ACCUL'l'ORATION AMONG 'l'BE SBVEN
ISLANDS MO~GNAIS
by
R. Alan Richardson
A thesis sUbmitted to the Faculty of Graduate studies and Research in partial fulfi.llment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.
Department of Sociology and Antbropology MCGill University, Montreal. April, 1961. - i -
ACI Thanks are due the following parsons and institutions without Whose help, advice and encouragement the present report and field survey would have been an exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, undertaking. To Mr. Bernard clench and Mr. Charles Nadeau, and the Indian Agency staff at Maliotenam; to Father Loisel, o.M. I., and Father Laurin,o.M.I., and their staff, and to Mr. Philip Doddridge, Principal of the Protestant High school of seven Islands, for their hospitality and introduction to both the Montagnais and canadian canmunities. To the National Museum of canada, and to Dr. Tan F. s. McFeat, of the Museum Staff, for the opportunity, and financial assistance, to carry out the field research. To the staff of the MCGill sub-Arctic Research station at KnOb Lake, for allowing me to use their facilities during my visit to the Naskapi and Montagnais settlements there. - ii - To the member s of the teaching staff of the Department of sociology and Antbropology, McGill university; specifically to Professor Toshio Yatsushiro for his interest in Canadian Arctic research, to Mr. Asen Balikci for the interest shown and advice given in both formal and informal discussions of the study, and most especially to Professor Jacob Fr ied Who served as principal adviser to this work. And finally, to the Montagnais Indiana of the seven Islands band who accepted me into their society with hospitality and much patience. very special thanks are due George, Arthur, Charles and Johnny Vollant, George Rock, Gerane Regis and their respective families for their co-operation and valued friendships. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• i Illustx'ations. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • \_v INTROOOCTI.ON. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 CHAPTBR ONE 1 BACKGROUND TO HISTORIC-FUNCTIONAL PHASES: • • • • • 20 Culture Area, Ecology, Early Contact CHAPTER 'l'WOI DEVELOPMENTAL SEWENCE, PHASE IN ••••••••••••• 32 Introduction •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 33 Proto-Algonkian Sub-Pbase ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 35 FUll-Algonkian Sub-Phase •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 37 Band Distribution •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 37 Social organization•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 39 summary ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 43 CBAPTER THREB 1 DEVELOPMENTAL SEQUENCE 1 PHASE II ••• • • • • • • • • • 45 Introduc~on •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 46 Social Organization ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 47 Economie organization ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 53 Stumnary ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 59 - iv - CHAP'l'BR POUR, DBVELOPMENTAL SB(XJBNCB, PHASE III •••••••••••• 61 PIRST PART: PHASE III AS A 'l'YPOLOGICAL BNTITY ••••••••••• 62 SECOND PART: MALIOTBNAM COMMUNI'l'Y STUDY ••••••••••••••••• 64 I. Background to the Community study••••••••••••••••• 64 II. The Community StudY••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 72 social organization: Kinship, Political organ- ization, Religion, Recreation •••••••••••••••• 72 Economie Activities•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 102 Material culture ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 111 Food Habits and Health••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 113 III. Analysis of Authority and Group organization in the cammunity ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 121 EXternal Agenciesa Government, Church, Trader. 121 Internal Mechanisms: Attitudes, Language, Family•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 129 CHAPTER FIVE, VBCTORS OF CHANGE AND ASPECTS OF couruRAL MADNTENANCE ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 133 Vectors of Change: Political, social, Bconanic...... 134 Aspects of Cultural Maintenance ••••••••••••••••••••••• 146 -v- APPBNDIX, MON~GNAIS PLACE NAMES••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 151 BIBLIOGRAPHY••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 161 ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Estimated Mobility and Interaction Patterns: old and New Reserves •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 75 2. Map showing Montagnais Place Names •••• - rear pocket - INTRODUCTION XNTROOOCTI:ON statement of Problem and Objectives The impact of Euro-canadian civilization on the Algonkian speaking aborigines of the Province of Quebec poses many problems. sane of these problems, espeaially those in volving changes in social organization and culture patterns are of interest to anthropologiste and other social scientiste. others are of more immediate or practical concern to government administrators and I:ndian welfare agencies. The present thesis has thus a two-fold objective: a general and a specifie purpose. The general purpose is to contribute to the body of anthropological knowledge wbich con cerna itself with the understanding of the processes of culture change and culture growth. Such knowledge is essential to the planning and effective implementation of governmental policies among these people. The specifie purpose will be to descr!be and analyze some aspects of the process of culture change, or acculturation, - 3 - among the Montagnais Indiana of the seven Islands band of the Quebec-Labrador region of canada. Three phases are abstracted in the acculturation process. The Haliotenam Reserve, one of the segments of the band is chosen as a typological representative of a community in Phase III of the postulated developmental sequences to be examined. Re-examination of the empirical and histarical materials avai~able in the literature, and analysis in the light of some suitable framewark based on modern acculturation theory, is indicated. This thesis will attempt just suah a re-examination of changes in social arganization and economie practices amo.ng the seven Islands Montagnais. some recent comparative materials are to be found in the analysis of similar problems fran the Eastern Arctic in Balikci (1959, 1960), Graburn (1960), Willmott (1959, 1960), Yatsushiro (1960a, 1960b). The Maliotenam community is composed of a consolidation of various bands, and thus provides a good cross-section of contemporary Montagnais cultural life. Interaction witb the otber segments of the band is extensive. - 4 - A ~imal definition of acculturation is supplied by Broom, Siegel, vogt and watson (1954;974) as, "••• accul turation may be defined as culture change that is initiated by conjunction of two or more autonomous cultural systems." such a definition includes the view that the process of acculturation is a creative one. Various studies indicate clearly that unless the basic autonomy of any given group is severely threatened, re-interpretation, re-organization ar creative forma of re-adaption to new elements and pressures, are more likely to occur than disintegration or dysfunction. The bulk of the analytic literature dealing with the Montagnais-Naskapi-cree bands of northeastern North America is not based on such fundamental premise. FUrther it is an established truism in modern anthropological thought that simple subtraction of those traits found in one society, Which are held to be diffused fran another group, does not necessari.ly give an accurate indication of the real nature of aboriginal practices. Nor is it considered valid to assume similar functions and meaning for similar traits ar forms, even between cultures experiencing recent ar historie contact. Diffusion may be accepted as a valid micro-mechanism in the growth of culture systems. aowever, the appreciation of over-all changes in social - 5 - organization and related changes in economie practices, material culture and technology, require other forma of analysis. Analytic Framework of Histor ic-Functional Phases The modal to be employed, that of sequences of develop ment based on levels of cultural autonomy, is derived in part fran more generalized procedures advanced by steward (1936, 1955), and Redfield (1953, 1955, 1956). A somewhat similar form of analysis bas been attempted by Balikci (1960) for Eskimo materials. In this work three Eskimo communities, each illustrating a different stage of acculturation, are examined. 'l'he analysis of each cOIIIDUDity is in terms of socio-economic organisation and certain religious traits, as seen before and after contact with agents of Buro canadian civilization. The history of intensive contact is in each case relatively short. comparative examination of trends in the acculturation process in each community is made. In the case of the Montagnais the history of contact is a long one. The present thesis is therefore concerned with - 6 - the identification of historie events and developmenta over a broad period of time. Abstraction of three bistoric-func:tional phases in the OV4mall processes of development is made. ( Graburn (1960) and Willmott (1959) offer descriptive and analytic materials concerning caamunity organization, eaonan.t.c activities, and kinship in the Eskimo caamunities of sugluk and Port Harrison. Both of these settlements are ex periencing acculturative forces of recent arigin, as is the Maliotenam caamunity. some parallels in the processes of development in each settlement are suggested.) The three phases of the sequences of development are established along a gradient, the chief criterion of which is the degree of actual autonany found witbin each phase. (Auton cny here refers to freedom or independence of choice in economie and political patterns and organization by the group.) Each phase witbin the sequences is then not only a convenient descriptive category, but also reflects inner coherence and interna! logie of cultural organization and content. The basic cultural orientations and characteristics - 7 - of each phase may be summarized as follows: TRADITIONAL : Basic northeastern hunting pattern. PHASE I TRIBAL AUTONOMOUS Ecologie pressure strong and a determinant of band organization. (By ecology is meant the over-a.ll process of interaction between technology and the environment, e.g., flora, fauna, climate and other tribes.) SEMI-TBADITIONAL: Early sub-pbase is basic north- PHASE II SEMI-AU'l'ONOMOUS eastern hunting pattern, but inclusion of European goods and other diffused traits lessens ecologie pressure, and band organization modifies. Later stib-phase sees the develop- ment of the family hunting terr itory system as basis of social organization. Symbiotic relationship with Buro-canadian society is achieved, followed by a period of stabilization. - 8 - NON-TRADZTIONAL 1 EXtensive White exploitation PHASE ZII RESTRZCTED AUTOOOMY of interior, loss of former economie base of social organ- ization. Developnent of reserves, welfare aid and limited wage labour. Problems of Montagnais-Naskapi Band Definition The term band bas acquired many levels of meaning and understanding. For the sake of clarity ethnological, native, administrative and ecclesiastical usages are examined ~iefly below. a) Etbnological. Definitions: The definition offered by Speck (1926a277-8) is more an attempt to summarize the basic cultural features of the entire area than to define the term as such. As a definition it is too r igid and confuses both histor ical and functional periode. steward (1936:331) in his classification of band types states that the Montagnais are a good example of the composite band, especially as band is to be understood in Phase II. - 9 - b) Administrative Definitions: (1) Administrative Government. Band as defined by the Federal author1t1es is an administrative unit. For their purposes the three segments of the seven Islands band, 1nclud1ng the Naskapi, are considered as one unit. An Indian may not change his band (administrative unit) affiliation without GoVernment consent. The term band is also used by the GoVernment adminis trators to refer to the formal head of each elementary family within the given administrative unit. In this conteJrt all Government aid, welfare and assistance is calculated upan, and issued to, the responsible head of family and his dependants. (11) Administrative Church. A furtber overlay of meani.ng of the term band is the ecclesiastical use which is co-teJ:minous with parish, or division of missionary activities by area. It is the church unit of jur1sd1cti.on and organization. c) Native Definition: The term KASINO ILOT means my people, which includes all Indiana speaki.ng Montagnais, or "Indiana like us," but excludes the cree, Tete-de-Boule, and soma Naskapi groups. The statua of the Chimo-Naskapi is not clear. Bach settlement of the seven Islands group is named (isolated, ) but - 10 - not excluded fran the general concept of "my people. 11 A concept of local residence is involved, but it is very loose, due to the degree of interaction and kinship affinities among the three settlements. Differences are felt with members of the Bersimis, Pointe Bleue, Mingan, Natashquan, Romaine and ste. Augustine bands, but even these are ones of dialect only. steward's concept of composite band is the most satisfactary ethnological statement concerning the Montagnais in general. The modern seven Islands band, wich is an extremely canplex unit, is best understood in the caubined terms of native and administrative concepts. Distribution of the seven Islands Band The seven Islands band is divided into tbree segments, the location of settlements and general character istics of each being: a) Seven Islands proper: This is the so-called "Old Reserve." It is located within the limita of the City of seven Islands. This large town has a permanent resident population in excess - 11 - of 121000. Lesa stable migratary and seasonal labourera account for another t'bree to four thousand parsons. seven Islands is the main educational, c01110ercial and caœumications centre for the North Shore and the interior. The present Montagnais reserve measures scae 800 by 600 feet. All forty-eight dwellings located here are of Indian construction. The population is approximately 300 persona. This reserve 1 having no sanitary arrangements with the town far either water or sewage, is extremely dirty and because of the small space higbly congested. The Federal GOVernment have plans to build new bouses for the inhabitants of this reserve on Indian owned land immediately to the west of the town. b) Maliotenam: This is the new reserve, located ten miles to the east of seven Islands and six miles west of the village of Moisie 1 on Route 15. It is a Government planned project of 91 bouses. The Federal day and residential schools, the nursing station, the R.c.M. P. detachment, the Indian Affaira Agency office - 12 - and a small HUdson Bay company store are loc:ated here. The reserve property measures roughly 6000 by 3000 feet. Most of the approximately 450 inhabitants are from, or directly related to mambers of, the former Moisie band. The term Maliotenam was coined by the adm.inistrators. It is a literal translation of "village or parish of Mary" into Montagnais. It is little used by native speakers. c) Knob-Lake (Schefferville): The Montagnais who canpt"ise this settlement are mainly from sevan Islands or Maliotenam. The canmunity is made up of some 300 persona. This is not a reserve, although it is only a few yards fran reserve land. There are no services J all bouses and shacks are of native manufacture. Many of these people left their Government buil t bouses at Maliotenam to seek employment in this area. ------·-- --·· ------13 - d) Chimo-Naskapi (Scheffervi~le) a These people were trans- ported fran Fort Chimo in 1956, and sett~ed here in 30 GoVern ment bui~t bouses. They number about 200 persona. Their hunting grounds, in some cases, now conf~ict with those of the Montagnais in the area. The Montagnais proper are all of the Roman catholic faith. In addition to their own language, more than fifty percent of their number speak French fluently. The Naskapi are of the Anglican faith. A few indi vidua~s speak Enqlish reasonably well. Despite these differences, and rivalry and jea~ousy on the part of the missionaries, maJ:riage and adoption between the two groups is taking p~ace. The Roman Catho~ics have gained five converts by marriage and adoption to date. Data and Fielàwark Data for the present study were derived fran two sources. - 14 - one, fraa an examination of the extant and pertinent literature available fran the McGill University, and other, libraries. TWo, from materials co1lected during the actual enthnographic survey carried out among the Montagnais. The Literature consulted falls roughly into two categories a {1) Empirica1 - anthropological and histarical writings1 {11) Theoretica1 - general works of social organization, economie anthropology, and culture change. In preparation for this study ethnographie background materia1 was gathered fran the works of Burgesse {1945 1) cooper 1 A., {19421) cooper, J.M.I {19381 1939, 1941, 1946.) Flannery (19461) Garigue {19571)Hallowell {1926 to 19521) Leacock {1954, 1955)1 Lips {1937, 1947,) Speck (1915, to 1936,) Speck and Eiseley {19391 1942,) strong {1929.) These and other related contributions deal primari1y with social organization1 religion, and legal and economie practices among the Montagnais- Naskapi banda. - 15 - Hi.storical, geograpbical and more general.ized information was sougbt in, Bailey (1937,) Barnett (1953,) Broom et al (1954,) Eggan (1955,) Hare (1950,) Herskovits (1937, 1938, 1950, 1954,) Honigmann (1954,) Innis (1956,) Jenness (1960,) Johnson (1946,) Keesing (1953,) Kroeber (1939,) Murdoch (1953,) Si.egel (1955,) Tanner (1944,) Thwai.tes (1906,) Turner (1894,) Voorhis (1930.) Fried' s survey (1955) was helpfu1 with earlier exploratory work. Linguistic data is available fran Lemoine (1901,) Michelson (1939,) Vinay (1955,) and other sources. The field study was of twelve weeks duration, and was confined mainly to the Maliotenam reserve. Frequent visita to the seven Islands reserve were made during the summer. The Knob Lake (Schefferville) cODIDUDity was also visited for a few àays during August. The field research was carried out in the following manner. The first tbree weeks were spent in making acquaint ances and being introduced to the cammunity slowly and informally. - 16 - During this t~e obvious and inoffensive surveys of material culture, settlement patterns, household compositions, life tempo - meals, work, school, recreation, shopping - were made. With the selection of specifie and more reliable informants data was collected covering a wide range of Montagnais socio-cultural life. Information was sought in casual and normal situations, permitting a good chance to weigh idealized statements in the context of real situations. Fran an intensive study of two households at the Maliotenam reserve, that of Charles Vollant and George Rock, an excellent picture of many aspects of native life became possible. other households were examined, but not so intensely. Appraximately fifty informants were ~estioned in unstructured interviews, with the central directives of the conversation focused on personal bistory, place of birth, residence patterns, marr~age, children, relatives, fishing, hunting, trapping, attitudes towards whites and wage labour, and other related topics. - 17 - Reconstructions of band histo:r:y were abstracted fran this class of data. More specifie and detail.ed information was SQUgbt from well known and knowledgeable infarmants during the last weeks of the field study. In addition to these standard ethnographie methods of observant and group participation, information was sought fran the Oblate missionaries and teachers, the R.C.M.P. detaobment, the Indian Affairs Agency officials and their records, the Indian aealth nurses, and several responsible members of the large white canmunity - approximately 15,000 - in the town of seven Islands itself. organization of the 'l'beais The paper is arranged as follows1 Chapter one - provides background materials to the study of historic functional phases. This deals with the culture area under review, problems of ecology, general histor ical backgrOWld and the nature of early contact with European civilization. - 18 - Chapter TWo - Phase X of the developmental se~ence is discussed7 the development from proto-Algonk.ian patterns to the full Algonkian phase at the time of historie contact is outlined. Chapter Tbree - is concerned with the reconstruction of the forms of social organization and economie practices oc:curing during Phase IX. Reference is made to significant contributions found in the literature, as well as to data obtained from older living informants during the field study. Chapter Four - is a presentation of relevant mater ials concerning Phase xxx. Zn addition ethnographie materials derived from the community study conducted at Maliotenam are included. This ohapter is divided into two parts. The first part is a summary of the cbaraoteristios of Phase XII, and the postulation of this Phase as a typologieal entity. The second part contains three sections7 a) back ground to the community study, b) ethnographie materials derived from the study and, o) analysis of authority and group organ.i.zation in the colllllUJlity. - 19 - Chapter Five - is the concluding chapter and canprises the ovu-all analysis of significant vectors of change and certain aspects of cultural maintenance , as seen throughout the three phases. CHAPTER ONE BACKGROUND TO HISTORIC-FUNCTIONAL PHASES CHAPTER ONE BACKGROUND TO HXSTORIC-FUNCTIONAL PHASES Introduction Al though an attempt to maintain parallelism in the discussion of each level of the developmental sequences is made, homogeneity in the presentation of materials in the three phases is not possible. Phase I and Phase II are primarily abstractions drawn fran the historical and interpretive materials available in the literature. It will be evident that these sources deal more with area characteristics and generalities than witb real or specifie groups or situations. By comparison, the ethnographie ma.terials presented in Phase III are richer and more specifie in nature, having been obtained from the actual study of a real cormnuni ty. The nature of social and economie organization which existed among the Montagnais-Naskapi bands before contact with agents of European civilization occurred may be partially reconstructed from a consideration of cultural, ecological and historical factors. These factors are to be examined separately - 22 - in this chapter. Appreciation of the characteristics of the larger northeastern culture area, to which the Montagnais belong, and the general ecology of the specifie regions they occupy, are of importance in the reconstruction of the lower phases of the developmental se~ences. The Montagnais-Naskapi-cree bands of the Quebec Labrador peninsula are the extreme nortbaastern representatives of the Algonkian cultures. The geographie distribution of this socio-linguistic group is ;lmmense. 