courses made you reexamine your belief system? Yes_ No How . k). Ever feel like university courses influence who you are? 1). Which courses have been influential? Why? m). Ever feel like your university education has been an influence on your knowledge of traditional Native identity? n). Is there anything else that you would like to share? Appendix C

TELEPHONE SURVEY

CONSENT FORM SCRIPT

To participant: Hello, my name is Barbara Barnes. I am a Ph.D. student in the Department of Interdisciplinary Graduate Program (formally the Resources and the Environment) at the University of Calgary, conducting a study into "Native student's Identity in Higher Education: Merging, Emerging or Struggling?" under the supervision of Dr. Cora Voyageur. This study is being undertaken in cooperation with the Universities of Calgary, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Regina, Manitoba and Winnipeg. The purpose of the study is to understand Native student's experience with identity and whether their University experience influences their development of self. In my previous Master's research I found that identity was a common point of concern among Native women in higher education. For example, I found some Native women students were ambivalent about their identity. As well, I have found that academic literature on Native student's identity in higher education is minimal to non-existent. Thus an additional purpose is to fill a gap in the academic research. If you are interested in participating in my study, I need to receive consent from you to continue and will read further more of the verbal contract. (Yes proceed, or no discontinue).

This verbal consent contract is only part of the process of informed consent. It should give you the basic idea of what the research is about and what your participation will involve. If you would like more detail about something mentioned here, or information not included here, you should feel free to ask. Please take the time to listen carefully and to understand any accompanying information.

As a participant you will be asked to participate in a one-hour interview. You are free to withdraw at any time for any reason and without any negative repercussions. All information gathered will be treated with the highest confidentiality. Names, universities or any other identifying information will be used for research purposes only and will only be seen by my supervisor or myself. We will do our best to ensure confidentiality. No one will be advised of your participation, identity, responses, or see the questionnaire and transcript of your interview. These interviews will be audio-taped. If this is a concern, you have the option to decline the interview without risk or penalty. My supervisor (on university premises) will keep the raw data for at least two years after the completion of my dissertation to ensure that it is available should any questions arise. All raw data will be destroyed within five years after the completion of my dissertation. There is no reason to anticipate any particular risks from involvement in this study beyond dealing with concerns that you as a student already encounter. However, hi

305

Appendix D

Name of Researcher, Faculty, Department, Telephone & Email: Barbara G. Barnes, PhD. candidate, Resources and the Environment Department, University of Calgary, Alberta. Phone 251-6683, email: [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Cora Voyageur, Department of Sociology, University of Calgary, Alberta Title of Project: "Native Student's Identity in Higher Education: Merging, Emerging or Struggling? " Sponsor:

This consent form, a copy of which has been given to you, is only part of the process of informed consent. If you want more details about something mentioned here, or information not included here, you should feel free to ask. Please take the time to read this carefully and to understand any accompanying information.

The University of Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board has approved this research study.

Purpose of the Study:

The purpose of the study is to understand Native student's experience with identity and whether their University experience influences their development of self. In my previous Master's research I found that identity was a common point of concern among Native women in higher education. For example, I found some Native women students were ambivalent about their identity. As well, I have found that academic literature on Native student's identity in higher education is minimal to non-existent. An additional purpose is to fill a gap in the academic research. The information gathered here will be used for the Ph.D. dissertation requirement as well as for writing scholarly articles in the field. I plan to complete this research at six universities: University of Calgary, Saskatchewan, Alberta, Regina, Manitoba and Winnipeg. I hope to interview 5 Native women and 5 Native men attending at each of these universities and hope that you as a Native student wish to be a participant in my study.

What Will I Be Asked To Do?

As a participant you will be asked to participate in a one hour face to face or phone interview. Your participation is voluntary. You are free to withdraw at any time for any reason and without any negative repercussions.

What Type of Personal Information Will Be Collected?

No personal identifying information will be collected in this study, and all participants shall remain anonymous.

Should you agree to participate, you will be asked to provide your gender, age, Aboriginal affiliation, educational 306 level and academic major.

There are several options for you to consider if you decide to take part in this research. You can choose all, some or none of them. Please put a check mark on the corresponding line(s) that grants me your permission to:

I grant permission to be audio taped: Yes: No: / wish to remain anonymous: Yes: No: / wish to remain anonymous, but you may refer to me by a pseudonym: Yes: No: The pseudonym I choose for myself is:

Are there Risks or Benefits if I Participate?

There is no reason to anticipate any particular risks from involvement in this study beyond dealing with concerns that you as a student already encounter. However, should any issues arise of individual concerns, appropriate resources will be made available (e.g. University Counseling Services). If you experience distress as a result of your participation in this study, we advise you that the university offers a confidential counseling service to all current students. Students may receive three sessions free per academic year. The Counseling Centre is located at MacEwan Student Centre - Room 375 and will accept either walk-in or telephone calls (220-5893) to make an Intake appointment with a counselor.

What Happens to the Information I Provide?

Participation is completely voluntary, anonymous and confidential. You are free to discontinue participation at any time during the study. No one except the researcher and her supervisor will be allowed to see or hear any of the answers to the questionnaire or the interview tape. There are no names on the questionnaire. Only group information will be summarized for any presentation or publication of results. The questionnaires are kept in a locked cabinet only accessible by the researcher and her supervisor. The anonymous data will be stored for five years on a computer disk, at which time, it will be permanently erased.

A copy of my study will be made available upon completion to the Native Student Services department where the students can find out about the results of the study.

Signatures (written consent)

Your signature on this form indicates that you 1) understand to your satisfaction the information provided to you about your participation in this research project, and 2) agree to participate as a research subject.

In no way does this waive your legal rights nor release the investigators, sponsors, or involved institutions from their legal and professional responsibilities. You are free to withdraw from this research project at any time. You should feel free to ask for clarification or new information throughout your participation.

Participant's Name: (please print)

Participant's Signature Date: 307

Researcher's Name: (please print)

Researcher's Signature: Date:

Questions/Concerns

If you have any further questions or want clarification regarding this research and/or your participation, please contact:

Ms. Barbara G. Barnes, Department/Faculty of Resources and the Environment Telephone (403) 251-6683, email:[email protected] And Dr. Cora Voyageur, Department of Sociology Telephone (403)220-6507 Email:[email protected]

If you have any concerns about the way you've been treated as a participant, please contact Patricia Evans, Associate Director, Research Services Office, University of Calgary at (403) 220-3782; email plevans(q),ucal gary .ca

A copy of this consent form has been given to you to keep for your records and reference. The investigator has kept a copy of the consent form.