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NO STRANGERS at the GATE Collective Responsibility and a Region’S Response to the Venezuelan Refugee and Migration Crisis
NO STRANGERS AT THE GATE Collective Responsibility and a Region’s Response to the Venezuelan Refugee and Migration Crisis Michael J. Camilleri and Fen Osler Hampson OCTOBER 2018 © 2018. Centre for International Governance Innovation and Inter-American Dialogue. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Board of Directors. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution – No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. First Edition Printed In Washington, DC Cover photo: Policia Nacional de los Colombianos / Wikimedia Commons / CC BY-SA 2.0 Layout: Tamar Ziff / Inter-American Dialogue NO STRANGERS AT THE GATE Collective Responsibility and a Region’s Response to the Venezuelan Refugee and Migration Crisis Michael J. Camilleri and Fen Osler Hampson Michael J. Camilleri is the director of the Peter D. Bell Rule of Law Program at the Inter- American Dialogue in Washington, DC Fen Osler Hampson is a Distinguished Fellow and director of CIGI’s Global Security & Politics Program. He is also the Chancellor's Professor at Carleton University in Ottawa, Ontario. Acknowledgments and Methodology This report was produced for the World Refugee Council American Dialogue, and Fen Osler Hampson, a Distinguished jointly by the Centre for International Governance Innovation Fellow and director of CIGI’s Global Security & Politics Program. (CIGI) and the Inter-American Dialogue in consultation with its The authors thank Liliana Araujo, Bonnie Klapper, Michael Venezuela Working Group. -
Shaping Brazil: the Role of International Migration
Shaping Brazil: The Role of International Migration By Ernesto Friedrich Amaral, University of Texas at Austin Wilson Fusco, Universidade Estadual de Campinas June 2005 Since its founding in 1500 by Portuguese colonists, Brazil, the largest country in South America with over 184 million people, has had a strong immigrant presence. The composition of the population has been greatly influenced by distinct waves of immigrants at different moments in history. Much of this immigration, in turn, has been tied to economic factors. Over time, Brazil's governments have encouraged migration flows to fill its vast territory and boost agricultural production. The first wave, coordinated by Portugal, brought Portuguese migrants and slaves from Africa. In recent periods, the government implemented policies to encourage migration from Germany, Italy (mostly at the end of the 19th century) and Japan (mostly at the beginning of the 20th century) to interior areas of the southern states of São Paulo, Paraná and Rio Grande do Sul. To this day, economic developments such as South America's common market are driving migration, with undocumented immigrants from neighboring countries accounting for the majority of new arrivals. The government has no policies encouraging immigration. At the same time, no policy has been created to discourage or prevent illegal immigrants from entering. Past Migration Flows During Portugal's early rule, immigration to Brazil (from countries other than Portugal) was prohibited because the Portuguese wanted to prevent other European countries from establishing claims to territory. France was unsuccessful in establishing a colony at present-day Rio de Janeiro, and the Dutch were forced tp leave Brazil in 1645 after setting up colonies in the northeastern state of Pernambuco. -
Diálogos De Eulalia: La Forja De Una Intelectual Negra En Centroamérica1
Diálogos de Eulalia: la forja de una intelectual negra en Centroamérica1 Marianela Muñoz Muñoz Doctora en Estudios Latinoamericanos por la Universidad de Texas Universidad de Costa Rica https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5487-9060 [email protected] Resumen Las discusiones sobre intelectuales en Latinoamérica se encuentran atravesadas por un sesgo racial y de género. Para expandir este debate, este artículo examina los fundamentos del pensamiento político negro en los primeros productos de la afrocostarricense Eulalia Bernard Little. En el proceso de creación y exposición del disco-poemario Negritud (1976) y el Nuevo ensayo sobre la existencia y la libertad política (1981), Bernard dialoga intelectual, sensorial y afectivamente con diversos personajes históricos, música y escrituras de la diáspora. El análisis de esta génesis intelectual sugiere la influencia de la Negritud, la circulación y el intercambio de ideas y estéticas de los movimientos negros, afroamericanos, caribeños y africanos. Desde una perspectiva relacional, la propuesta de Bernard apunta no solo a su papel central en la escena político-cultural afrolatinoamericana, sino que abre horizontes de lecturas comparadas con otras escritoras negras de la región cuya labor como intelectuales recién empieza a reconocerse. Palabras claves: Cultura afrolatinoamericana; Eulalia Bernard; movimiento negro; negritud; pensamiento político negro. Dialogues of Eulalia: Forging a Black Woman Intellectual in Central America Abstract Discussions of Latin American intellectuals are racial and gender biased. As a contribution, this article examines the foundations of Eulalia Bernard’s Black political thought in her poetry vinyl 1 Procedencia del artículo: Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto inscrito en la Vicerrectoría de Investigación de la Universidad de Costa Rica. -
Questioning Whiteness: “Who Is White?”