'l'he bands and tribal groups referred to in this study represent one of the least complex of the Algonkian speaking peoples. 'l'bey occupy with the exception of the Labrador, Unga.Ya and Eastern Hudson Bay coasts, the lands north of the st. Lawrence River, east of a line drawn from the headwaters of the st. Maurice River to James Bay. The Montagnais-Naskapi bands relied almost exclusively on hunting and fishing for subsistance in pre contact times. 'l'he specifie agents of historie contact were primarily missionaries and traders, whose influence, once begun, has continued into modern times. sana knowledge of - 23 - abor iginal life is to be found in the reparts and j ournals of tbese persans. Northeastern Culture Area The Algonkian speaking peoples of the Quebec Labrador peninsula are related linguistically and cultura1ly to the larger Algonkian stock. The Montagnais-Naskapi-cree bands that occupy this peninsula are set off from one another by slight variations in linguistic farms. Equally slight cultural differences among these groups are far outweighed by numerous basic similarities, in both form and function. Generally speaking the Montagnais-Naskapi occupy an area bounded on the west by a line fran the beadwaters of the St. Maurice River tbrough Lake Mistassini to Port Chimo, and on the south by the north shore of the st. Lawrence River, and on the east by the coast of Labrador. various cree groups are located around the shores of James Bay and in the interior at Lake Mistassini and Lake Nichikun. - 24 - The general distribution of the Algonkian groups - cultural and linguistic - is given by Jennes (1960) and by swanton (1952.) The Labrador and ungava coasts are occupied by various Eskimo bands. The Iroquois are found around the Great Lakes south of a line from Ouebec City to Georgian Bay. No real reason for the division of the Montagnais and Naskapi is justified, other than by virtue of slight differences in dialect and econanic practices. The Montagnais occupy the more southern part of the peninsula, and are divided from the so-called Naskapi of the northern regions, roughly by the height of land running east west through the peninsula. In this paper the term Montagnais refers to the more southern groups of the area. The Quebec-Labrador peninsula is made up of a dense network of inland waterways. It is drained to the south by the saguenay, Bersimis, Moisie and Romaine rivera. The Hamilton river drains this area to the east, and the Kaniapiskau and Koksoak rivers drain it to the north. Numerous lakes are - 25 - cbaracteristic of the central plateau - Ashuanipil Kaniapiskau, and M.ichikamau are buge interior lakes. Physical Environment Three reasonably distinct geographical zones exist in the peninsula, which are characterized by differences in forest cover and fauna types. These are classified by ÇJeographers as1 zone Hare's (1950) Classification a) southern Boreal Forest Main .Boreal .Forest b) Labrador Taiga Open Boreal .Forest c) .Forest TUndra Forest TUndra. A significant relationship bas been shown to exist between band social organization and the ecologie zone which the particular group occupies. This is examined in some detail by cooper 1 A. 1 (1942,) Hallowel1 (1949,) Leacock (1954.) - 26 - The extremes pictured in the literature range from more communal and nomadic band-types following the caribou herds in the taiga and tundra regions, to more sedentary and individualistic band-types in the forested areas. The Nask.api represent the tundra caribou expression, the Montagnais the woodland expression, of a similar and related culture type, ecological conditions accounting for the local variations. It is suggested that the Nask.api probably maintained a ~e developed chieftanship institution than their southern relatives, due to the communal and nomadic nature of the food quest. Fauna and Flora Indigenous to the region, and of specifie interest in aboriginal times as sources of food, fur and raw materials were the car1bou, black bear, beaver, porcupine, otter, hare, lynx, mink, marten, fox, grouse and ptarmigan. - 27 - Among the Naskapi the caribou was the most important single source of food and raw materials. salmon, brook trout, grey lake trout and whitefish are found in the inland waterways. The coastal Montagnais made use of cod and certain sea mannals also. spruce, especJ.ally red spruce, and birch were important sources of materials for canoes, snow-shoe frames and toboggans. Berrie&, especial.ly the bl.ueberry, cranberry and bake-apple, were gathered in season. Agents of contact The first enduring contacts with the MOntagnais came as a result of French exploitation and ulttmate colon ization of New France. In the early stages French economie interest in the new world was confined to sea fishing and the hunting of sea ma.mmals. With an increased demand for furs in Europe, - 28 - particularly that of the beaver, trading canpanies dealing in this cODDDOdity were qpick to develop. Roman catholic ~iests arrived from Europe to serve the needs of the fur traders and colonists, and to engage in missionary work among the Indiana. It is to these missionar ies that we owe most of our knowledge of Montagnais cultural life at the time of contact, and for a considerable time afterward. The Jesuit Relations (Thwaitea, ed., 1906) although not rigorous scientific documents, do supply keen insights into the lives of the aborigines. a) The Church: Eeclesiastical relations with the Montagnais were first established by the Recollet Fatbars, who were granted sole rights to ma.intain missions among these people. one such mission was founded at Tadoussac in 1615. Tadoussac bad become a focal point of interaction among the Indiana, the traders and the missionaries even before this time. Efforts were made to induce the Indiana to adopt a more aedentary way of life, so that they could more easily be converted and instructed, and thus supply a necessary labour - 29 - force for economie and political purposes. After the retirement of the Recollets frao the scene, severa! vigorous Jesuits pressed the work of the missions. Of importance as far as the southern Montagnais are concerned were Father De Quen Who visited the saguenay and Lake st. John areas in 1647, Father Nouvel who visited Manicouqan and Papinachois in 1663, Father Albane! Who reached Mistassini in 1671, and Father Nicholas who conducted a mission at seven Islands in 1675. Father Le Jeune bas left excellent accounts of bis pastoral visita to the north shore areas. After 1750 Jesuit activity leaves off and the missions to the Montagnais came Wlder the direction of the Bishop of Quebec. In 1884 the Oblate Fathers undertook extensive missionary activities amonq the Montagnais and cree. Their wark continues to the present day. b) The Traders: Trading posts were established on the north shore of the st. Lawrence at a very early date. - 30 - voorbis (1930) lista sane twenty-four posta in operation before 1700 in the Quebec-~ador peninsula. Among the Montagnais the following are of interest 1 Seven Islands 1650, Moisie 1694, Chicoutimi 1650, Lake St. John 1650 and Mingan 1661. Earlier forma of private and government monopolies over the fur trade were replaced by the King's Posta. With the fall of New France control of the bulk of the Indian trade fell into the bands of the HUdson Bay canpany, wbere it remained until recent times. sane consequences of Ear ly contact The records, journals and diaries of the early explarers, missionaries and traders represent the only autbentic first-hand accounts of Montagnais life fran wbicb to reconstruct a picture of the true natuxe of aboriginal life. These same people constitute the first agents of European civilization to establish enduring contacts with the Montagnais bands. - 31 - some of the more obvious consequences of the early contact period may be listed. European goods quickly became indispensible in the econanic life of the natives, increasingly so as aboriginal techniques were lost. Indian settlements developed around trading posta, usually located at the site of Montagnais &WilDer meeting places. French law and custan begins to have affect. The native population was exposed to liquor, new foods and new diseases. A new half-breed class came into existence. Kinship ties were weakened as a result of French preference to deal with indiv.t.duals, rather than groups, both in the fur trade and in m.t.ssionary work. The new chief, really a French appointee, cames into existence. systematic trapping, especially of beaver, becames and ind.t.vidual and family pursuit. other consequences of the early years of contact are to be examined in the next and following chapters. CHAPTER 'l'WO DEVELOPMENTAL SEQUENCE, PHASE I TRADITIONAL: TRIBAL AUTONOMOUS CHAPTER TWO DBVELOPMENTAL SEOOENCE, PHASE I TRADITIONAL1 TRI:BAL AOTONOMOUS Introduction Reconstruction of this phase, the per iod of tribal autonany is based on considerations already mentioned. The arbitrary data of 1650 is chosen as the uppermost level of full tribal autonauy for the Montagnais bands of the southern regions of the northea stern culture area. After this date the pressure of European demands begins to play an ever increasing part in the determination of Montagnais social organization and economie practices. Little archaeoloqical data is available to aid in this reconstruction. Ritchie (1956:74) sums up his examination of the archaeology of the northeast as, "The general picture emerging fraa current understanding of the - 34 - northeast Archaic cultures as a whole envisions small mobile bands of foraging people 1 following a seasonal cycle of economie pur suits 1 resident in temporary settlements of flimsy 1 bark or ma.t-covered wigwam dwellings 1 situated on higher ground along sizeable waterways1 which afforded access to food and routes of travel by means of dugout canoes. Significant elements of this way of life persistedl especially in the eastern half of the area, well into the present among certain of the northeastern Algonkian hunting tr ibes••• " Speck (1926) describes the eastern area as isolated and inhospitable. He summarizes the occupant cultures as being marginal and archaic, all basic traits having diffused fran the west. No backflow of elements is indicated. Many correspondences with Eskimo culture are found. High individualism is a characteristic of the entire area. oevelopœents in Phase X: Phase I may be divided logically in terms of the analysis into two sUb-phases1 Sub-phase a) - Proto-Algonkian Sub-phase b) - Full Algonkian. - 35 - I. PRO'l'O-ALGONKIAN SUB-PHASE The problems of date and length of occupation of the Ouebec:-Labrader peninsula, relationships with other circumpolar marginal types, especially the paleo-siberian forms are discussed in the works of cooper (1941,) Flannery (1946,) Birket-smith (1918, 1930.) Linguistic analysis is offered by Michelson (1939.} Birket-Smith suggests that an early far.m of ica hunting and ice-fishing culture may bave preceded the snow-shoe patterns of more recent developnent. Ica hunting and fishing orientations are postulated as coming before the necessary adaptive mecbanisms for an inland economy developed. This theory a1so postulates that the camplex of snow-shoe, birch bark canoe, moccasin, toboggan and conical tent is a local development, and attempts to relate both the proto-Algonkian and proto-Eskimo forma to an early shared Siberian camplex. such an argument attempts to explain the dualism - winter and summer periods - of both Algonkian and Bskimo - 36 - cultures, anà relate them in time and space to an even more archaic form of paleo-siberian origin. The Algonkian cycle is characterizeà by two perioàS1 (1) Winter or Inland Period - familias are scattereà in small groups over large relatively unproductive areas. (11) SUiliDer or Littoral Period - members of the same band meet at a traditional summer camp on the sea-coast or on the shores of a large lake. Eskimo practice is essentially the reverse of that outlineà above7 familias caning together during the winter perioà. This thesis is rejecteà by Flannery. She feels that the adaptation of the eastern Algonkians to their harsh environment suggests long residence. The basic patterns of the whole Algonkian hunting area are simJ.lar, the essential features of Which are traceable to paleo Asian or igin. The àualism found, that of SUliiDeX' anà winter cycles, can be explaineà on ecological grounàs. - 37 - Hunting is more feasible in the winter, and the meat is of better quality. Lake fishing and gathering of wild barries require movement to a summer location. cultural and social ties also require periodic renewal, and the summer camp serves this important function. II. FULL ALGONKIAN SUB-PHASE A. BAND DISTRIBUTION The eleven bands listed by SWanton (1952:582) as probably existing before 1650 are the only ones for which any histor ical information is available. He mentions the fact that the southern bands (Montagnais) were encountered by the Europeans early in the sixteenth century. The more northern bands (Naskapi) remained in isolation until late in the nineteenth century. Ear ly Montagnais coastal settlements, in the seven Islands area are noted as; - 3R - (i) CHISDEC seven Islands or Moisie (ii) OUMAMIWEK ste. Marguerite, and westward (iii) GODBOUT on Goélbout river (iv) BERSIMIS on Bersimis river. Inland settlements were located at; (i) OUCHESTIGOUETCH - at the head of the Manicougan and Kaniapiskau rivers (ii) PAPINACHOIS at the head of the Bersimis river, and westward (iii) MISTASSINI about Lake Mistassini (iv) NICHIKUN about Lake Nichikun. - 39 - B. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Family and Kinship speck (1926) outlines some elements of social organization in aboriginal times. He sugges~s that the Montagnais-Naskapi bands were arranged into more or less partiarchal extended family units 1 or groupings of male kin under a male leader 1 chosen perhaps for his skill in hunting. There is some evidence to suggest that cross-cousin marriage may have been a widespread practice as a form of social control. POlitical organization Political organization was very diffuse and atomistic1 and few fiX'm allegiances would be found within any given band. Band cœaposition itself was very loose1 and chieftanship as an institution can haX'dly have existed, nor would the office of chief be inher ited. - 40 - Religion Religious practices included bear ceremonialism, a widely diffused canplex. The circumpolar distribution of this phenanenon is discussed by Hallowell (1926.) Respect was shown for animal soula: and their spirits were placated when killed. Disposal of bones is clone with due regard to not giving offense to the animal concerned. Shamans are thought to have bad little real power, except in matters of divination. scapulimancy and scrying were forms of divination employed to insure successful hunting. oreams were considered extremely important in fore telling future events. Fish ceremonialism, especially involving the head of the gray trout existed. ceremonialism involving fish is rather a unique phenomenon. The concept of a supreme IOQtive power in the world is said to bave existed, although this focusing of power into one generalized "super-spirit" may be more properly a result of acculturation. - 41 - Land use Due to the meagre resources of the environment it is quite possible that some form of land allotment system may have developed. such a development provides a cultural base on which the family hunting territory system could grow into a more rigid structure at a later date, in response to the demands of the fur trade. Cooper, J .M., (1946:304) states, "on ecological grounds it is probable that the northeastern family hunting ground system, while antedating the period of white contact, representa a local development in the northeast, more recent in origin than the pan-tiaga economy as such." Blements of Montagnais-Naskapi Band structure No description of a kinship unit larger than the extended family group is reported. The next largest social unit would appear to be the band itself, a geo-territarial unit, but not an exogamous clan. The band hunting territory is recognized not only by the band members themselves, but also by neighbouring groups as well. - 42 - The band territory seems to bave been sub-diviàed into family hunting grounds among the forest group, and into general, or communal hunting territories among the caribou hunting Naskapi. It wO\Üd be reasonable to assume differences in band social organization e.g. ~ the number and size of both elamantary and extended familias included in each group varied. cross-cousin marriage is re~ted as having existed among same northern bands (Strong, 1929.) No evidence is yet available to suggest this practice among the seven Islands band today. The band may be viewed as the largest social group to which may be ascribed any real pol.itical organization, and except for the possibility of saue former bands composed prim arily of only one extended family, not a kinship unit. W.ithin the band geo-political structure, the fam.ily was the basic econamic unit, especially among the Montagnais. Material Culture Within the area similarity and uniformity of cultures - 43 - is marked. Subsistence is everywhere sought by hunting and fishing: the canoe, toboggan and snow-shoe are widely distri buted. Moose, caribou, beaver, porcupine and other local fauna were the animale hunted. Material artifacts - traps, weapons, the crooked knife - are of caJIDon basic form and widely