人間生活文化研究 Int J Hum Cult Stud. No. 29 2019 Questioning Whiteness: “Who is white?” ―A case study of Barbados and Trinidad― Michiru Ito1 1International Center, Otsuma Women’s University 12 Sanban-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo, Japan 102-8357 Key words:Whiteness, Caribbean, Barbados, Trinidad, Oral history Abstract This paper seeks to produce knowledge of identity as European-descended white in the Caribbean islands of Barbados and Trinidad, where the white populations account for 2.7% and 0.7% respectively, of the total population. Face-to-face individual interviews were conducted with 29 participants who are subjectively and objectively white, in August 2016 and February 2017 in order to obtain primary data, as a means of creating oral history. Many of the whites in Barbados recognise their interracial family background, and possess no reluctance for having interracial marriage and interracial children. They have very weak attachment to white hegemony. On contrary, white Trinidadians insist on their racial purity as white and show their disagreement towards interracial marriage and interracial children. The younger generations in both islands say white supremacy does not work anymore, yet admit they take advantage of whiteness in everyday life. The elder generation in Barbados say being white is somewhat disadvantageous, but their Trinidadian counterparts are very proud of being white which is superior form of racial identity. The paper revealed the sense of colonial superiority is rooted in the minds of whites in Barbados and Trinidad, yet the younger generations in both islands tend to deny the existence of white privilege and racism in order to assimilate into the majority of the society, which is non-white. -
Paraguay Mennonites: Immigrants, Citizens, Hosts
Mennonite Central Committee Peace Office Publication January –March 2009 Volume 39, Number 1 Paraguay Mennonites: Immigrants, Citizens, Hosts IN THIS ISSUE Introduction 3 Mennonites In Paraguay: by Daryl Yoder-Bontrager A Brief History by Edgar Stoesz n July of this year, people who are part Paraguay was appropriate for Mennonites Iof the Anabaptist tradition will gather in in other ways as well. A somewhat isolated, 6 A Letter from Paraguay: Asunción, Paraguay from all over the world land-locked country in the middle of the The 2008 Elections to celebrate the 15th global assembly of Southern Cone, the southern triangle of by Alfred Neufeld Mennonite World Conference. The assembly South America, Paraguay contained vast will be hosted jointly by the 8 Paraguayan tracts of sparsely populated lands in its 9 Hopes and Plans for the MWC member churches. In anticipation northwest Chaco area. The Chaco region, 2009 Mennonite World of that event, this issue of Peace Office shared with Bolivia and Argentina, is Conference Assembly 15 Newsletter offers some beginning glimpses famous for its climatic extremes. The coun - by Carmen Epp into the people and issues of Paraguay. try had long since merged Spanish-speaking and Guarani-speaking cultures. Today Span - 11 Ernst Bergen, Jumping into Almost anywhere in Paraguay at nearly any ish and Guarani, the language of the domi - Empty Space time of day one can find Paraguayans clus - nant indigenous group, are both official reviewed by Alain Epp Weaver tered in little groups drinking tereré, a cold languages. Moving to Paraguay seemed a tea, sipped from a metal straw stuck into win/win situation. -
Amandacarneirosantos 16Th Session of the IGWG on the the Durban
!1 de !6 Presentation by Amanda Carneiro Santos at the 16th Session of the Intergovernmental Working Group on the Effective Implementation of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action 7 September 2018 | Geneva 1. Introduction Mr. Chair, fellow members of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent, Ambassadors/members of the Diplomatic Corps and other States representatives, staff of the supporting offices of the UN, Members of the NGOs and Civil Society Groups, fellow presenters, good afternoon. I couldn’t start before mention the barbaric assassination of the councilwoman Marielle Franco, a black