diffused. SW'I'IID&ry Before contact with European civilization the various Montagnais-Naskapi, and related bands of the Quebea-Labrador peninsula, may be typified as an exploitive hunting-fishing culture of low technology (snow-shoe, toboggan, birch bark canoe compled,) and loose unelaborated social institutions. Avoidance-respect kinship patterns are weak, and ceremonies few and simple. External relations were confined to related and neighbouring bands, and to limited trade and welfare with the Eskimo, Iroquois and possibly the Micmacs of New Brunswick and the Abenaki of the south shore of the st. Lawrence River. - 44 - Bssentially the interior of Ouebec-Labrador was under the control of these autonomous bands. Ecologie pressure was strong and a major determinant of band type and social organization. That the family hunting territory system existed dur ing this per iod is very unlikely. Bands were too small and movement too frequent in the eastern areas for i ts developnent. However, in the western area it is conceivable that auch a practice developed, from an allotment system, at an earlier time tban in the east. CHAPTER THREE DEVELOPMBNTAL SEQUENCE, PHASE II SBMI-TRADITIONAL: SBMI-AUTONOMOUS CHAP'l'ER THREE DEVELOPMENTAL SEWENCE, PHASB II SEMI-TRADITIONAL: SEMI-AU'l'ONOMOUS Introduction The nature and farm of early historie contact with agents of European civilization bas been outlined in the preceeding chapters. Although much of the former autonany of the Montagnais bands is subsequently lost, enough remains so that the bands are able to adjust, with certain changes in social organization and economie activities, to the new situations and demanda. The fur trade and the development of the family hunting territary system lead to a satisfactory farm of cultural symbiosis. In order to establish the flow and direction of historie events of functional significance a reconstruction of - 47 - the social and econanic forms of this Phase is made. such reconstructed elements are derived fran two sources1 the general body of literature dealing with the culture area, and from data that were obtained from older informant& of the Moisie and seven :tslands bands. A. SOCJ:AL ORGl-\.NJ:ZATJ:ON Family and Kinship cross-cousin marriage as a form of social control among the north-east Algonkians is discussed by Hallowell (1930) and strong (1929.) Eggan (1955) feels that this practice may have constituted a basic and wides~ead farm of social organization among the Algonkians generally, whicb was largely disrupted after contact. Witb the formation of larger bands cross-cousin marriage tended to disappear. Missionary influence would also account for the reduction of such for ms, especially between first cross-cousins, Which is considered an incestuous relationship in Roman catholic practice. - 48 - Polygamy probably existed to some degree among the northern bands, not yet subjected to permanent missionary activity. The custan of levirate and sororate were known, but were not compulsory practices. a) status of women: In theory women were regarded as of inferior statua. However, the actual division of labour appears so equitable, that their real influence behind the scenes may have been quite significant. Their opinion was sought on all important matters, and no secrets were kept fran them. Burgesse (1944a) mentions that wanen are judged on their ability in shar ing out food, and the bear ing of hardship with stoicism. b) Naming Practicesa The aboriginal practices of naming bas become so obscured by custans adopted since contact that very little can be said about it. Burgesse (1943) finds that much of the confusion is traceable to tbree sources1 to the giving of names by the traders, others by the missionaries, and the native custan of using sobriquets. Also, in order to obtain larger amounts of credit seme Indians were known by different names at different posts. - 49 - A caamon abor iginal pattern involved the adding of the patronymic in a diminutive form to the christian name. Burgesse (1943:45-6) gives these examples1 Antoine comeshish, i.e., Antoine son of come and Charles Pierish, i.e. 1 Charles son of Pierre. Political and Band Organization Dur ing this per iod the Montagnais-Naskapi band appears as a geographical, or territorial, unit having a loose sort of political autonomy. No overall political arrangements existed between the bands. cooper A. 1 (1942) relates the eoological gradient to a social gradient - narthern bands following the barren ground migratory caribou are smaller in size, have less dense populations and smaller band lands, than the southern bands of the forest regions having sedentary animal resources and a less harsh environment generally. Re-adjustments, or changing of band affiliation, in response to new environmental demanda, e.g., location of posts1 - 50 - depletion of game, new sources of incaoe, proximity to missions, took place in a ~elatively easy manner. The net result of auch ~ealignment of bands in the more ~ecent past, as this affected the groups in the Quebec Labrador peninsula, bas been to concentrate larger and larger groups of people in fixed more sedental:'y COIIIIIWlities, and to in~ease the total area of hunting ter~itary under band juris diction greatl y. The only ~eported major division of peoples made by the Indiana themselves being between the NOTCIMIWILNUTS and the WINIPEGWILNUTS 1 the people of the interior, and the people of the sea. The interior people were called the big hunters and the coastal peoples the little hunters (Speck 1926.) Intermar~ iage among the coastal people and the French canadians was quite common. Montagnais society is based on face-to-face relation ships, in which fear of ridicule and the power of public opinion compounded with a certain resignation to life • s problems, produce an important set of social controle. - 51 - Religion speck (1935:15) says that the Montagnais, " ••• possess an essentially religious nature. " Of note are their ethical precepts in the treatment of game animals, especially bear and fish ceremonialism. Shamanism and methods of divination have been mentioned previously, as has the Manitu concept, or belief in an underlying source of power in the universe - natural law, creation. Shaking tent rites are described by Burgesse (1944b,) F1annery (1939,) Rousseau (1953,) and the aborigina1ity of the concept of Manitu is examined by cooper, J., (1933.) Christianity was firmly entrenched at an early 1eve1, and apart frau the retention of a few modified aborigina1 practices during the winter months, replaced native be1iefs as euch. Rousseau (1952) postulates a form of dualism among the Mistassini cree, in which Christian and pagan be1iefs exist syncbronically. - 52 - Recreation very little information is available On this topic. Among children imitative play, encouraged by parents, has been noted, but such play is of simple elaboration. Toys and otber artifacts associated with imitative play are extremely poor. Flannery (1936) describes recreative culture among the ~s Bay cree at Moose Factory. social control and Land use The aboriginality of the family hunting territory system bas been examined in some detail by Speck (1915 to 1936,) cooper, J., (1939,) Jenness (1960,) Leacock (1954.) In the present analysis the functional significance of such a system is of greater im~tance than the qaestion of historie origin. - 53 - Rights of land use and inheri tance, not owner ship in western terms, bad band sanction. The oveœall territory claimed by the band was recognized not only by its own members, but by neigbbour ing groups also. Rules of trespass were canmon knowledge, and although the rig'ht to hunt and fish in cases of dire need on anyone 's hunting territory were recognized, the clandestine taking of furs for sale on anothers property constituted theft. Although no formal or codified laws existed, public opinion, a shared modal emotional structure of restraint and inhibition, and the desire to maintain harmonious interpersonal relations served to regulate social interaction. B. ECONOMie ORGM'IZATION Yearly Round and Economie Activities Introduction& Taking the life histories of several older informant& of the former Moisie band, in the light of culture area and ecologie factors previously outlined, a more specifie - 54 - picture of Montagnais socio-cultural life during the closing years of Phase II may be drawn. The seven Islands band have long been in direct and stable relationship with the missionaries and traders of the Hudson Bay and other canpanies. Not until very recent years bas the Federal Government established permanent field Agencies to deal with Indian affaira. cbristianity is firmly established and trade relations with the Hudson Bay company are of long standing. The basic social and economie patterns prior to the period of intensive contact (s~y between 1925 and 1940, )may be reconstructed along the following lines. Yearly round: It was the custan of the band to disperse during the winter months to hunt for food, but pr1mar ily to trap for furs. Bach adult hunter, and bis ilmlediate family, bad a clearly defined hunting territory, usually left to him by his father, or uncle, and passed on to his sons. This principle of patri lineal inheritance may be considered the ideal form, but situational factors gave rise to certain alternatives. several hunters laid claim to their lands by right of marriage, e.g., land was received from the wife • s father, or other male relative. Related family groups tended to have their territories, more or less, in the same given geographie area. - 55 - Familias left for their hunting grounds late in the month of August, and apart fran the few famil.ies living near the coast who perhaps returned to Moisie or seven Islands at Christmas or Easter, remained until late spring. The Moisie group gained access to the interior by way of the Moisie River in canoes. Apart fran weapons, alothing and other necessary gear, small amounts of food etaples were also taken - flour, lard, tea, sugar, tobacco, salt, and saDe dried cereal or legumes. The bulk of the diet was secured fran the land. An average family group required five to ten caribou per season for bides and food. one and a half caribou bides are necessary in the manufacture of one pair of mens snow-shoes. A wide range of gama was exploited for food and salable fur. coanon and preferred foods included caribou, beaver, pœ::cupine, partridge, ptarmigan, trout, salmon, ouananiche, lake trout and . white fish. Eaten, but not considered as desirable foods were bear, fax, marten, otter, and mink. The flash of these an:Lmals was rarely used, and only by persona lacking other resources. - 56 - Money was very little used in these times, more direct exchange for provisions and ammunition with the traders being the c0111110n practice. Fur harvest: A good fur catch by perhaps a little better tban average hunter would amount to roughly one thousand dollars. The demand for many varieties of furs in these years assured seme economie stability in the trapping business. A good seasons fur catch might include 10 marten, 20 mink, 15 otter, 50 beaver, S lynx, 50 fox. Nearer to the camp the women and children might produce lOO muskrats and 50 weasel - auch property being con sidered their own. All of these estimates appear very optimistic, but the diversity of furs soug'ht and the required division of labour within the camp to secure them, are of significance. Most of these furs are either no longer in demand, or are closed to trapping by Government conservation programs. Poor as it may have been in the case of many familias, the forma of social organization and division of labour bad a real economie base dur ing this time. - 57 - The sunmer months were spent at the settlement at Moisie. Most of the Moisie band bad proper frame bouses in the village, interspaced among the Prench-canadian fisherman's homes. Intermarriage was quite common. During the suDmer period, trading, renewing of allegiances of various kinds and preparation for the next hunting trapping season, occurred. Little monay changed bands, the trader supplying the necessities of life, a few luxuries, and required items of hunting gear. A few exceptional hunters managed to save fairly large sums of money during good years. But most persona were cbronically in debt to the trader, a situation wh.ich lasts to the present day for many. Division of laboura Of great significance during this period is the fact that the entire family passed the inland winter season as a unit. Apart fran occasional visita to nearby friends or relatîves, or from parties of Indiana fran otb.er bands passing through their territory, each stem or elementary family was more or less self-sufficient and operated as a tightly knit econanic unit in relative isolation. The family head and his older sons tended the traps and the hunting of - 58 - game animals. women and children looked after the camp. They also trapped muskrat and weasel in the immediate vicinity of the camp. A good season's hunt as mentioned would include marten, mink., otter, beaver 1 lynx, and fox. The beaver was the most important single animal 1 due to the combined value of its fur and i ts highly esteemed flesh. To provide such a mixed catch of assorted furs required considerable organization, and one can expect a lot of hard work. Knowledge of Environment Intimate and detailed knowledge of the physical environment was an outstanding characteristic of the Montagnais during this, and all other phases. Primitive but very effective elements of their navigational system included appreciation of wind direction and strength, direction of stream and river flow, the movement of the sun by season, the position of the north and other stars, relative land elevations and significant land forms and projections. Many informants were sophisticated - 59 - enough to appreciate the inherent faults of the white man's map and canpass procedures e.g., deflection by iron deposits, and the difference between true north and the shifting magnetic north. They are very proud of their own ''built-in" methods of navigation. SUDIDary Chronologically Phase II covers a very long period, approximately thx'ee hunàred years in the case of the bands of the seven Islands area. It might be conveniently sub-divided into several sub-phases. Three are considered of significance for the present analysis. sub-phase a) early historie contact, arrival of the missionaries and traders: sub-phase b) the period of adjustment to French occupation, and development of symbiotic relationships based on the fur trade: sub-phase c) period of stab111zat1on. - 60 - Autonomy is limited after the contact and eventual colonJ.zation of New France, but not severely so in the early developmental stages. Symbiotie relationsbips develop culminat ing in the family hunting territory system and its social structural implications. The adaptive mechanisms whicb allowed the development of this system have been outlined. Ecologie pxessure is lessened throughout this per iod, with resultant changes in social organization. EXternal econanie and politieal pxessures brought about internal adjustments in the social and econanic sectors of the culture, by modification of traditional mechanisms • .Enougb autonomy remains to enable internal adjustments and adaptations to occur. Exploitation of game, fisb and fur bearing animale remains basically under native control, and provides a suitable economie base for aàaptive forma of semi-traditional social organization. This reasonably stable adjustment has :been subjected to severe strain since Warld war II among the sevan Islands Montagnais, with the rapid and extensive white economie and political expansions in the Ouebec-~ador peninsula. CHAPTER FOUR DEVELOPMBNTAL SEQUENCE, PHASE :I:I:I NON -TRAD:IT:IONAL 1 RESTR:ICTBD AUTON())D{ F:IRST PART PHASE :I:I:I AS A TYPOLOG:ICAL BNT:ITY SBCŒD PART MALJ:OTBNAM COMMDN:ITY STUDY CBAPTER FOUR DEVELOPMENTAL SEQUENCE, PHASE III NON-TRADITIONAL: RESTRICTED AUTONOMY FIRST PART Phase III as a Typ?logical Entity As a typological entity Phase III may be understood as the product of the serious restriction of Montagnais political and economie autonany and consequent emergence of non-traditional orientations among the se people. Extensive canadian exploitation of the mineral and hydro-electric resources of the Quebec Labrador interior and the growth of large permanent white caamunities throughout the area bas seriously disrupted, and in soma cases destroyed, native forms of social and economie organization. Federal reserves and government schools bave been created, and welfare aid to the Indiana bas increased steadily over the past twenty years. New forma of wage labour have bec::ome - 63 - the only alternative to outright welfare aid or limited exploitation of the hunting territory for salable furs. It became evident in the early stages of the field research at the Maliotenam reserve that emergence of new conditions and forces in the very recent past had produced significant discontinuities in the picture of Montagnais. social and economie organization as outlined in the literature. The idea for the postulation of a new phase, Phase III, in the developnental sequences of the acculturation process was suggested from the research carried out at the Maliotenam caumunity. As the nature of the new and emergent change forces and conditions are characteristic of the entire area it is believed that the Maliotenam canmunity may be considered as a valid typological representative of the new emergent forms of community organization now developing among the Montagnais generally. Further community studies must be carried out in this and other related areas to confirm such a view. SECOND PART MALIOTENAM COMMUNITY STUDY I. BACKGROUND TO THE COMMUNITY S'l'UDY Recent Changes in General Band Distribution in Quebec Band distribution on the north shore, fran Bersimis to ste. Augustine and in the central Quebec-Labrador interior north to Knob Lake, shows the following changes from the situation outlined by Speck (l93la.) The 1960 list is based upon information received from Indian informants and fran governmental records. The actual history of movement would require validation in most cases. - 65 - The coastal settlements Speck 1931 1960 a. Bersimis Band still in existence. A very large band of over 1, 000 members, living in gover~ent built houses on 1 reserve land. b. Godbout Band No longer in existence. Probably incorporated into either the Ber simis or seven Islands band. c. Shelter Bay Band No longer in existence. Probably absorbed l:1y the seven Islands band. d. ste. Marguerite -----as shelter Bay band----- Band e. Moisie Band Now living at Maliotenam (New Reserve.) A reserve with government built houses, opened in 1948. f. ---no mention--- seven Islands band (Old Reserve.) A reserve area, within the town limita of the City of seven Islands. - 66 - 9. Mingan Band still in existence. Not a reserve. Population 165. h. Natasb:juan Band Still in existence. A reserve area. Population 207. i. Romaine Band Still in existence. A reserve area. Population 230. j. ste. Augustine still in existence. Not a reserve. Band Population 96. These people are to be moved to the Ranaine reserve in 1961. All population statistics given are fran government sources, as of oecember 31, 1959. The central Intarior Bands and settlements a. Michikamau Band None of tbese bands exist as auch b. Peti~apau BM'ld today. Most probably the greater c. Kaniapiskau Band number of the people that made up these bands are now incorporated into one of the three segments of the seven Islands band. - 67 - d. Nichikun Band Probably absorbed by the Mistassini cree band. speck mentions their close social relations with the Mistassini group e. ungava Band 'l'hese people may form the basis of the present Chimo-Naskapi band, living at Knob Lake. f. Barren Ground Band It is suggested that former members of this band may be found at Davis Inlet. FUrther it may be assumed that the east coast HUdson Bay bands -- White Whale River, Big River, East Main and Rupert House -- as wall as the Labrador coast bands -- Davis Inlet and Nortbwest River -- received fam.t.lies as a result of the band re-adjustments outlined in ~ief above. - 68 - Recent History of the sevan Islands Area since wor ld war II rapid econanic expansion in the Quebec-Labrador peninsula bas been characterized by the rise of new mines, sea-ports and towns. With the development of the interior iron ore reserves at Knob Lake, and elsewhere, large Euro-canadian CaDIDunities have developed at sevan Islands, Schefferville and Port cartier. sevan Islands bas beccme a major eoonanic, CCIIIDuni cation and residential centre, all within the space of a few short year s. The traditional hunting territaries of the Montagnais have been severely dJ.srupted with the developaent of roads, railways, airfields and mining and hydro-electric installations in the interior. These far-reaching expansions have had a profound effect on Montagnais socio-economic organization. Little thought was given to the well being of these people during the period of rapid changes. - 69 - The Newfoundland GoVernment bas refused to reoognize the r ights of the Montagnais to freedao of access to their traditional hunting areas, many of which are located in that provinc:e (Coast of Labrador.) The joint beaver conservation program of the Federal and Quebec Provincial Governments bas been frustrated by Newfoundland • s policy of non-cooperation in Indian affair s. Maliotenam or New Reserve The Maliotenam reserve is located ten miles east of sevan Islands and six miles west of the village of Moisie. It is a faderally designed and financed project, canpleted in 1948. All bouses are of frame construction, and are not insulated. TWo modela are found, a one story madel of 24' x 22 • dimension, of whü::h there are 64. The other model is a story and a half, measuring 26 • x 22 •, there are 27 of this type. Every bouse is servic:ed by both electri.city and cold running water. water is supplied free of charge, but elec:tric:ity - 70 - is paid for by the individual consumera. No conununity garbage disposal arrangements have yet been organized. Most rubbish is burned, the balance being tbrown over a cliff at the rear of the reserve. Thirty hou ses were unoccupied dur ing the summer of 1960, the familias concerned having left to live and work at Knob Lake, or elsewhere. The reserve property measures some 6000 x 3000 feet, and is just off Provincial Highway #15. A small Hudson Bay store is operated on the reserve. In spite of the fact that seven Islands is only a short distance away by excellent paved road, this store is run as an isolated fur trading post, with correspondingly high priees and little variety. The Hudson Bay store in seven Islands itself is a modern structure, having several departmenta. As it is onl.y one of many such stores in the town, priees are competitive and a large variety of goods and qualities is offered. No credit is offered at this store, as it is at Maliotenam. The Royal canadian Mounted Police maintain a four man detachment on the reserve. - 71 - A large federal day and residential school, operated by the Oblate Fathers, is located at the extreme west end of the reserve property. The school population is now in excess of 200 pupils. In the centre of the community a Roman catholic church costing some 50,000 dollars, financed by the Indiana themselves, is found. A separate presbytery and two story parish hall are located nearby. some hundred yards to the north of the townsite the GOVernment Agency office, three agent • s hanes and the nursing station are found. Generally speaking the settlement is well laid out as far as organization, spacing and location of the various facilities are concerned. However, it is rather isolated from nearby towns, for no apparent reason, making the difficulty of finding wage labour and easy transport greater than it need be. All buildings, including most bouses, are kept in good repair, and the grounds of the reserve are quite clean. II. THE COMMUNITY S'fUDY A. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Introduction The most meaningful social unit found at the Maliotenam reserve is the household group. The houaehold group is not in all cases co-terminal with the elementary family. only thirty-five of the sixty households are ccxaposed of the elementary family. The next largest social unit is that of the extended kin-group. Faur auch major kin-groups exist, as well as severa! minor ones, in this COIIIDWlity. social soliàarity in the community is baseél on family affiliation, shared cODIDOn history and language, and what may be defined as a shared self-picture ar self-image. The inhabitants of this reserve distinguish themselves fran their near neighbours at saven Islands by the terms .... ··-·------11 - 73 - ILNOSIONO'l' and WASHAONO'l'. Other relevant terms ares a. lLO, plural ILOT7 means Indian men in general, not including white, mongoloid ar negro. b. mo, plural mOT: means men in general, all men. c. lLNUT, plural ILNUTS: a more cCIIIIlon term to refer to all humans, Indiana ar otherwise. d. ILNOSIONOT: literally "the place of Indian men" is used When referr ing to "my band, " "my people, " or "my place of residence." e • . WASBAONO'l' 1 means "people of the bay" or "Indiana living at the bay,., e.g., the native term for seven Islands is WASBAT (a bay.) A more general term KAs mo ILOT Which means "my people •• .inc:luàes al.l Indiana speaking Montagnais or all "Indiana like us," excluding other cree groups. - 74 - "My bouse" or .. my home" is referred to as NI'l'SBBT or NIT-NAT: .. my fami.ly" or "my relatives" or "kinsmen" as NIKANESH: and "our village" ar •our parish" by STESINO or KAS IN O. Linguistic distinctions are recognized by the natives themaelves along the following lines: a. Old Reserve exactly as New Reserva. b. Beraimis fully understood, yet many dJ.fferent wards in their vocabulary. c. Natashquan, fully understood with same vocabulary Mingan, Romaine, and accent differences. Ste. Augustine d. Roberval as b and c. (Pointe Bleue) e. Chimo not readily understood, extensive Naskapi differences in vocabulary and mannar of speaking. f. Nortbwest not well known to the informant& at River Maliotenam, opinions vary, yet all agree that it 1s readily understandable. - 75 - SCHE FFE R VILLE NASKAPI ·- ..... "\\' 1 l VERY FREQUENT 1 ----·------1 1 ~1 SCHE~FERVILLE ~::~' 1 1 MONTAGNAIS 1 1 ~------~ 1- 1 - - 1 -..------. ~ 1 1 FAMILY g, ~ HUNTING w l 1 a: GROUNDS lL 1 ,-,---_-______-_-_- 1 ~~1 1 ..______---J ~- l f OLDIlw c -- 1 RESERVE g, 1 1 E VERY l! 1~1 FREQUENT + ,+- f NEW 1 1 RESERVE 1 1 1 - 7...-~.- ~ ! t 1\-<\- s/ l j ~ -? .....--N-O_R_T_H_S__ H-O-R-E--4: -1-N T_E_R_l_O_R---, ,~1 1 1 1 /Q0 \~ ~ ft )IJ MAIN L Y PART Tl ME JOBS 4.~Ï 4;/ .:f \ CUTT 1NG WOOD f $1 41 1 ~ --,------1,M 0 I.S 1E . Q;- /fi < /-j,J..w F 1S H 1N ~ G U 1DES 0 1 Q:- -1 1 SUR VEY 0 R 'S . HELPE R S 1 ï f{~ J 1 dio.' 1 ~,------~,r o;é BERSIMIS // th"l: 1 lt,.. w 1 ;.::_J >-la: ;r:;;- a: Lt .------. .!. 0 w a:: ESTIMATED M091LITY r e > • 1QUEBE~rTY . 1 ;1 '------_..;._~1 1 AND INTERACTION ;. NATASHQUA ~ PATTERNS: OLD AND MINGAN SOUTH 1- NEW RESERVES SHORE ROMAINE 1-R_! '::!_O_U_§ 1:5_1 __ MATANE ETC. STE. AUGUSTINE - 76 - Family and Household As mentioned the household is most commonly formed by the elementary family, but many are extended by the inclusion of married offspring, or a surving grandparent. situation factors, especially lack of suitable available quarter s, are important in determining household canposition. The ideal pattern expressed by the natives is that avery family should bave its own bouse. However the number of houses is limited and no immediate plans for increase are anticipated, especially as twenty of the assigned dwellings are unoccupied, but may not be given to new occupants. The elected chief and band councillors are officially responsible far the assignment of houses to specifie persons. variation in the carrying out of household chores is extremely wide fran one household to another, with regard to specifie tasks and personnel involved. What is characteristic of most households is the equitable division of labour, there being no set or rigid division of tasks between man and wife. Bach helps the other as occassion or motivation dictates. Boys - 77 - up to the age of five or six may play with younger siblings, but seldom do so after this age. Girls look after younger brothers and sisters well into their teens. wanen are responsible for the maj ority of household tasks, and they are usually aided by older female children. Boys often run errands or lend a band in household work, but not consistently, and are never forced to do so. Those men holding full or part-time jobs seldcm take part in household work, üthough they may do so on occassion. Harmony, espec:ially within the household is highly valued among these people. The few exceptions to this rule that were noted were a result of intoxication. In day to àay life great respect for the wishes of the marriage pattern is shown. Alternate forms of address and endearment are: a. husband to wife AIE (pronounc:ed I-AY) b. wife to husband NE (pronounced N-AY) - 78 - Most younger married couples refer to each other by their Christian names. Pirst names are cODDROnly used among friends also. Marriage and the Pamily a. Marriage: Inspection of the Agents and parish records, and statements fran Indian informant&, indicate that marriage partners are almost exclusively chosen from within one of the three segments of the band. However, there are no fixed rules of band endogamy in force. In recent years two marriages involving lll8l'Dblrs of the Bersimis band and two involving the Chimo-Naskapi band have occurred. In the past Indiana, both male and female, have marr ied member s of the Mingan, and now extinct bands of the interior, as well as from the ste. Marguerite and other bands. No one thinks anything c1 this 1 the seven Islands band is in actual fact an amalgamation of several former groups in any case. - 79 - :In all cases but one, mixed marriages bave involved Montagnais women with French-canadian males. 'l'here have been five auch marriages in recent years. In the past there have been many other interethnic marriages, especially among the Moisie band. one White man married to a Montagnais woman lives at the Knob Lake settlement. Also one of the Naskapi is marr ied to an Bskimo, and lives with his wife and children at Fort Chimo. No evidence of the postulated former practiae of cross-cousin marriage is suggested fran the àata at band. 'l'he fact that actual relationships of aane per sons are obscw:ed by name changes and adoption, compliaates this problem. Family and religious pressure being strong the incidence of divorce, separation or re-marriaga, except in the case of a widow or widower, is negligible. Roman catholic rite forbids such practices in any case. b. courtship: Younger unmarried men interviewed express the desire to find an Indian mate if possible7 but not neaessarily one fran the seven Islands band. several young girls, aged - 80 - between fifteen and twenty expressed the desire to marry either "a good white man," or an Indian Who bas a steady job. Pour of these girls have never spent any great length of time in the bush, nor would they care to do so. All have been to school for a minimum of six years and would probably be ill suited to former traditional life patterns. TWo young men are going out regularly with white girls, whom they claim are easier to get along with than most Montagnais girls. one of these boys bas high school education, and is employed off the reserve in a wall paying job. Although, as in other U"·eas of contemporary native life, variation is found in most spberes, sane correlation involving education and successful wage labour and cboice of mate is found. Among the young people of the reserve courtship is recognized to begin by the acceptance of invitations to attend dances, movies, bingo or other social functions. such acceptance on the girls part is a partial indication of ber feelings toward the boy in question. If a similar date follows the couple are generally teased about the growing interest they - 81 - are showing towards each other. The ear lier phases are basically simJ.lar to canadian dating practices, however, socio parental control& act ~e QUickly. Parents, especially the girls' mothers, are generally critical of their daughters' boy friends. Within the family kin-group gossip concerning the boy' s family increases. If he is considered undesirable i t is soon widely known by all parties. Although the couple may continue to meet in secret, parental veto normally from one of the mothers concerned is still of considerable force. Many mothers openly lament their disappearing lack of authority over their children in matters of marriage. Fathers in general seem much more indulgent with their children, both boys and girls. The rigid sex mores of the Roman catholic church seem to be more the concern of women than of most men. Pre-marital relations are frowned upon, but no elaborate precautions are taken to avoid them. Fathers seldan openly interfere in their daughters' activities. In most cases parents know where the ir children are going, wi th whom and when they will be back. - 82 - concepts of romantic love have been introduced via magazines, films, television and observation of 'lidù.te. couples. Many young people fee! free to arrange tbeir own affairs as they see fit, over-riding any possible parental objections, tbus often creating tensions within the family solidarity and producing conflicts of identification. Befare openly consulting the priest a serious couple is able to determine how their respective parents and relatives feel by the increase of social calls between the parents them selves. The boy' s father will visit the girl' s fatber and vice versa1 the mothers exchange visita in a similar fasbion. There is no set pattern of who sbould visit whan first, but social interactions between the two familias are very definitely increased. Absence of sucb increased reciprocal visiting is taken as a sign of disapproval by all concerned parties. No forma! gifts are normally exchanged7 but invitations to aat or bave a drink are offered. Engagements, when agreed upon, are always short, marriage following in two to four weeks. Normally the couple see the priest before making any official statements. If he has no objection, e.g., persona!, - 83 - degree of kinship involved, religious, age differentia!, the marr iage date is agreed upon. The marr iage service follows Roman catholic custan, which is considered "absolutely.. correct by everyone, and is followed by a reception and dance. The entire caamunity attend. common-law marriage is rare and socially frowned upon by all. TWo cases of conmon-law marriage exist, but these persona are living off the reserve. in the white connunity and are perhaps not overly concerned about Montagnais public dis approval, being deviants in any case. The custan of giving an engagement ring is becoming more popular, but such a ring is not yet considered a necessity. A wedding ring is a must, of course. In the event of a break up an engagement ring may or may not be returned to the boy. oowry giving is known and also gift exchange, but neitber custan is very canmon, nor required. No set pattern of residence after marriage appeared fran the data available as examples of patrilocal, matrilocal and neolocal forma all were noted. - 84 - c. Adoption: Adoption, especially involving children of the same kin-group is common. There are two types of adoption practices, an aboriginal loose pattern and a legal (Canadian sense) type. There are only four legal adoptions among the seven Islands band. Wbereas there are sane twenty adoptions in the abor iginal sense, such adoptions are regarded from the Indian point of view as just as "legal" as the adoptions formally recognized by the government officials. No payment seems to be involved in adoption. Both boys and girls are adopted. 'l'WO Naskapi boys were legally adopted by families of the Knob Lake Montagnais during 1960. Parent-child Relationships and Child Training parents are very indulgent with tbeir children and the social environment in most households is extremely permJ.asive. children of both sexes are welcome, witb perhaps a slight perference for boys being shawn. However, fatber s often - 85 - play with their young daughters or take them along when going visi ting. scolding and physical chastisement are virtually unknown. Most parents speak to their children in calm rational voices, .employing soma element of shame if the situation warrants. Children respond very quickly to their parents wishes, even the youngest. EXCeptions to these general permissive attitudes are found in the hanes of the more educated familias, where tempera are short and children may be beaten for supposed disobedience. The missionar ies and teacher s have been known to strike children for creating disturbanaes or disobeying instructions in church or at school. The police report cases of intoxicated parents striking their children. At the idealized and verbal leval all informants regarded physical punishment as 8Dhorrent 1 they are quite openly repulsed by the continua! beatings received by white children from their parents. The normal household pattern is one of solidarity and harmony. sene informant& mentioned that they do spoil - 86 - their chi~dren a little, especially the youngest Who is the pet of the Whole family. one old fellow of sixty-six, married with several children of his own, is still the "baby" to his older brothera. Few people like to see an unhappy or crying infant. SaDéone is sure to pick him up and offer food, play or other appeasement. Recognition of the individuality of the child is made early, and respect for his rights made by both parents and siblings. Parental control .is a very delicate, but very effective process among the Montagnais, and seems to produce the desired social resulta - hatred of fighting ar physical punisbment, an easy going cooperative personality and strong family identification. 'l'hese practices stand out in sharp relief to the constant slaps, tbreats and never ending stream of "dont • s .. fran WlU.te mothers in the area. Between the children of the old and new reserves there are some interesting observed differences in group behaviour. - 87 - a) At the old reserve, which is very congested and has no play area for youngster s, children roam around in large boisterous gangs. Most of~ese children, aged 5 to 15, speak French well, but are constantly using slang and derogatory expressions or making wise-cracks with strangers. Unless the visi:tor, priest, nurse, teacher or poor ethnographer is actually ' in someone • s bouse, a good twenty to thirty of the se children are swarming about - grabbing, demanding, begging and pushing, all at once. Four cases of nervous eczema were observed1 one outstanding case bas responded neither to medical nor psychiatrie treatment. b) The Maliotenam children, having more space, physically and emotionally, seldom form into large groups. They are much mare respectful of strangers and less inclined to beg for money or candy. French is seldom used while playing, although most do speak this language. When they do speak French it is well spoken 1 and use of slang or swear ing 1 is almost unknown. Children begin to walk at about twelve to fourtean months. Indian mothers feel that this is later than white children start, but it appears to be about the same time in reality. They are mildly encouraged to walk, by the use of - 88 - chairs and walkers. Some parents offer help by holding the baby • s arms to keep him upright. Help and encouragement are thus given but not to an extreme degree, and there is no forcing involved and little anxiety is displayed. Boys and girls begin to feed and clothe themselves between tbree and a half to five years of age. Many of those capable of so doing love to have someone "do things for them" - eut meat, button coats, tie shoes - often used as an attention getting devise. Older traditional patterns required the boys to join their fathers, or other male relatives or associates, in the male occupations of hunting and bush-craft at about age ten. As many of these traditional patterns are now destroyed, or are in great confusion or change, many new patterns are emerging. All children are now required to attend school Wltil grade six or sevan at least. Also many families are no no longer nomadic, and hunting skills are being lost quickly. There is little stabilization in the change processes as yet. Expediency seems to be the only valid rule7 sane boys going to work, or hunting a little, taking odd jobs, or simply doing nothing. - 89 - J:nterpersonal Relations in the Family Tbese may be examined as within a specifie household and as within a given kin-group. Within the housebold harmony and solidarity are ideals sought after. The relationships between husband and wife, especially among older couples, is one of mutual devotion and consideration. 