Brazilian and human rights activist. Her death, on 14 March 2018, is still without resolution. We are no closer to knowing who killed her and why. Shortly before her death, Marielle asked "How many others will have to die before this war will end?” We call for justice for Marielle Franco and an end to the killings and criminalization of activists, government opponents and People of African descent in Brazil. In observance of the International Decade for People of African Descent under the theme, "People of African Descent: Recognition, Justice, Development”, I would like to address the topic of Recognition using Brazilian society as an example. Brazil received 40% of the estimated tens of millions of enslaved Africans brought to the Americas and in 1888 became the last country in the region to abolish enslavement. The republic was proclaimed in 1889 but racism and racial discrimination rooted in the ideological pillars of the slave system and colonization prevailed. My country was considered to be a “racial democracy” and racism and racial discrimination absent from !2 de !6 Brazilian society, yet they remained in the collective unconscious, and, even more serious, on the conscience of politicians. -
The Africas in the Americas: Afro-Cubans As Part of the Afro-Latino Family*
The CIR at the LASA conference, Washington, D.C., 2013 D.C., Washington, conference, The CIR at the LASA The Africas in the Americas: Afro-Cubans as Part of the Afro-Latino Family* Rafel Campoamor Founding president, NGO EmpoderaCuba Member, Citizens’ Committee for Racial Integration (CIR) Cuban. Resident of the United States. Introduction those who were making the decisions justified our new status (Exodus 1; Leviticus 25, 44; Latin America might be the largest Afri- Ephesians 6.5). can country in the world. The most populous Our pagan peoples had their own lan- of African countries, Nigeria, has only 174 guages, cultures, customs, foods and gods. Yo- million inhabitants. The more than 200 mil- ruba, Lukumi, Wolof, Bamileke, Mandingo, lion Afro-descendants in the Americas consti- Bantu, Bambara, Peul, Swahili, Lingala and tute a “minority” that is often invisible, that surely other languages and dialects were spo- is often marginalized. Unfortunately, two ken on the slave ships we were forced to board. hundred years after the end of slavery, they Those who got on those ships were rich, poor, are still on the bottom of the social pyra- royalty, wise men, babalawos [priests], healers mid. Whether we are considering an African- and every other kind of person found in our American, Afro-Cuban, Garifuna or Afro- societies. The traffickers dispersed us all over Aymara, we Afro-descendants of the Americas the continent—and everything changed. This have a great deal in common but share very was all done so we would change, because little amongst ourselves. We all come from what was ours was no good; what we had was Africa, but there are various Africas in Africa. -
Changing Attitudes Towards Immigration in the 1920S
Higher History: European and World USA, 1918 – 1968: Changing Attitudes towards Immigration in the 1920s 2 Issue 1: An Evaluation of the Reasons for Changing Attitudes towards Immigration in the 1920s. A. Background Learning Intentions: To explain America’s demographics before 1920 and the reasons for this. To create an introduction. A Nation of Minorities The USA is often referred to as the ‘land of the free’ and ‘the land of opportunity’. People of many races emigrated from their country of birth to start a new life. The USA was willing to take in people who felt they had to leave their native country. The vast majority of those who journeyed to America did so in an attempt to improve their lives and the prospects for their children. Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, the wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these the homeless, tempest tossed to me. I lift my lamp beside the golden door. 3 ‚An American is somebody who came from somewhere else to become someone else‛ In 1900, the USA was a mixture of all nationalities of people, so much so that it has often been referred to as a ‘melting pot’. ‚The great melting pot of America, the place where we are all made Americans…where men of every race and every origin…ought to send their children, and where, being mixed together, they are all infused with the American spirit and developed into the American man and the American woman.‛ Woodrow Wilson, 1915. There are few places in the world not represented within America’s population. -
Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region
OAS/Ser.L/V/II. Doc. 176 29 September 2019 Original: Spanish INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Situation of Human Rights of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region 2019 iachr.org OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Situation of human rights of the indigenous and tribal peoples of the Pan-Amazon region : Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019. p. ; cm. (OAS. Official records ; OEA/Ser.L/V/II) ISBN 978-0-8270-6931-2 1. Indigenous peoples--Civil rights--Amazon River Region. 2. Indigenous peoples-- Legal status, laws, etc.--Amazon River Region. 3. Human rights--Amazon River Region. I. Title. II. Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II. Doc.176/19 INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Members Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño Joel Hernández García Antonia Urrejola Margarette May Macaulay Francisco José Eguiguren Praeli Luis Ernesto Vargas Silva Flávia Piovesan Executive Secretary Paulo Abrão Assistant Executive Secretary for Monitoring, Promotion and Technical Cooperation María Claudia Pulido Assistant Executive Secretary for the Case, Petition and Precautionary Measure System Marisol Blanchard a.i. Chief of Staff of the Executive Secretariat of the IACHR Fernanda Dos Anjos In collaboration with: Soledad García Muñoz, Special Rapporteurship on Economic, Social, Cultural, and Environmental Rights (ESCER) Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019 INDEX EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 INTRODUCTION 19 CHAPTER 1 | INTER-AMERICAN STANDARDS ON INDIGENOUS AND TRIBAL PEOPLES APPLICABLE TO THE PAN-AMAZON REGION 27 A. Inter-American Standards Applicable to Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in the Pan-Amazon Region 29 1. -
Posiciones Contestatarias Desde La Costa Atlántica De Nicaragua
Revista Iberoamericana, Vol. LXXXII, Núms. 255-256, Abril-Septiembre 2016, 421-455 OTROS CARIBES: POSICIONES CONTESTATARIAS DESDE LA COSTA ATLÁNTICA DE NICARAGUA POR MARÍA ROOF Howard University DOS NICARAGUAS Las aguas de dos mares bañan las costas de Nicaragua, como de las otras repúblicas centroamericanas menos El Salvador. Y hasta hace poco esa dualidad se reflejaba en la percepción de “dos Nicaraguas” separadas en términos geográficos, económicos y étnicos: la del centro y de la Costa Pacífica y la “otra” de la Costa Atlántica o del Caribe, que formaba parte del territorio nacional, pero no del imaginario nacionalista. Poblado por indígenas miskito, rama y mayangna, por afrodescendientes garífunas y foráneos kriols anglófonos, ese 50% de la superficie nacional, con el 15% de la población, quedó excluido de la formulación etnocéntrica de la identidad nacional nicaragüense, que se definió como netamente hispana e indígena, es decir, mestiza. Entonces, con el Caribe, Nicaragua no tendría nada en común, ni historia, ya que no hubo grandes plantaciones dependientes de la importación de esclavos africanos, como en el resto del Caribe, ni cultura, ya que las prácticas sociales y celebraciones religiosas se derivaban del calendario español católico y no del folkclor indígena o de la cultura inglesa. Ciertas búsquedas identitarias, sin embargo, han extendido la identidad caribeña a las zonas colindantes de la América Central y del Sur, y hasta de partes de la costa sureña de los Estados Unidos, como constata el escritor costarricense Quince Duncan, quien define el Gran Caribe como inclusive del Caribe insular y continental, de “la costa atlántica mexicana, toda la costa caribeña de la América Central, todo Belice, el istmo de Panamá, San Andrés, la costa atlántica del norte de Colombia y la costa atlántica del norte de Venezuela” (1-2). -