'l'hese ideals are not so easily maintained among many younger couples as a resul t of new pressures and demanda, for which satisfactory responses have not, as yet, been worked out. J:n theory the husband is absolute master of the household. In actual practice there is very little difference in real power between man and wife. Bach has control over more or less specif1c functions 7 all other decisions are discussed at length, usually including the opinions of the children. The Montagnais are not a people who love to argue or assert their personal views openly, the more easily and quietly a problem can be resolved the better. EXceptions to this rule are seen in public gossip and inter kin-group jealousies, and in relations with the trader, police and Ageney staff. - 92 - Normally nothing is formally offered the daily visitor, but they often help themselves to tea, coffee, cigarettes or other light refreshment. If they arrive at meal time it is expected that they will stay to eat. Male visitors are offered beer on most occassions. Female relatives visit each other so frequently that formality would appear superfluous. Clothes are borrowed quite freely among nearly related teenage female cousins and sisters. Married men visit their fathers fairly frequently but for much shorter periods of time than the women visit their relatives. They are never so emotionally involved or c:liEect in their relationship with the father, or other male relatives, as are the females. Tbere is a greater social distance of respect and independance involved, but the bonds of identity are strong. 'rhere is sorne hesitation on the part of males to visit households, where either a male friend or relative is absent but his wife is not7 many husbands are jealous of their wives. Men do visit freely the household of the wife' s father irrespective of the presence of the father-in-law. - 93 - b) Naming Practices: Regrettably the parish records of the Moisie group were destroyed by fire sane thirty years ago. statements from older informant&, especially those fran the community at Moisie, would suggest that among some families the Euro-canadian system bas been in use for a very long period of time. Informant& pointed out that most persona arriving fran the interior years ago did not have proper family names. They feel that those names that they have today were given by the missionaries. very few Indian names, or nicknames, are now used. When speaking in Montagnais the Christian or family name is invariably used by nearly everyone. A few native names, Achine (a rock or stone,) otelne (the tongue,) have been modified into French as surnames, Rock and Tomas. Patrop:ymic diminutives have also been modified into surnames, an example fran seven Islands being, Nabesh Gregiwenish, or Nabesh little son of Gregoire. The most common family names at Maliotenam are quite directly of European origin, e. g., Jourdain, McKenzie, vollant, - 94 - Pinette, st. onge. These are the familias having a long history of association with the coastal settlements, as one might expect. some older infarmants ~esaed a belief that the Bskimo and Naskapi who do not have proper family names are still uncivilized and un-christian (e.g., non-catholic,) so accustomed are they to Euro-canadian naming systems. The history of naming practices is an extremely complicated and little known aspect of Montagnais culture, warranting a separate detailed study. Political organization As required by the Indian Act a chief and counaillor s are to be elected by each band. Among the sevan Islands band this group seldom meet, have little support, and almost always refer matter s over Wbich they do have control to the Ageney far settlement. seldan will a native approach this group with a specifie problem, preferring to settle the matter to hJ.s personal - 95 - satisfaction by seeking support from individual council members, the priest, the Indian agent or the police. The present official structure is: Francis McKenzie Chief Wallace Regis councillor Adhemar Fontaine councillor Auguste Gerane councillor Willie P inette councillor Pierre Vollant councillor Charles vollant councillor Mrs. Antoine Vollant councillor Mrs. Marie Aster councillor Thomas vollant councillor All of these persans are normally resident at Maliotenam or the Old Reserve. Apart from the official political structure outlined, an unofficial chief functions separately at the Old Reserve, at the Knob Lake Montagnais settlement and among the Naskapi. The Naskapi also have an official elected chief and councillors. - 96 - Tenuous and diffuse as political arrangements are among these people, it would be unwise to attempt to explain them in terms of the European definition of the word. Formal structures are replaced by the overwhelming forces of public opinion, sense of group identity and self-image, and kinship involvements. No formal political structure exista among the various Montagnais bands, but feelings of pan-Indianism are developing as former isolation is being broken dawn by new economie patterns, education and exchange of missionaries among the bands. on the subject of band political unity it would appear that the chief and councillors are given public support to the extent that their views bappen to coincide with popular group views. If in disfavour, the opinions and recOIIIDellàations of the council are simply ignored. As the council bas no real legal powers they cannot force their decisions on anyone. - 90 - Older couples, having many children and grandchildren are extremely devoted to each other, and seldom contradict or interrupt if one or the other is speaking. Older women are very indulgent with their husbands and sons. wanen appear to register their wishes more by means of subtle social engineering than by direct statements of desires. Forma.lly housahold authority is vested in the husband, he is expected to make the official or final decision or statement in any given context. Married daughters tend to maintain close bonds with their mothers, and very often visit them to complain, seek advise and discuss family matters, even after they have children of their own. Married men seldom appeal to their fathars for advice in domestic affairs 1 to do so would be an open declaration of weakness. They do, however, continue to visit and hunt and trap with the male members of their own family throuqhout life. a) Visiting Patterns' Relations within the kin-group ara charact.erized during the summer months by the frequency of visita among the households of the members of these groups. - 91 - such visiting is most fre~ent among the females. Males ~ite often have good friends outside their own kin-ship group with whom they like to associate. The most common and fre~ent visitors to a given household are mothers, daughters, female cousins, sisters, aunts, nieces or grandchildren7 brothers, uncles or other male relatives only rarely. These visitors arrive at all hours throughout the day to barrow a "eup of sugar, " to cauplain of husbands, the missionaries, the police, or to borrow money, to gossip, to display children or to watch television. Many young children of the same kin-group select a cbum of equal age and sex, usually a cousin, and becane almost inseparable, often sleeping at each other s • hanes and eating wherever they happen to be at meal times. Many of these intimate relationships last throughout life. Visita from kin-group relatives not in residence are most usual during holiday periods, Easter, Christmas, marriage, or for other special occasions . and in the event of deatb in the family. - 97 - Ranking and Prestige Ascribed statuses and stratified groups do not exist. Although each individual is strongly dependent on the group, egalitarianism and respect for the individual personality is highly developed. A certain ranking of prestige and power exista in relation to affiliation to four major kin-groups. same prestige is achieved by individuals in terms of qpalities of honesty, self-control, skill in hunting or trapping, or skill in certain handicrafts. However there is no rigid set of criteria involved, and prestige factors are often qpickly offset by many other considerations. Tolerance, broadmindedness, generosity, and good humour are esteemed virtues. Religion Baptism, marriage and burial follow Roman catholic practice, and are considered as being correct by all. - 98 - Mass is given every morning, and chapel avery night at seven o'clock. All these services are well attended and especially, faithfully, by most persona over forty years of age. very few overt elements of native religious practices are to be found. The MAKOSHAN (bear ceremonial cODIIIUnity dance) is no longer performed, and has not been for many years. It is still a fairly frequent ceremony in the isolated coastal settlements. No group recognized shaman exists, although one old man still maltes the traditional shaman's caribou skin covered tambourine-like drum. Among those few familias still visiting their hunting grounds each winter abor 1g1nal ceremonies may still take place. The concept of the Christian God (Manitu) and of the devil (Michimanitu) are no doubt resulta of acculturation. such anthropomorphic conceptions do not seem to have ex.isted in the former belief system. Speck (1935) deals at length with the religious and philosophie belief systems of the Montagnais. - 99 - Recreation and Play Among the adults television bas rapicUy becane a favourite pastime. Sporting events and documentary films are the preferred fare. Nearly avery famUy bas either a radio or phonograph, but these are more popular with the teenage groups. Most drinking is a highly social event involving, usually, kin members in a round of parties. Beer is the most common beverage, spirit is very expansive and difficult to obtain. Many of these parties include both men and women, others involve only two or tlu:ee males. Male drinking parties may include either kinsmen or friands, usually boyhood chums. some men have a fixed set of drinking companions in which reciprocal sharing relations exist. Dancing is prohibited by the priest at Maliotenam, but this popular activity is offered nightly in seven Islands and each week-end at Moisie. The parish community hall bas organized bingo twice a week, and is open every night until eleven o'clock as a - 100 - community centre: pool tables are available and bowling lanes are being installed. With the exception of a ~ly arganized baseball team, team sports are not popular with adults, culture patterns are as yet too weak to support them. However, under the influence of the school and parish priest both a hockey team and a drum and bugle corps have been organized among the older chilàren and younger teenagers, with sane success. Team sparts are being introduced among the school population also. card playing and other games of chance are not popular, and are rarely seen. Children have a wide variety of toys, but the most frequently played with items seem to be of their own manu facture. Both boys and girls play in puddles of water with a short stick to wh1ch is attached by a piece of card a short flat piace of wood. When asked what it is, invariably, 11 a salmon, " "a trout, " or "a boat," is the response. Young boys are farever hunting small birds with toy bows and arrows: later they go after partridges with the same weapon. - 101 - There are no gang structures to be found either among teenagers or the younger children. Chum groups of two to four persona of the same age and sex, often of the same kin-group, are CCIIIIIlOn. - 102 - B. ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES Land use and Trapping The band territory claimed by the Montagnais of the seven Islands group consista of roughly 75,000 square miles. This larger area is further sub-àivided into one hundred and twenty-one family hunting territories of varying sizes. The entire region forma part of the saquenay Fur Preserve. Famlly hunting territories of the same kin-group, or of near male relatives, are clustered in the same geographie region. The major fur-bearing animal trapped, as far as cash revenue is concerned, is the beaver. ottar, marten and mink are taken as personal need ar market dictate. All beaver trapping is under the control of the Province of Quebec, Fur service, who supervise and regulate this industry. Beaver trapping has been prohibited for the past five years in an effort to repleniah the supply. It is to be re-opened, on a limited basis during the coming 1960-61 season. - 103 - I:n this connaotion two official&, representing both the Federal and Provincial Governments, visited the reserve to issue permits in July 1960. All I:ndians planning to trap beaver, were asked to prepare a sketch of their hunting territory, showing the location of all beaver lodges. one beaver per lodge is being allowed. To those persona who bad not visited their lands for saoe time a minimum permit was issued, with the understanding that it may be increased next year when a more accur.ate count of the number of lodges is available. (The Provincial GoVernment allows a fifty dollar tallyman fee for the visit to the trapping ground and a report of the number of lodges. ) Since 1950 every hunting territory bas been regiatered by the Fur service authorities, giving a new rigidity to the structure. I:t is now considered the correct procedure to pass these family terr itories down in the male line. JUdging from statements fran older informant& this practice was not so organized even fifty years ago. Eight persona ~estioned bad no knowledge of anyone claiming their territories farther back than their own fathers. And four persona bad received their present land as a result of marriage, e.g., from his wife's - 104 - family. In addition two informants recalled group hunting of caribou under a "captain," and a few informant& that now have territories are of parents of the Bersimis and Mingan bands. It may be suggested that the family hunting territories were not so clear ly defined 1n the quite recent past. Perhaps as game and fur bearing animals became scarce, or as the fur trade developed, more specifie definition of fixed boundaries became the custan. With the advent of firm provincial control these semi-traditional hunting and trapping areas became permanent. The appearance of the Newfoundland Government on the scene has cast a pall over this hoped for revival of fur trapping. Forty hunting territories of the seven Islands band are located in Labrador, this directly effects sixty individuals, about one-third of the band trapper s, and as everyone must pass through Labrador on the way to and from their hunting trapping territories, indirectly effects the whole band. From the white point of view this prOblem of sovereignty appears very complex, of course the Montagnais can only barely understand what is going on. - 105 - until the development of the interior iron ore resources the Quebec-Labrador frontier was most nebulously defined. Histarically the Newfoundland Government has had little, or no interest, in the interiar of Labrador, and certainly none for the movement of a few Indiana. Previously these areas were administered by the Province of Quebec, and the only per sons using the inter ior were Montagnais and Naskapi bands normally resident in Quebec. Newfoundland bas now claimed sovereignty over the Labrador interior and refuses to allow the Indiana access to the fame and fur resources of the region, or even right of passage over it. The R.C.M.P. at frontier points have been instructed to detain all Indians hunting on Labrador territary. Efforts to ameliorate this impossible situation are being made by both the Quebec Provincial Government and the Federal Department of Indian Affaira. A conference was to be arranged for late August, but no public news of the resulta are available. The net effect on the econanic life of the natives is the loss, or inhibition, of renewed interest in the fur - 106 - trade even as a marginal source of income. Government Assistance and welfare All regular government pensions - old age and baby bonus - are paid to eligible Indians. In addition direct monthly allowances are paid to the head of each family. At the Maliotenam reserve voucher s are issued for food and clothing. which until August 1960 were only exchangeable at the Hudson Bay post on the reserve. Recently this policy bas been changed and cash allowances are made instead, as they have been at the Old Reserve for sorne time. These allowances are calculated in the following mannera Maximum allowance paid. (1) Each head of family $22 per month (11) Wife of head of family $15 per month (111) Chilâren over 12 years $15 per month (iv) Children under 12 years $12 per month - 107 - In the event that the family head is employed, either full or part-time, a deduction is made fran his monthly ration allowance e.g., a) Maxtmum monthly ration allowance $150 b) Individual earned $100 c) Then 1/3 of the maximum allowance ($50) is subtracted from earned income, $100 less $50, leaving $50. d) This fifty dollars is subtracted from the max~ allowance leaving $100 e) Allowance is now $100 and with the $100 earned gives a total of $200 for the month. As the a geney staff have little way of knowing how much is brought into each household by casual labour, or from household activities in bandiorafts, the methode of caleulation are rather bit and miss. Much injustice resulta fran this system as it often happens that someone giving a false estimate benefits, while someone making a more truthful declaration suffers. The Agent is openly accused of favouritism by jealous kin-groups. - 108 - Also the GoVernment supplies the services of a resident nurse, a doctor if necessary, pays hospitalization costa, all school fees, and necessary transport charges in each case. Many of these allowances s~ply bad to be made during the transition period from former economie pr:actices to wage labour. Unfortunately many persona now feel reasonably aecure living on these grants and are not too serious about looking for permanent jobs. wage Labour The Montagnais labour force registered wi th the National Empl~ent service Office in seven Islands in August 1960, totaled 220 persona. Of this number fifty to sixty individuals are employed on a reasonably full-time basis, with the balance being employed only casually or seasonally. Almost all jobs taken fall into the category of general labour e. g., unskilled labourera, longshoreman, truck drivers, hotel employees, woodcutters, caretakers and watcbman. - 109 - A few semi-skilled positions are re~ted e.g., surveyor • s helpers (rodman and chainman,) carpenter, welder, and two laboratory assistants at Wabush. Many women and teenage girls hold positions as part tilDe domestics, cleaning women, and baby sitters with white familias in sevan Islands. In addition four waaen, and two or three girls, are employed at the school during the winter months as kitchen helpers and cleaners. The very nature of these positions bas given rise to considerable intimacy between Indian and canadian f..alea. Although a good deal of cash income is derived fraa limited wage labour, indeed soma families live exclusively on auch income, the real base of economie secur i ty is to be found in government welfare allowances. This pattern may be changing, many of the younger people questioned ~ess intention to seek wage employment. Some have left for Knob Lake for just this reason. The expansion of educational facilities, and cbanging attitudes, may br ing further changes in econanic practices. The consequences of the ove»all changes in economie practiaes, from the family hunting territary system into increasing wage labour and government welfare, are many and - 110 - profound. The econallic: base of social organi.zation as seen in Phase II is no longer functional. orientations toward a competitive monay economy are only just begi.nning to suggest new patterns of social re-organization to cope wi.th new socio economic realities. - 111 - C. MATBRIAL CULTURE Bouse type and construction found at Maliotenam bas been mentioned. Of the sixty-one dwellings occupied during the summer of 1960, sixteen have indoor flush toilets, and five have either bath or shower. seventeen hanes have television sets 1 reception from Rimouski is extremely good. Almost all programs are in the French language. Radio, phonographs, washing machines, eleatric refrigerators are found in nearly every household. The preferred type of stove is a cambination oil-wood burning model. However wood burning stoves are quite aommon. The stove is located in the kitchen in all households, and is used for both beating and cooking. During the hot summer months many families do sane of their aooking outdoor s on makeshift stoves and ovens, so as to avoid beating the bouse. There are ten Ind.ian owned cars and trucks at Maliotenam, and five at the Old Reserve. - 112 - A detailed mater ial survey was not completed, but the high frequency and distribution of standard canad:Lan artificats may be noted - clothing, electric irons, rifles, kitchen goods, chesterfield&, rugs, cameras, bicycles - ad infinitum. Moccasins, snow-shoes and toboggans are still exclusively of native manufacture. - 113 - D. FOOD HABITS AND HBAIIl'H Diet and Health 'l'he ove»al.~ health picture at Maliotenam is very bright. TUberculosis is no longer the problem it used to be. Only four cases, two chilàren and two adults, are known in the Whole band, and these are under treatment. In the past this disease seems to have been a real scourge, health officials estimate a very high incidence befare annual x-ray examination and sanatariwn treatment were introduced. There are no known cases of venereal disease at the present time. No regular blood tests are given, but all suspected cases are examined. Incidence of v .D. in the past has been slight. salk vaccine has been given to everyone, and no cases of polianyelitis have been recarded in over five years. All other standard immunizations have been given also. common colds are very frequent, high susceptibility to br:onchitis and other respiratory diseases are also to be noted. - 114 - cancer appears to be of extramely rare occurrence among these people. Past epidemies have includad mumps in 1954, measles in 1955 and whooping cough in 1958. {Among the Naskapi infant gastxo-enteritis is a serious threat to life; it is hoped with increased sanitation and bette.r diet that this disease may be brought under control. ) The exact population of the seven Islands band as of December 31, 1959, was 1013 persona. This does not include the Naskapi who then numbered another 197 soula. Sinc:e the year 1956 there have been forty births for every twenty deaths per year among the entire band. still birth and infant mortality rates are now very law. Food habits show a great range, sœae of the factors involved in Sbaping such habits includet a) Degree of wealth is a factor. Older persona living on pensions, or ~er familias living on government ration allowances, are obviously restx icted in their actual food choices. - 115 - b) Mœe acculturated persons, by exposure to whites and by process of education, have acquired new tastes. c) The older generations still prefer game and fish, even though they may eat a wide range of bought meats, flour, canned goods and vegetables. Food anxieties are fairly intense among this group. but seem entirely absent in the younger generations. d) The young school age children, especially those staying at the boarding school, are changing their food habits. Flour in the fœm of bread, either home-baked œ bought, is a real staple. The bush form is a kind of bannock, or flat bread, made in a frying pan œ baked in hot sand. Preferred game includes caribou, beaver, partr idge, hare, moose, and porcupine. Fish, both fresh water trout, ouananiche, white-fish and pike, and salt water salmon, cod and halibut, are eaten. salmon and trout are the favourite fish and caribou, beaver, and porcupine the favourite meata. As most people now .spend a good part of the year at the settlements, most of these foods, once major items in the - 116 - Montagnais econany, are much less cormnon than in former times. F ish are perhaps more readily obtainable than the game animal s. Of the danestic meats, beef and park are the preferred ones, especially beef-steak. Park is very much like ~cupine. veal is popular, but lamb is avoided because of its smell. Spiced meats are not popular, although sausage and frankfurters are used. something of a seasonal pattern in the use of flesh still exista: winter, caribou and beaver: spring and autumn, various kinds of game animals: summer, trout and salmon. Replacement by bought foods of equivalent nature occurs if fresh game is unavailable. chee se, chicken and lobster are very popular. Chocolate and cocoa are favourites also. Potatoes and macaroni products are extensively used. Fresh vegetables are taken dur ing the summer. The entire range of canned goods - soup, fruit, fish, meat, vegetables, juices, - are common. Most children get fresh (reconstituted) milk daily. Fresh fruits, oranges, apples, bananas are widely eaten, mainly by children. - 117 - Meal times vary by household but at the settlements fall into the following categories: (1) Breakfast 7 to 9 a.m. (ii) Lunch 12 to 2 p.m. (iii) Dinner ·5 to 7 p.m. (iv) snacks dur ing the evening or before bed. In the bush or While hunting the pattern changes: (i) Breakfast (early) 4 to 5 a.m. (11) Lunches two during the day While out in the bush hunting (iii) Dinner a large hot meal between 3 to 4 p.m. (iv) snacks a small lunch before bed 7 to 8 p.m. Hours of rising and returning also vary greatly. At the reserve the older people go to bed early (9 to 11 p.m.) and tend to rise early (5 to 7 a.m.) Younger couples stay up quite late (11 p.m. to 2 a.m.) talking, drinking or watching television. Young children are often playing outdoors after ten o'clock, - 118 - despite a nine o 'clock community curfew for them. J:n the forest the rising and setting of the sun regulates most activities. During the summer and fall several species of berrias are gathered. Few persona attempt to preserve such fruit. Raspberries, blueberries and cranberries are usually eaten raw. Soft drinks, candy, chocolate, pota.to-chips, chewing gum and ice-cream are musts among the children and teenagers: taken between regular meals. Both the public health nurse and the school have been èloing a lot of educational work to improve the dieta.ry habits of the people. There is among many persona a definite awareness of the im~tance of diet on health. Food Avoidances and TaDoos MOst of the traditional food taboos have all but disappeared. Both salt and fresh water fish are eaten. LObster, mostly canned, is considered a delicacy. caplan and smelt are caught in large number s in the spring and eaten fr ied. Deer and - 119 - moose are very rare, but there are no taboos on their use. POX1 bear 1 marten1 otter and mink flesh is not usually taken1 however they may be used in emergencies. Lamb and mutton are not l1ked1 but all other àomestic meats are used. Children are not given either the leg or faet of the beaver to eat1 in the belief that the child will develop short badly formed legs. The neck and shoulder of the beaver is reserved for the old people. Bones of the beaver 1 and some other animals1 are thrown into a river or a lake, so that the dogs cannot get at them. This custom is practiced mainly by a few old timers to insure good luck. Bone marrow mixed with grease, once reserved for the hunter 1 is now considered a delicacy by all. The head of the grey trout is not given to dogs, lest the trout will not come again. 'l'WO informants mentioned the practice of putting the trout•s head on a pole beside the lake as a good luck charm. - 120 - 'l'he black bear is seldom referred to by name in Montagnais, but is freely referred to in French. Often it is called the "black thing" or the "black brute, " to a void naming the animal openly. When hunted in the early spring the bear is asked to come out of its den in placating terms, e. g. 1 "come out grandfather 1 u "come out grandmother 1 n or "come out uncle. '' The men and boys seem to be slightly better served than the women and girls, especially when in the bush. At the reserve everyone sits down together, and although there is variation among familias, the food is pretty evenly divided up. very young children and infants are now given pablum1 canned milk and canned baby foods. III. ANALYSIS OF AUTHORITY AND GROUP ORGANIZATION IN THE COMMUNITY Introduction Phase III, the period of intensive acculturation 1940-1960, is characterized by rapid and large-scale White exploitation of the interior of Quebec-Labrador, destroying the economie basis of Montagnais social organization. With the development of reserves and subsequent new socio-economic pressures, new agencies of organization and authority have been superimposed upon more traditional patterns. Some of these agencies and mechanisms of social control are external others interna!. External Agencies of organization and Author ity 1. Indian Affaira Agency and Staffs The Agency Office maintained at the Maliotenam reserve is a field station of the Department of Citizenship and IDmigration, Indian Affairs - 122 - Branch. The four agents are responsible for carrying out at the practical level the generalizations and regulations of the Department as expressed in the J:ndian Act and its amendments. Tbese regulations apply to all aboriginal people in canada, excluding the Eskimo. For purposes of administration the J:ndians, under the jurisdiction of this Agency, are grouped into bands, e. g., seven Islands, Naskapi, Mingan, Natashquan, Ranaine and ste. Augustine. The Agency bas control over a wide range of the socio-economic life of the J:ndians. It is through the Agency that relief, work, rations, materials, education, transport and many other matters are arranged or supplied. Apart from the routine work of the Office, the agents themselves are significant agents of Euro-canadian civilization. The peculiarities and idiosyncrasies of the staff are wall known to the natives, and although generally sympathetic to the Indiana the agents live in a cultural world of government red-tape. Tbeir knowledge of specifie Indiana, or of the life ways and values of the Montagnais generally, is not great. seing civil servants they are subjected to frequent changes in - 123 - location. 11 Indians become Indiana,.. regardless of the tribal custans or local traditions of any given group. None of the staff have any training in the elements of sociology or anthropology, and because of their very different basic cultural outlook they are often frustrated in their work by lack of under standing of Montagnais values and motivations. The Indiana themselves suffer many similar frustrations as a result of the same misunderstanding. OVeliall departmental policy seems to be based on the false assumption that the Montagnais, and other Indian groups, may be treated as an irrlnigrant ethnie group, comparable to European immigrants, that are expected to assimilate over a period of time into the larger canadian patterns. 2. Royal canadian Mounted Police Detachment: The R.C.M.P. Detachment located at the Maliotenam reserve is canposed of a corporal and three constables. Their chief concern is the handling of police matters in the area generally, with the exception of municipal cr provincial affaira. They are feared to sane extent by the Indiana because of their seemingly limitless powers. - 124 - Officially1 alcoholic beverages are farbidden on the reserve. Nor do Indians have the right to drink in bars or taverne as yet. In actual fact conswnption of alcoholic beverages is very high. Police records indicate that the majority of :Indian arrests are for liquor violations. The police are quite tolerant and usually several warnings are given befare any arrest is made. If no serious breaking of the peace is involved the offender is normally kept overnight at the detachment headquarters and released in the morning. Other cases are tr ied before the local Justice of the peace and sentences range from five to twenty dollar fines, to one or two months in j ail {Rimouski, ) depending on the number of previous convictions and circumstances. The role of the police as agents of culture change is to be seen in conjunction with other external agencies of authority. 'l'he individual personalities of the constables are well known to the natives. The rigid discipline of the force seriously prevents the constables from cultivating Indian friendships - to do so - 125 - would incur criticism fran both whites and Indiana. 3. Indian Health service: The Indian Health service operates a permanent nursing station at the New Reserve. Regular clinics are held and one of the two nurses is always available for emergency cases. In addition, bi-weekly clinics are held by the same nurses at the old Reserve. More serious cases are looked after by a town doctor hired by the service to look after Indian patients. A dental team visits the reserves once a year; this is a free service. Visita to the local dentists must be paid for by the patient. Educational work in public health matters is carried out by the clinic, mainly among girls and young mothers in ma.tters of hygiene, baby-care and proper family diet. The work of the nurses has been quite successful judging by the improved health standards of the camounity. 4. Hudson Bay company: Even with improved transportation and easy access to a wide variety of stores in seven Islands this company post still gets a good share of Indian money. However, as the fur trade subsides many of the former symbiotic - 126 - relationships between the trader and the native fur trappers are being weakened. Also, money is becaning more readily available, and is a factor in the changing relationships of the natives and the company. Wholesale transfer of patronage to the stores in the town would lead to a reduction of credit offered by the post, at least the manager bas made this generally known. Almost every family bas a constantly outstanding debt of from one to three hundred dollars with the trader. In several cases this debt could easily be repaid, but sane amount of prestige is attached to being considered a good credit r isk. Perhaps this is a carry-over from fur trapping days when a good producer was given extensive credit by the company. s. Oblate Missionaries and Residential school: The Federally financed and supervised school~ located at .Maliotenam is operated by the Oblate missionaries and may, therefore, be viewed as part of the missions • activities. Children attending this school are brought from several bands~ including Bersimis, Old Reserve, MaliotenaJJ\, Mingan, Natashquan and Romaine. Teaching is in French and the curriculum followed is a modified form of the general educational practices of the Province of - 127 - Quebec, with a strong emphasis on religious instruction. Both boys and girls attend this school, Which presently offers courses to the Grade 7 level. The principal, Father Laurin, is seeking permission to extend this to Grade 8 or 9. An interesting phenanenon, that of the formation of play and chum groups at the school involving essentially children of the same age and sax but fran different reserves, suggests a fruitful research topic. such groups seemingly endure throug'hout the school years, and are afterward terminated as far as any given group of individuals is in volved, but the pattern continues among succeeding generations. As a factor in the development of pan-Indian feelings these temporary associations are significant, e.g., changes in Indian self-picture and awareness of larger social groups. school attendance, which is now canpulsory, provides another pressure towards sedentary life on the part of parents. Father LOisel is the parish priest of the .Maliotenam community itself, but he ~ks in close collaboration with the principal and teachers at the school. He has a qood canmand of the cree language, having served at Attawapiskat and other posts on James Bay. He is now learning the - 128 - Montagnais tongue. Fran the school more advanced students are sent 1 to various convents and higher schools in Quebec City, Rimouski, Ste. Anne de la Pocatiere and elsewhere. The Federal Government bears the full cost of fees, living allowances, clothing and transportation of these students. The present school building at Maliotenam has been open since 1952. :tt is a modern structure containing the best of equipment and facilities. However, it is becauing somewhat overcrowded and application for extensions are being made to ottawa. Among the agencies of external authority the church is unique in its attempts to play a central role in the lives of the people, whereas other institutions seek only to administer their respective provinces from a position of relative social isolation. While many missionaries have a great deal of misconceptions concerning :tndian life, they are the only persons who attempt intimacy with the people, and know them well. The missionaries, as a group, do not create social barriers, but rather try to become functionally involved in the everyday life of the natives. - 129 - Interna! Mechanisms of organization and Authority Significant as the intensity of recent changes have been, and the subsequent losa of social and cultural autonomy incurred, certain boundary maintaining mechanisms of interna! nature characterize the Maliotenam group. 1. Inter-ethnie Relations and self-Picture: The concept of ethnie identity is highly developed among the Montagnais of the seven Islands band. The organizational manifestations of this self-picture have been outlined in the preceding paragraphs and in the body of the paper. Further to this, pan-Indian feelings, are being created and reinforced through increased contacts with other Montagnais groups. organized visita to other Indian groups are arranged by the Department of Indian Affairs and by the missionar ies. To-date exchange visita have occurred with other Montagnais bands, the Hurons of LOrettville, and the Iroquois at Oka. The Department also issues a monthly bulletin of canadian Indian news as part of their educational program. - 130 - During Phase II Montagnais interactions with the few whJ.tes in the area were satisfactory. The overall econanic leve! of developnent during this time made for few class distinctions between the two groups. Most white familias were no better educated than their Indian neighbours, and relied primarily on cod fishing and a few garden crops for a living. Intermarriage was quite conmon over the years as parish records show. The Maliotenam residents maintain cordial relationships with their former neighbour s at Moisie. Isolation on the reserve, separate schools, the discriminatory practices of sorne employers, and the inability of most Indiana to compete in the larger canadian economie scene, are all factors in developing unsatisfactory inter echnic relations. The Euro-canadian population of seven Islands is a highly composite oner English and French canadians, a few Americans, and almost all European immigrant ethnie groups are represented. stratification based on economie, educational, ethnie and religious considerations is very pronounced. The Montagnais are placed at the bottom, or more correct!y outside, this structure in the minds of most white people. - 131 - However, individual friendships and understandings do exist cutting across group lines, but a re of rare occurence. The white conmnmity is ~ite content to relegate all social responsibility for these people to governmental agencies and the missionaries. considering that many people in seven Islands are there for primarily economie reasons1 their lack of real interest in social matters is quite under standable. 2. Language: The Montagnais language is very obviously a strong factor in cultural maintenance. But this picture is being modified by the use of French in the schools, and the necessity of speaking French in order to cope with the new social environment. Approximately fifty percent of the seven Islands band speak fluent French. The Maliotenam group, with their long association wi th the canadians at Moisie, are even ~e proficient, especially among the females. 