Analysis of the Regulations and Knowledge of the Riparians on Access to Fresh Water, Fishing and Associated Resources in the Tapajós River Basin
ANALYSIS OF THE REGULATIONS AND KNOWLEDGE OF THE RIPARIANS ON ACCESS TO FRESH WATER, FISHING AND ASSOCIATED RESOURCES IN THE TAPAJÓS RIVER BASIN December 2020 Copyright © 2020 – The Nature Conservancy All rights in this publication are reserved by The Nature Conservancy TNC Executive Director: Ian Thompson Conservation Director: Rodrigo Spuri Director of Science: Edenise Garcia Manager for Public Policy and Government Relations: Karen Oliveira ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------- General Coordination Karen Oliveira Manager for Public Policy and Government Relations Scientific Coordination Edenise Garcia Science Director Mariana Soares Science Specialist Technical Coordination Juliana Simões Institutional Development Specialist Lucilene Amaral Conservation Specialist This Report is part of the Tapajós River: Engaging Communities and Protecting Reshwater Ecosystems Project ANALYSIS OF THE REGULATIONS AND KNOWLEDGE OF THE RIPARIANS ON ACCESS TO FRESH WATER, FISHING AND ASSOCIATED RESOURCES IN THE TAPAJÓS RIVER BASIN TECHNICAL TEAM Cássio Alves Pereira (INIAMA) Ádria Oliveira dos Santos (INIAMA) David McGrath (Earth Innovation Institute and UFOPA) José Heder Benatti (Professor UFPA) Renã Margalho (Doctoral student PPGD/UFPA) TECHNICAL SUPPORT Antonia do Socorro Pena da Gama (UFOPA) Review: Sâmela Cristima da Silva Bonfim Translation: Everaldo de Souza Martins Neto ANALYSIS OF THE REGULATIONS AND KNOWLEDGE OF THE RIPARIANS ON ACCESS TO FRESH WATER, FISHING AND ASSOCIATED RESOURCES IN THE TAPAJÓS RIVER BASIN TECHNICAL TEAM Cássio Alves Pereira (INIAMA) Ádria Oliveira dos Santos (INIAMA) David McGrath (Earth Innovation Institute and UFOPA) José Heder Benatti (Professor UFPA) Renã Margalho (Doctoral student PPGD/UFPA) TECHNICAL SUPPORT Antônia do Socorro Pena da Gama (UFOPA) 2020 LIST OF PICTURES, CHARTS AND GRAPHS Figure 1 - Classification of the Tapajós River basin zones according to their occupation history and socioeconomic and environmental dynamics. -
Race, Power and Polemic: Whiteness in the Anthropology of Africa
Race, Power, and Polemic: Regardless of her respectful demeanor, Whiteness in the Anthropology of Cheney professes that her presence Africa “disrupted the regular flow of daily household life,” altering “the social dynamics” of houses and schools she visited Graham R Fox (Cheney 2007:33). Cheney’s experiences in Uganda are likely relatable for many white Introduction anthropologists in Africa and elsewhere. In In her 2007 ethnography Pillars of innumerable communities throughout the the Nation, American anthropologist Kristen Sub-Saharan Africa, the presence of a white Cheney recounts the first-hand experience of Westerner can conjure both positive and living and working in an urban housing negative sentiments. In some regions, the development in Kampala, Uganda. Con- interaction between Africans and non- spicuous amongst her black neighbors, she Africans is complicated by over a hundred describes the attention she received, years of tumultuous history. In Southern, especially in the early days of her research. Eastern and other pockets of Africa, white- skinned Europeans have not only dominated My presence in the barracks always and uprooted Africans, but exploited, elicited excited cries of “Mzungu” marginalized and in some cases, killed. (white person) from the children, most Different historical waves have sought to of whom were not yet old enough for reposition non-white Africans in positions of school. They rarely left the barracks self-determination, begin-ning in the 1960s and so rarely saw white people. Their through to the end of apartheid in South mothers would often point me out to Africa in the early 1990s. Despite these them when they saw me coming, so reconfigurations, Sub-Saharan Africa that by the time I reached them, the remains home to many whites, many of children were lined up along the rutted whom struggle to belong in places where dirt road as if for a parade (2007:26).