3. similar Economie Activities: As a group, and allowing for individual variations, the Montagnais are largely dependent on external agencies for econanic secur i ty. Moreover, they are only partially able to compete in the new and larger econany. Attempts to revive fur trapping as a source of cash - 132 - income are being frustrated by conflicting legislations of three governments. Having no reasonably stable and socially patterned source of economie well being 1 other than that Which arrives from without, compartmentalization and isolation of former cultural features is occuring. 4. Pamily Affinitiesa The household has been established as the basic significant social unit. The next largest unit is an extended kl.n-grouping, or kin-aggregate 1 which is not entirely co-residential. Each of the kin-groups found at Maliotenam lare relations in both of the other band segments. MObility in response to employment opportunities and other econanic advantage is high. CHAPTER FIVE VECTORS OF CHANGE AND ASPECTS OF CULTURAL MAINTENANCE CHAP'l'ER FIVE VECTORS OF CHANGE AND ASPECTS OF CULTURAL MAINTENANCE VECTORS OF CHANGE Although the necessity for further research among the seven Islands band is clearly indicated, several signifi cant vectors of change are apparent in the materials already at band. Fran Local Group to Band There is evidence to suggest tbat the seven Islands band is growing at the expanse of otber bands. Historical proof of this is seen in the present composition and distribution of the band, already outlined in Phase III. This process of growth seems to have been occurr ing since the period of contact witb the Europeans in the early part of the sixteenth century. - 135 - In addition to this historie emergence of progressively larger social aggregates, a corresponding increase in sedentary forms of residence bas taken place. severa! factors are involved in this development. Fran the very beginning the missionar ies have attempted to increase sedentary forma among these formerly nomadic peoples. New economie relationships as expressed in the demand for European goods and the symbiotic trade relations which developed after contact reinfarced these attempts. LOcation and relocation of trading posta bad the effect of fixing specifie groups of Montagnais around such posta. centralization of educational and religious institutions in recent years bas further increased this development. The decline of the fur trade as a primary economie base, and increased oppartunities for wage labour in the seven Islands area, have attracted members of other banda. such members retain their traditional family hunting territary but in time such territory is slowly absorbed into the seven Islands band. At the inter-band level this phenanenon of slow absorption of other territories may be seen occurr ing at the present time among the Montagnais and the Naskapi at Knob Lake. - 136 - Informants of both groups were questioned, with the use of maps, in an attempt to establish conflicts ar agreements over new divisions of land, as in many cases Naskapi claims are at variance with those made by members of the seven Islands band. Despite religious and linguistic differences between these two bands it is clear that both agree that every family is entitled to his fair share of the available land resources, based on a mutually understood set of native legal principles. In actual fact most of these problems are no longer of significance as religious or governmental authorities may enforce quite different decisions at their convenience. What is of interest, from the native point of view, is that slow absorption of the Naskapi territories, and assimilation of the Naskapi band itself, would probably occur if these people were left alone. Interethnic relations are on the whole good, and marriage and adoption are occurring between the groups. Governmental policies of reserve building, and transport of natives to these settlements, have further increased the size of the seven Islands band. Loss of tribal autonomy and reliance on welfare and government allowances of various kinds have left few alternatives to - 137 - acceptance of external policies of authority. From Autonanous Land use to Welfare and Limited wage Labour Because of the altered economie use of the family hunting territory, such territory may no longer be viewed as the real basis of social organization as it was during the previous phase (Phase II.) Economie changes during the years 1920 to 1960 may be isolated for review: a) the depletion in the number and kind of fur bearing animals availabler b) the falling demand for soma fur s in the wor ld market: c) the arrival of pulp companies, surveyors, geologists, construction and mining companies in the area, and the development of increased opportunities for a wider range of -.ge labour. - 138 - Many Montagnais turned to these new sources of incarne and land usage, e.g., systematic exploitation of the family hunting system, changed its focus. Life in the settlements at Moisie and seven Islands became more sedentary as seen above. Shorter periods of time were spent in the interior. Often the trapper would visit his territory alone, or in the company of a male kinsman, leaving the women and children at the coast1 consequently, destroying the old family centred economie winter trapping unit. In place of mixed fur catchera, beaver have achieved greater im~tance, no doubt because of their more stable market value. In former times these people were characterized by a dual phased culturea a) Winter or Inland Period • • • families scattered to hunt and trap on their own territories. Normally these territories were inherited in the male line7 b) swmner or sea-coast P'éiod ••• the entire band passed the sWIDer months at its traditional s\llllller camp. - 139 - Today it is more the accepted custan for only the men to make visite to the hunting territory - or if their families go along, only a relatively short period is spent hunting and fishing. communications are greatly improved and most hWlters may reach their grounds within one day by train. The Quebec North-Shore and Labrador Railway, running from seven Islands to Knob Lake, is almost the identical route followed by the Indiana in more traditional times. Formerly a voyage of several weeks might have been necessary for sane hunter s. In many cases, wage labour is now a first choice, a man visiting his hunting territory only if nothing else is in the offing in the way of casual or part-time employment. very few Indiana hold full-time year round jobs, partially due to the heavy labour resources available from the Maritime Provinces, but also due to the discriminatory practices of sane employers. It is evident that the family hunting territory system may no longer be viewed as the basie of social organization, in the same functional sense that it could be - 140 - before significant changes occurred in recent years. The pattern of trapping, in which the environment was exploited with the family group operating as a unified soaio-econanic unit, no longer exista. Trapping in many cases is now a secondary occupation, and apart fran a few older more traditional huntersl is more a means to fall back on if wage labour or government help is not readily available. Mareover 1 fur trapping is now str ictly con trolled by the Provincial Government. If a trapper is to be allowed a small number of fur s 1 for Which there is a market value at the time, it is unlikely that he will take his family with him. He can work more efficiently alone, or with one or two of his male kinsmen or friends. From Male Daninance to Increasing Female Equality The larger significance, or context, of the changed land use outlined above, has been to place waoen in rather unique positions as significant innovations of change. - 141 - over the years it beoame the custcm for more and more women and children to remain at the reserve; where they have easy access to the town facilities. As a result, ever increasing demanda for white goods and services have been developed. Many wauen have exper ienced a longer and more intimate exposure to the missionaries, the nurse, and other change agents than the men. Although further data will be necessary to fully evaluate these situations, it is suspected that women may be in the fore front of the change picture. This is perhaps a reversal of the more usual processes of acculturation as seen in many other societies exposed to strong change pressures, in which it is the males who are more sensitive or predisposed to change, and the women more conservative. Among the seven :tslands band a high percentage of the wanen speak French fluently, higher than found among the men. The older males constitute one of the most conservative elements in the community. :tn general, it is the women who appear to show a greater appreciation and understanding of white society than do most adult males, - 142 - partly due to the larger and more intimate contacts made by many women and girls with the canadian familias in the area. Many wanen and older girls work as danestic servants, baby sitters, and part-time household help on a regular basis. Moreover, these contacts are within the hanes of white familias. Most men, even when working for the whites as guides, surveyors helpers and labourera tend to provide services much more in keeping with traditional roles in their own culture, e.g., hunting, fishing and bushcraft in general. The work of the school and the missionaries seems to be more successful among the girls than among the boys7 successful in the sense of substantially changing or modifying traditional behaviour patterns. More detailed examination of the place and roles of women in the ovEmall change processes is clearly warranted. - 143 - From Family Cultural Homogeneity to Heterogeneity Interesting variations in behaviour and attitudes are to be noted among kin-groups as well as between member s of the same family. Kin-groups vary in degree of acculturation and members of the same family va:&y with each other in degree of acculturation also. Many of these variations are no doubt traceable in part to the period of intensive contact, beginning in the mid-1940's, e.g., new economie patterns, education, exposure in varying degrees to new values and attitudes and to direct stimuli in the form of personal contacts, radio, movies and television. Households at the Maliotenam reserve tend to be composed of the nuclear 1 or elementary 1 family. However, many housebolds also include one or two married childrenl either male or female. The bousehold groups are associated to form the next la:&gest social unit, that of the extended kin-group. No unilinear principle is strictly adhered to in the structuring of these groups. The extended kin-group aggregate is thus a social group based mainly on blood relation ship but in which some affinal relatives may be included, while - 144 - some consanguineal relatives may be excluded. As mentioned previously four such major extended kin-groups exist at Maliotenam, as well as several smaller ones. Intermarr iage takes place among all these groups, but primary identification with one of the major units soon develops, either that of the girl ar that of the boy. Situation, common interest and strength of personality of the mates are some of the factors involved in this development. Jealousy and malicious gossip among the larger kin-groups is very marked. Many such inter kin-group frictions are perpetuated mainly by the women. Mother-daughter, sister-sister, and female cousin relationships are usually very intimate and partisan. Father-son and other male kinship relationships, although close, tend to be more structured, reserved ar formal in nature: perhaps anotber indication of the more traditional approacb, ar view point, of the males being expressed. - 145 - Fram Loose Political organization to More "Structured" Forms The larger, more sedentary groupings of people is giving rise to the development of larger effective social units, causing the introduction of radical political innovations. such a development may be seen in the phenomenon of enlarging kin-group aggregates. This the sis will be examined more closely dur ing the field study to be carried out in the summer of 1962. It must be mentioned that the term "political" is not to be understood in its forma! European sense. OV&lNlll forms of group decision making are still very diffuse procedures in Montagnais society. Yet empirical evidence already available logically suggests condensation of these diffuse functions in specifie social structures as face-to-face relationships are increased and consolidated. The growing extended kin-group aggregates are one manifestation of condensation and localization of political functions in a larger more coherent unity. The development of pan-Indian feeling bas already been noted in the preceding chapter. This development also - 146 - reflects undertones of emerging forms of political organization. B. ASPECTS OF CULTURAL MAŒTBNANCE Interpersonal Relations considerable continuity in the patterning of role behaviour and interpersonal relations throughout the phases of the developmental sequences are to be noted. one of the earliest reliable historical sources, the Relation of Le Jeune 1934 (Thwaites 1906) supplies many helpful insights into the nature of interpersonal relations during Phase I. (All quotations are from Thwaites translation of the Relations and Allied Documents.) Le Jeune mentions the uncomplaining and stoical approach to life, "I saw them in hardships and in their labours, suffer with cheerfulness (p.223)." Household harmony is indicated in, "They are very much attached to each other, and agree admirably. You do not see any disputes, quarrels, enmities, or reproaches among them. Men leave the arrangement of the household to the women, without interfering with them, - 147 - they eut and decide, without making the husband angry (p.233)." open conflict or public display of anger is avoided. "They make a pretense of never getting angry, not because of the beauty of the virtue, for which they have not even a name, but for their own contentment and happiness, I mean, to avoid the bitterness caused by anger (p. 231) • •• Generosity is also mentioned by Le Jeune, "They are very generous among themselves and even make a show of not loving anything, of not being attached to the riches of the earth, so that they may not grieve if they lose them (p.237)." Le Jeune also notes the Montagnais fear of public ridicule and the prestige to be gained by having a reputation as a good hunter. As to the power of chiefs he states, "All the authority of their chief is in his tongues end: for he is powerful in so far as he is elo~ent, even if he kills himself talking and haranguing, he will not be obeyed unless he pleases the Savages (p.243)." Accarding to Le Jeune, adoption of orphans by uncles, aunts ar other relatives was practiced, the children being treated as real sons or daughters of the household. - 148 - Le Jeune mentions the Indiana • love of appear ing as grave and dignified, but suggests that much of this is pretense and not to be taken too seriously. Intense gossiping about the behaviour of neighbours is another characteristic corœnented upon by Le Jeune. Speck's (1933) analysis of interpersonal relations in Phase II is surprisingly similar to tbat of Le Jeune for Phase I. There is group abhorence of maltreatment of both humans and animals. Attitudes toward women and children are humane and affectionate. Speck mentions that regard for life is high, and homocide 1 infanticide and abandonment of the aged were not culturally sanctioned1 as among the Eskimo. The harmonious nature of inter -per sonal relations both in the family and the larger social group has been descr ibed for Phase III in the preceding chapter. Inhibition of overt expressions of anger 1 displeasure or rage are strong psychological mechanismsl characteristic of Montagnais interpersonal relations until the present day. - 149 - Environmental Mastery Intimate and detailed knowledge of the physical environment is a continuing characteristic of the Montagnais, especially among the males. a) Knowledge of Topography: Investigations involving the extensive use of maps, reveal clearly that the area of Quebec Labrador claimed by the band is well known and well named. A list of Montagnais place names is given in the Appendix, an accompanying location plan is also included. The names which appear were gathered fran four informant& and are generally known to everyone. Within each specifie family hunting territory dozens of local place names exist. Significant changes in the àetailed knowledge of the topography of band lands may occur over the next few years as a result of changed social and economie use of land, and as a result of compulsory formal education of young people. b) Knowledge of Fauna and Flora: With the exception of the younger children attending the residential school all culturally significant species of plants, fish and animals are recognized and understood, e.g., location, migration, breeding seasons, variations, distribution and habits. - 150 - c) Knowledge of Meteorological Phenanena: This continues to be of importance in the existing limited exploitation of the environment, and to native forma of navigation in the forest and tundra. d) Knowledge of Mater ial culture: Although the inventory of mater ial culture has l:>een increasingly swollen by the inclusion of Euro-canadian artifacts the basic canponents of material culture of the hunting and trapping phases are very much in evidence. These, with the exception of rifles and shotguns, are all of native manufacture. canoes are no longer covered with birch bark, bark having been replaced by canvas, but the frames are of local manufacture. Snat~-shoes, moccasins, toboggans and sane traps are of home manufacture. 'l'he crooked knife, common to the culture area, is still a basic tool used in the manufacture of canoes, toboggans and snow shoe frames. APPENDIX MONTAGNAIS PLACE NAMES APPENDIX MONTAGNAIS PLACE NAMES Notes a) Native spelling is followed, pronunciation is appraximately as in FJ:'ench. The letteJ:" "l" has J:'oughly the same value as 11 D 11 espeoially when caning at the end of a ward. To the English speakeJ:' "n" is the closest value. b) Many of the place names have quite involved liteJ:'al tJ:'anslations, those given heJ:'e ue not neoessuily absolutely corJ:"eot - context is veJ:"y impoJ:'tant, in isolation meaning may vuy with the peJ:"son asked to tJ:'anslate. c) Most of the place names listed ue geneJ:"ally known to everyone. A J:'eally complete list would involve contacting the ownK of each hunting teJ:"J:'itory, as 4;!aCh teJ:"J:"itory has its own local place names, for a gJ:"eat vaJ:"iety of small but signifioant topographical featUJ:'es. - 153 - d) Listings marked .. n.n ... mean that no English or French name is marked on the maps used. Perhaps future map issues will include this information. e) General terms are: (i) Shipo a river (ii) Shakeiken a lake (iii) POastok a waterfall, cascade or rapid (iv) Nipi water (general.) - 154 - Indication of English or French Montagnais Name Meaning (if any) Name 1. Lashats, or oashats a bay seven Islands 2. Mistishipit Moisie 3. Matameknipis trout lake or Lac des Eudistes water 4. Kaoiposkaramat burnt lake n.n. S. Manitou holy ghost or Lake Mani tou spirit 6. Nipisso Lake Nipisso 7. Moteshekaoshipo river with a cape? Magpie River a. Moteshekao Lake Magpie 9. Peskonipi Lac a L •Aigle 10. oashaskostal n.n. 11. Enoknipi lake or water of Lac Fournier little spiders 12. Enoknipis as above, but n.n. smaller 13. Kaoaseiapiskoeten mountain with a lake Eric Lake around it's base? 14. Kaitetaotshilaaat something crooked, n.n. zig-zag or not straight? 15. oskatshoesin a kind of over -shoe Lac Assigny or boot made of a caribou leg 16. Moshoakamao a place of no woods Lac Fleur-de-Mai or trees 17. Menatikao n.n. - 155 - 18. Menatikas n.n. 19. oapishionipis White lake or n.n. water 20. Atikonok lake of the Lake Atikonak caribou 21. Kaoikoepi tinikao closed or trapped Lake Joseph at the bottom of a container or case, as in the bottan of a sack 22. Kaoikoepitinikas as above, but smaller n.n. 23. oashekemo clear lake Lac a l'eau Claire 24. Shoanipis n.n. 25. Ashoanipi lake waiting place, Ashuanipi place of waiting 26. oeosiskoes lake of a young, n.n. (nr. or small gir 1 Emeril) 27. oeosiskoeo lake of a woman n.n. (nr. shabo.) 28. Pisteshipin froth, as in boiling n.n. (Dr. sawbill.) or foaming rivex or cascade 29. Mineiok n.n. (nr. Faden.) 30. Oitsheoakenesh my little friend n.n. ar chum 31. oshokminaoan a place to gather Lake ossokmanuan the eggs of the saw bill duck, or the gathering place of such eggs? 32. Opastshetshonao the big falls Grand Falls - 156 - 33. Opatshoao a small pointed Mc::Kay Lake passage, or pass 34. Kashitoapiskoetin lake in the centre Sims Lake of sorne mountains, or a lake with not much place to be there, a pinched or sqpeezed lake 35. Kaiskoa.shot that was burned, or n.n. someone who was burned 36. Nekentshepen lake or place of the Lake McKenzie old Mc::Kenzie, where the old Mc::Kenzie died 37.Kamaskaoken Lake of the lake or Wade Lake gray trout with a hump on it's back 38. Meshimamao grand or big lake Michikamau Lake 38a Meshikamats small grand lake Michikamats Lake 39. Piastipeo too full or over- Lobstick Lake flowing lake 40. Kanekoanekao island of sand sandgirt Lake 41. Petiskkopao lots of small trees, Petitsikapau Lake alder s or brush 42. Kaianimoepen Astray Lake 43. Kaoaoiekamat round lake n.n. (nr.Knob Lake) 44. Kaoishatishot like it was burned n.n. 45. Natikameiken we see land, we are Attikamagen Lake coming to land? 46. Opapostesho Lac de Fer - 157 - 47. oskoas little, or young Wakuach Lake birch 48. oteinok a mountain shaped otelnuk Lake like a heart, seen fran afar 49. ospoakenshakeikan lake shaped like a Lake cromolet pipe 50. Kamokoapiskao red cape, or pro Lac Effiat jection of rock as a cape 51. Shapokamo you see from afar Shabogamo Lake 52. oaposh hare or rabbit Wabush Lake 53. Papateoshipo an outcrop (of Howell a River rock) 54. Moakos a little loon n.n. 55. Mishintshok a big otter sandy Lake 56. Kanimeshot lots of fish Lac la Jannaye 57. otshektsho Pekan (fisher) Mount wright Mountain 58. Opokopao point of brushcr opocopa Lake alders 59. Menistokpistaoa an island in a lake Menistouc Lake ken to catch fish with a net? 60. Kaopatshot a short rapid seahor se Lake 61. Kaopasho a little pass coapacho Lake 62. oashaskostonis Lac Dufresne 63. Mistamot lake of sucker s n.n. or carp - 158 - 64. Mitshinipi dirty- water 1 "god- n.n. damned hole lake 11 65. Tshinosheopista- something to do with n.n. oaken catching pike (brochet) with a net? 66. Nipisis Lac Nipissis 67. Mistishipo big river Moisie River 68. Tshemanpistok st.Marguer ites River 69. Shoapaminalshak- lake of waiting n.n. eiken (the second) 70. Nemisteo Grand Lac Germain 71. Aaoeonipi water-fowl lake cacaoui Lake 72. Moteshekao Walker Lake 73. stshemitsheshon- big fox lake or n.n. ipi water 74. Mitsheshonipi small fox lake or n.n. water 75. Kaiamitin lake will fall into n.n. the river 1 as seen fran afar 76. Miskomietat ice? Big caotibi Lake 77. Manikoaken Little Manicouagan Lake 78. Kaiskoateonipi burnt lake Burnt Lake 79. onemenshipo coloured or dirty Romaine River river 80. Moshoaoshipo river with no woods Riviere de Pas - 159 - 81. Kaiatoekapost a line of cedars n.n. 82. Natoakopas a lake broken in two n.n. 83. Natoakopao a big lake broken in n.n. two 84. Koetasho Baton Canyon as. Mistshootshiston- eagles nest river n.n.(nr.Livingston) shipo 86. Nonikoskao n.n. 87. Kakisetshot river of cascades Gabbro Lake 88. Katshinikamat long lake Lac Long 89. Peniptaokao a small lake entering n.n. into a big lake 90. Kamitshikaoshak- lake with a big rock? n.n. (nr.Lac Goupil) eiken 91. opeshemoeo leech-water Bersimis 92. Nissikapo (older Pentecote form 'Neskekapet') 93. Pekoakamomit Pointe Bleue 94. Noteskoan to hunt bears, lots Anticosti Island of bears 94a Natashquan to go to Noteskoan Natashquan 95. Stsheshatshit the river that goes Northwest River to sea, the head of all rivera 96. oaskaiken dancing in a circle Fort Chimo 97. onemen coloured or dirty Romaine 98. Pokostshipo St.Augustine River 99. Koatsho or Koantsho Mingan 100. Missekopitaken portage over a Shelter Bay savanna - 160 - N.B. Natasbquanl Northwest River 1 Fort Chimo1 Romaine and Ste. Augustine River do not appear on the location plan included. 'l'bey are easily found on any standard map of the Quebec-Labrador peninsula 1 however. BIBLIOGRAPHY BJ:BLJ:OGRAPHY Abbreviations A.A. Amer ican Antbropologist A.A.A., American Anthropological Association Bailey, A.G. 1937 "The conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian cultures 1504-1700," Publications of the New Brunswick Museum, Monograph series, No. 2. Balikci 1 A sen. 1959 "TWo Attempts at community organization Among the Eastern HUdson Bay Eskimo1 " Anthropologica, vol.l. 1960 "Some Acculturative Trends Among the Eastern Canadian Eskimos, Il Antbropologica, N.S. 1 vol.2: 139-153, No.2. 1960-61 Personal communication - and seminar discussion of unpubliShed materials. Barnett, H.G. 1953 Innovation: The Basis of CUltural Change, McGraw Hill, N. Y. Barnow, Victor. 1950 "Acculturation and Personality Among the Wisconsin Chippewa,., A.A.A., Memoir 72. - 163 - Beals, Ralph. 1953 "Acculturation, tl article in Antbropology Today, ed., A.L. Kroeber, university of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp.62-624. Biggar, H.P. 1901 The Early Trading companies of New France, warwick Bros. , and Rutter, Toronto. Birket-Smith, Kaj. 1918 "A Geographie study of the Early History of the Algonkian Indiana," International Archiv fur Ethnographie, vol. 24: 174-222, Leiden. 1930 "Folk wanderings and culture Drifts in North eastern North America, tl Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, N.s., vol.22:l-32. Boas, Franz. 1940 "Ethnological Problems in canada," ~· Language and culture, The McMillan co., N. Y. Bonny castle, R.H.G. 1943 "The Role of the Trader in Indian Affaire," article in The North American Indian Today, ed., C.T. Loram and T.F. Mcilwraith, University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Broom, L., B.J. Siegel, E.Z. vogt and J.B. watson. 1954 "Acculturation: An Explanatory Formulation, 11 A.A., Vol.56:973-1002. Burgesse, J.A. 11 1941 Snowshoes, Il The Beaver, outfit 271:24-28, March. - 164 - Burgesse, J .A. (cont • d.) 1943 "MontagnaJ.s-Naskapi Nomenclature, .. Primitive Man, Vol.l6:44-48, No. 1 & 2. 1944a "The woman and Child AmOng the Lac st. Jean Montagnais," Primitive Man, Vol.l7:1-18, No. 1 & 2. 1944b "The Spirit Wigwam as Descr ibed by Taamie Moar, Pointe Bleue," Primitive Man, vol.l7:50-59, No. 3 and 4. 1945 "Property concepts of the Lac st. Jean Montagnais, .. Primitive Man, vol.lS:l-25, No 1 & 2. 1951 "Seven Islands, P.Q.,"The Beaver, OUtfit 282:30-33, JUne. Cabot, W.B. 1912 In Northern Labrador, John Murry, LOndon. 1920 Labrador, small Maynard & co. , Boston. casagrande, J .B. 1951 "Oj ibwa Bear ceremonialism: The Persistance of a Ritual Attitude," congres International des Americanistes 29, Part 2. caudil, William. 1949 "Psychological Cbaracteristics of Acculturated Wisconsin ojibwa Chilàren," A.A., vol.51:409-427. Childe, V.G. 1952 Social Evolution, Watts & Co., LOndon. caneau, N .A. 1909 Life and Sport on the Northshore of the Lower St. Lawrence River, Daily Telegraph Printing Bouse, Quebec. - 165 - cooper, Arch. 1942 "Ecological Aspects of the Family HUnting Territory system of the Northeastern Algonkians, • M.A. Thesis, University of Chicago. cooper J.M. 1933 "The Northern Algonkian supreme Being, " Primitive Man, Vol.6, No. 3 & 4. 1938 "Land Tenure Among the Indiana of Eastern and Northern North America," Pennsylvania Archaeologist, vol.a, No.3. 1939 N Is the Algonkian Family Hunting Ground system Pre-columbian?" ~·, Vol.41:66-90. 1941 "Temporal sequence and Marginal cultures," Anthropological series, catholic University of America, No. 10. 1946 "The culture of the Northeastern Indian Hunters: a Reconstructive Interpretation." article in Man in Northeastern North America, ed., by F. Johnson, Papers of the R.S. Peaboày Foundation for Archaeology, vol.3:272-305. 1948 "The concept of Land Tenure in wor ld Culture, " Transactions of the New York Acadeœy of sciences, series 2, Vol.ll:220-23. coverdale, w.H. 1942 Tadoussac, Then and Now, Quebec, Private printing. Dunning, R.W. 1959a social and EConomie Changes Among the Northern ojibwa, University of Toronto Press, Toronto. 1959b "Ethnie Relations and Marginal Man," Human organization, vol.l8:117-122, No.3. - 166 - Eggan, Fred. (ed.) 1955 Social Anthropology of the North American :tndian Tribes, university of Chicago Press, Chicago. Eiseley, L.C. 1947 11 Land Tenure in the Northeast: A Note on the History of a Concept," A.A., Vol.49:680-l Flannery, Regina. 1936 "Some Aspects of James Bay Recreative Culture," Primitive Man, Vol. 9:49-56. 1939 "The Shaking-Tent Rite Among the Montagnais of James Bay," Primitive Man, vol.l2:11-61, No.l. 1946 "The Culture of the Northeastern Indian Hunters," article in Man in Northeastern North America, ed., by F. Johnson, Papers of the R.s. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, vol.3:263-271. Fried, Jacob. 1955 "Survey of the Aboriginal Populations of Quebec and Labrador," Eastern canadian Anthropological Series, No.l, MCGill University Press. Ford.e, C.D. 1934 Habit, Bconomy and. society, Methuen & co., LOndon. Garigue, Philip. 1957 "The Social organization of the Montagnais Naskapi," Anthropologica, No.4. Gosling, w.G. 1910 Labrador, :tts Discovery, Exploration and. Developnent, A. Rivers Ltd.., London. - 167 - Graburn, Nelson. 1960 "Sugluk, An Eskimo Community," M.A. Thesis, McGill University. Greenless, s. 1954 "Indian canoe Makers," The Beaver, outfit 285:46-55, surmner. Grenfell, w. T. 1913 Labrador, The country and the People, McMillan co. , N. Y. Hadlock, w.s. 1947 "War Among the Northeastern Woodland Indiana," A.A., vol. 49:204-221. Hallowelll A.I. 1926 "Bear ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere 1 " ~., vol.28al-175. 1930 'Was cross-cousin Marriage Farmerly Practiced by the North-central Algonkians?" International congress of Americanists 23, pp.519-44. 1945 "Sociopsychological Aspects of Acculturation," article in The Science of Man in world Criais, ed., by R. Linton, Columbia University Press, N.Y. 1946 "Sane Psychological characteristics of Northeastern Indiana," article in Man in Northeastern North America, ed., by F. Johnson, Papers of the R.S. Peabody Musewn for Archaeology, vol.3:195-225. 1947 "Myth, Culture and Personality," ~· 1 Vol. 49a 554-555. - 168 - Hallowell, A. I. (cont' d. ) 1948 "The social Function of Anxiety in a Primitive society," article in personal Character and the cultural Milieu, ed., by D.G. Haring, University of Syracuse press, pp.375-388. 1949 "The Size of the Algonkian Hunting Territories, A Function of Ecological Adjustment," ~· , vol. 51:35-45. 1952 "Ojibwa Personality and Acculturation, •• 29tb. Proceedings of the International congress of Americanists, selected Papers:lOS-12. Hare, F.K. 1950 "Climate and zonal Divisions of the Boreal Forest Formation in Eastern canada," Geographical Review, American Geographical society, vol.l4: 615-635. Her skovits, M. J. 1937 ••The Significance of the study of Acculturation for Anthropology, "~·, Vol.39:259-264. 1938 Acculturation, the study of Culture Contact, J.J. Augustin, N.Y. 1940 The Economie Life of Primitive Peoples, A1fred A. Knopf, N.Y. 1954 Economie Anthropology - A study of Comparative Economies, Alfred A. Knopf, N.Y. Honingmann, Jolm. 1952 "Intercultural Relations at Great Whale River, .. A.A., vol. 54. 1953 "Social organization of the Attawapiskat cree Indians, .. Anthropos, vol. 48. 1954 culture and Personality, Harper & Bros., N.Y. 1958 "Attawapiskat, Blend of Traditions, .. Anthropologica, No.6. - 169 - Huard, A.M. (l'Abbe) 1897 Labrador et Anticosti, Beauchemin et Fils, Montreal. Innis, H.A. 1956 The Fur Trade in canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Jenness, Diamond. 1960 Indiana of canada, Anthropological series No.l5, Bulletin 65, National. Museum of canada, Fifth Edition, ottawa. Johnson, Frederick, (ed.) 1946 Man in Northeastern North America, Papers of the R.S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, Vol.3 Keesing, F.M. 1953 Culture Change, stanfard University Press, Stanfard. Kroeber, A.L. 1939 cultural and Natural. Areas of Native North America, University of california Press, Berkeley. La Violette, G. (O.M.I.) 1955 "Notes on the ~igenes of the Province of Quebec," Anthropologica, No.l:l98-211. Leacock, Eleanor. 1954 "The Montagnais 'Hunting Territory• and the Fur Trade," A.A.A., Memoir 78. - 170 - Leacock, Eleanor. (cont'd.) 1955 "Matrilocality in a Simple Hunting Economy, Montagnais-Naskapi,u southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol.ll&31-47, No.l. 1958 "Status Among the Montagnais-Naskapi of Labrador," Ethnohistory, Vol.5:200-209, No.3, SUDiner. Leighton, Alexander H. , and Robert J. smith. 1955 "A Comparative study of social and cultural Change, " Proceedings of the Amer ican Philosophical society, vol. 99, Philadelphia. Lemoine, George, (O.M. I.) 1901 French-Montagnais Dictionary, Boston. Lewis, oscar. 1942 "The Effects of White contact Upon Blackfoot culture, With special Reference to the Fur Trade, • American Ethnological society, Monograph No.6. Linton, Ralph. 1940 Acculturation in sevan American Indian Tribes, o. Appleton-century, N. Y. Lips, J.E. 1937 "Public opinion and Mutual Assistance Among the Montagnais-Naskapi," ~., Vol.39:222-228. 1947 "Naskapi Law," Transactions of the American Philosophical society, vol.37, Part 4. Michelson, Truman. 1939 "Linquistic Classification of Montagnais-Naskapi Dialects," Anthropoloqical Papers, Bulletin 123, Bureau of Ethnology, smithsonian Institution. - 171 - Murdock, G.P. 1953 Ethnographie Bibliography of North Amer ica, Human Relations Area Files, New Haven. Parkman, Francis. 1879 France and England in North America, Little, Brown & co. , Boston. Redfield, Robert. 1953 'l'he Primitive World and Its Transformations, cornell University press, Ithaca, N.Y. 1955 The Little community, University of chicago Press, Chicago. 1956 Peasant society and culture, An Anthropological A~oach to Civilization, university of Chicago Press, Chicago. Ritchie, W.A. 1956 11Prehistoric settlement patterns in Northeastern North America,'' article in prehistoric settlement Patterns in the New World, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 23:72-80. Rousseau, Jacques. 1945 "Chez Les Mistassini, Indiens Chasseurs de la Foret canadienne," Revue de L'I.F.A.L.,Mexico, D.F. 1949 "A Travers 1 'Ungave," Memoirs of the Montreal Botanical Gardens, No.4, Montreal. 1952 "Le Dualisme Religieux des Peuplades de la Foret Boreale," article in Acculturation in the Americas, vo1.2, Proceedings of the 29th. International congress of Americanists. - 172 - Rousseau, Jacques. (cont'd.) 1953a "Rites Paiens de la Foret Quebecoise: La Tente Tremblante et la suerie," Extrait des Cahiers des Dix, No. 18, Montreal. l953b "Persistances Paienne Chez les Indiens de la Foret Boreale," EXtrait des Chaiers des Dix, No.l7, Montreal. 1957 "L'Indien de la Foret Boreale, Element de la Formation Ecologique," Extrait de Societe Royale du canada, studia varia. Siegel, B.J. 1955 "Acculturation, Critical Abstracts, Stanfard University Press, California. Speck, F.G. 1915 "The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organization," ~·, Vol.l7: 289-305. 1917 "Social Structure of the Northern Algonkian," Publications of the American Sociological society, Vol.l2:82-100. 1918 "Kinship Terms and the Family Band Among the Nartheastern Algonkians," A.A., vol. 20:143-161. 1923 "Mistassini Hunting Territaries in the Labrador Peninsula," ~·, vol. 25:452-471. 1926 "Culture Problems in Northeastern North America," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol.65:273-311. - 173- Speck, F.G. (cont 1 d.) 1927 "Family Hunting Territories of the Lac St. John Montagnais and Neighbouring Bands, 11 Anthropos, vol.22:387-403. 1 193la. ' Montagnais-Naskapi Bands and Early Eskimo Distributions in the Labrador Peninsula," ~., vol.33:557-600. 193lb "Montagnais and Naskapi Tales from the Labrador Peninsula," Journal of American Folklore, Vol.38:1-32. 1933 "Ethical Attr ibutes of the Labrador Indiana, 11 A.A., Vol.35:559-94. 1935 Naskapi, The savage Hunters of the Labrador Peninsula, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. 1936 11 Inland Eskimo Bands of Labrador," article in Essays in Anthropology Presented to Alfred L. Kroeber, university of california press, Berkeley, pp.313-330. Speck, Frank G., and Loren Eiseley. 1939 '1Significance of Hunting Territory systems of the Algonkian in social Theory, 11 !..!!.·, Vol.41: 269-280. 1942 1'Montagnais-Naskapi Bands and the Family Hunting Districts of the central and sourthern Labrador Peninsula," Proceedings of the American Philoso phical society, vol.85:215-242. steward, J.H. 1936 "The Economie and Social Basis of Primitive Bands," article in Essaya in Anthropology Presented to Alfred L. Kroeber, university of California Press, Berkeley, pp.331-3SO. - 174- Steward, J.H. (cont 'd. ) 1949 "Cultural casuality and Law: A Trial Formulation," A.A., Vol.51. 1955 Theory of culture Change, the Methodology of Multilinear Evolution, University of Illinois Press, urbana. Strong, W.D. 1929 "Cross-cousin Marriage and the culture of the Northeast Algonkians," !.:.!.·, vol.31: 277-288. Swanton, J.R. 1952 "The Indian Tribes of North America," Anthropological Papers, Bulletin 145, Bureau of American Ethnology, smithsonian Institution, washington. Tanner, Vaino. 1944 "OUtlines of the Geography, Life, custans of Newfoundland-Labrador," Acta Geographica 8, Helsinki-Helsingfors. Tener, J .s. 1960 "The Present statua of the Barren Ground caribou," canadian Geographical Review, March. Thurnwald, R.C. 1932 "The psychology of Acculturation,"...!.:!.·, vol. 34: 557-69. Thwaites, R.G. (ed.) 1906 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 71 vols., The Burrows Brothers co., Cleveland. - 175 - TUrner, L.M. 1894 "Bthnology of the Ungava District, " 11th. Annua1 Report of the Bureau of Bthnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, washington. Tyrrel, J.B. (ed.) 1931 "Documents Relating to the Barly History of Hudson Bay, " PUblications of the Champlain Society 18, Toronto. van stone, J.W. 1960 "A successful Combination of Subsistence and Wage Econanies on the Village Leve1, " Bconanic Development and cultural Change, Vol.3, No.2. Vinary, J.P. 1955 "Classification de la Famille Linguistique A1gonkian-Ritwan," Anthropoloqica, No.1: 103-118. voget, Fred. 1951 "Acculturation at caughnawaga: A Note on the Native Modified Group," A.A., vol. 53:220-231. Voorhis, Ernest. 1930 Historie Forst and Trading Posta of the French Regime and Bnglish Fur Trading Companies, Department of the Inter ior, National Deve1opment company, ottawa. White, Leslie. 1959 The Evolution of culture, McGraw Hill Book co., N.Y. Willmott, W.E. 1959 ''The Eskimo CaiiDWlity at Port Harrison, P.O.," M.A. Tbesis, McGill University. - 176 - Wil~ott, W.E. (cont'd.) 1960 "The Flexibility of Eskimo Social organization, Anthropologica, N.s., vo1.2 No. 1. Wilson, C.P. 1935 "Tadoussac, The Company and the King' s Posta, " The Beaver, outfit 266:8-12. Wintemberg, W.J. 1931 "Distinguishing characteristics of Algonkian and Iroquoian cultures, " Bulletin of the National Museum of canada, Annual Report for 1929, No. 67. Woodward, Arthur. 1948 "Trade Goods of 1748," The Beaver, outfit 279:3-6. Yatsushiro, Toshio 1960a "Eskimo Attitudes Toward wage Employment, " paper read at Annual Meeting of Canadian Political science Association, Kingston, June. 1960b "The Changing Eskimo Econany, " paper read at Amer ican Anthropologieal Association Meeting, Minneapolis, November. ELEVATIONS (2222) IN FEET WORLD AERONAUTICAL SAGUENAy RIVER CHART ELEVATIONS IN FEET IN FEET 7Z' ICAO 1:1 HYPSOWETII1C TINTS HICHI:S"Y lltNOWN II:LI[IfATION ·~-...J-- ___..,_ ~---± CONVERSION TABLE LOGARITHMIC SCALE MflR[S reer I v -Mor> '"- 1949 REFERENCE ,. tA@ 1 Il 1 iOO! §li !@ 1 1 • 1 Il 1 ; îOI .. 4 - ---···· ··s-o.y',...... li 1 .. 1.. : ...... -( .... ~ ~------~ lo;ïi#? (""'~ SHEET I ~ .-.-.- ...... c-.. ... ~:~~:::::.:--~ LOCATION PLAN *"""" .... .s-., •U7fl...... MDl~TAGNAIS fi...... --··-r--f•t-J PLACE N.AJI'IES IIIP .... ~r- ( SEE .. a ...... a.y., ,_ r- APPENDIX ) a .. o ...... r-.-ro~~op --scale reduced-- 1 r lfYI>so.vETIIlc TlNrs l-fiOf1«:STl(NQ\NI"f l'LC"VAl'ION .sz•10·N 7a•Js· w llol..,~u "e:""'• .,_,in"'- = line~'::" '"'"• • Speciflod - at100~·i)l•nd•"'""""''"~ rn ttae •rea. ••oqf- ••~ · 1 CONVERSION TABLE SCALE ~ lOGARIIlilfiC llfTRrs reer (Jol.. 2222) &&· EUVATJONs IN FEET RIVER (21FE79ET) ELEVATIONS IN FEET KANIAPISKAU ELEVATIONS IN ,. fOi 1 1 i2!l 1 1 ... i«< 1 1 1 ... 1 1 fpi 1 .. 401 1 1 ... ~,e- .:s::..~ ~ .. • .. : 1 -· .. .. SHEET II AOJOINING SKEETS N.T.S. No. 23 INDEX TO