The Arabic Commentary on the Golden Verses Attributed to Proclus, and Its Neoplatonic Context
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Plato As "Architectof Science"
Plato as "Architectof Science" LEONID ZHMUD ABSTRACT The figureof the cordialhost of the Academy,who invitedthe mostgifted math- ematiciansand cultivatedpure research, whose keen intellectwas able if not to solve the particularproblem then at least to show the methodfor its solution: this figureis quite familiarto studentsof Greekscience. But was the Academy as such a centerof scientificresearch, and did Plato really set for mathemati- cians and astronomersthe problemsthey shouldstudy and methodsthey should use? Oursources tell aboutPlato's friendship or at leastacquaintance with many brilliantmathematicians of his day (Theodorus,Archytas, Theaetetus), but they were neverhis pupils,rather vice versa- he learnedmuch from them and actively used this knowledgein developinghis philosophy.There is no reliableevidence that Eudoxus,Menaechmus, Dinostratus, Theudius, and others, whom many scholarsunite into the groupof so-called"Academic mathematicians," ever were his pupilsor close associates.Our analysis of therelevant passages (Eratosthenes' Platonicus, Sosigenes ap. Simplicius, Proclus' Catalogue of geometers, and Philodemus'History of the Academy,etc.) shows thatthe very tendencyof por- trayingPlato as the architectof sciencegoes back to the earlyAcademy and is bornout of interpretationsof his dialogues. I Plato's relationship to the exact sciences used to be one of the traditional problems in the history of ancient Greek science and philosophy.' From the nineteenth century on it was examined in various aspects, the most significant of which were the historical, philosophical and methodological. In the last century and at the beginning of this century attention was paid peredominantly, although not exclusively, to the first of these aspects, especially to the questions how great Plato's contribution to specific math- ematical research really was, and how reliable our sources are in ascrib- ing to him particular scientific discoveries. -
Chapter Two Democritus and the Different Limits to Divisibility
CHAPTER TWO DEMOCRITUS AND THE DIFFERENT LIMITS TO DIVISIBILITY § 0. Introduction In the previous chapter I tried to give an extensive analysis of the reasoning in and behind the first arguments in the history of philosophy in which problems of continuity and infinite divisibility emerged. The impact of these arguments must have been enormous. Designed to show that rationally speaking one was better off with an Eleatic universe without plurality and without motion, Zeno’s paradoxes were a challenge to everyone who wanted to salvage at least those two basic features of the world of common sense. On the other hand, sceptics, for whatever reason weary of common sense, could employ Zeno-style arguments to keep up the pressure. The most notable representative of the latter group is Gorgias, who in his book On not-being or On nature referred to ‘Zeno’s argument’, presumably in a demonstration that what is without body and does not have parts, is not. It is possible that this followed an earlier argument of his that whatever is one, must be without body.1 We recognize here what Aristotle calls Zeno’s principle, that what does not have bulk or size, is not. Also in the following we meet familiar Zenonian themes: Further, if it moves and shifts [as] one, what is, is divided, not being continuous, and there [it is] not something. Hence, if it moves everywhere, it is divided everywhere. But if that is the case, then everywhere it is not. For it is there deprived of being, he says, where it is divided, instead of ‘void’ using ‘being divided’.2 Gorgias is talking here about the situation that there is motion within what is. -
Documents Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages Completedocuments
Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages CompleteDocuments Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages CompleteDocuments “THE FATE OF THIS POOR WOMAN”: MEN, WOMEN, AND INTERSUBJECTIVITY IN MOLL FLANDERS AND ROXANA A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Peter Christian Marbais May, 2005 Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages CompleteDocuments Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages CompleteDocuments Dissertation written by Peter Christian Marbais B.A., Ohio Wesleyan University, 1995 M.A., Kent State University, 1998 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2005 Approved by Vera J. Camden, Professor of English, Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Donald M. Hassler, Professor of English, Members, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Thomas J. Hines, Emeritus Professor of English Ute J. Dymon, Professor of Geography Accepted by Ronald J. Corthell, Chair, Department of English Darrell Turnidge, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages CompleteDocuments Click Here & Upgrade Expanded Features PDF Unlimited Pages CompleteDocuments TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS…………………………………….…………………….........iv CHAPTER INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………..……….1 I. DEFOE AND FATE…………………...………………………………………25 II. DEFOE’S WOMEN IN THE MYTHOS OF FATE AND INTERSUBJECTIVITY……………………………..………………...…….77 III. MUTUAL RECOGNITION WITHIN THE FATAL MATRIX AND BETWEEN -
Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY I. PSEUDO-D10NYSIUS THE AREOPAG1TE I. The Writings of Pseudo-Dionysius Modern Editions (I) S. Dionysii Areopagitae opera omnia quae exstant et commentarii quibus illustrantur, studio et opera Balthasaris Corderii, S. J., Patrologia Graeca 3, ed. J.-P. Migne, Text from the Edition of 1634 (Paris, 1856). Because of the immense difficulties presented by the manuscript tradition, the text of the ten Letters in this edition has not been superseded. The notes from M. J . Pinard's lifelong work have unfortunately been neither edited nor pub lished. (2) La hierarchie cileste, Traduction et Notes par M. de Gandillac, Etude et texte critiques par G. Heil, Introduction de Denys I'Areopagite par R. Roques, Collection Sources Chretiennes 58 (Paris, 1956). (3) Pseudo-Dionysii Areopagitae De caelesti hierarchia, in usum studiosae iuventutis, ed. P. Hendrix, Textus Minores XXV (Leiden, 1959). [Hendrix reproduces the text of (2)]. (4) S . Thomae Aquinatis, in librum Beati Dionysii "De Divinis Nominibus" expositio (Rome, 1950) [Improved text of On Divine Names, ed. C. Pera]. (5) [Anonymous], La TMologie Mystique, in La Vie Spirituelle 22 (1930), pp. 129-1 36. (6) Campbell, T. L., Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite: The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Translated and Annotated, Studies in Sacred Theology, S. S. 83 (Washington, 1955). (7) Darboy, G., Oeuvres de Saint Denys l'Areopagite traduites du grec; prece dees d'une introduction ou l'an discute l'authenticite de ces livres, et ou l'on expose la doctrine qu'ils renferment, et l'influence qu'ils ont exercee au moyen age (Paris, 1845). (8) Dulac, ]., Oeuvres de Saint Denys I'Areopagite, traduites du grec en fran<;:ais, avec Prolegomimes, Manchettes, Notes, Table analytique et alphabHique, Table detaillee des matieres .. -
Natural Theology in the Patristic Period Wayne Hankey Chapter Three of the Oxford Handbook of Natural Theology Edited Russell Re Manning Oxford University Press 2012
Natural Theology in the Patristic Period Wayne Hankey Chapter Three of The Oxford Handbook of Natural Theology Edited Russell Re Manning Oxford University Press 2012 The centrality of natural theology in this period and its inescapable formation of what succeeds are indicated by the multiple forms it takes throughout its extent in Hellenic, Jewish, and Christian philosophies, religious practices, and theologies. Commonly, the term, as used to refer to an apologetic or instrument presupposed by or leading to revealed religion and theology, makes no distinction between the forms of philosophy. Moreover, when those listed as “philosophers” in our histories touch on theological or religious matter, they are usually treated as if what they wrote was all “natural”, in the sense of coming from inherent human capacity, as opposed to what is inspired or gracious. Packing the natural theology of what we are calling “the Patristic Period” into such crudely undifferentiated lumps moulded by later binary schematizing destroys what it most distinctively accomplished. It not only produced the new language of metaphysics and the supernatural, 1 but also thought through how nature and what is beyond it interpenetrated one another. The Hellenic, Jewish, and Christian philosophers and theologians of the period, themselves frequently bridging the natural / supernatural divide in their “divine” miracle working or at least consecrated persons, took what was diversely established within Classical Antiquity to build hierarchically connected levels and kinds -
Proclus and Artemis: on the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Ancient Religion
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 13 | 2000 Varia Proclus and Artemis: On the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Ancient Religion Spyridon Rangos Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1293 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.1293 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2000 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Spyridon Rangos, « Proclus and Artemis: On the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Ancient Religion », Kernos [Online], 13 | 2000, Online since 21 April 2011, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1293 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.1293 Kernos Kernos, 13 (2000), p. 47-84. Proclus and Artemis: On the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Andent Religion* Imagine the situation in which contemporary philosophers would find themselves if Wittgenstein introduced, in his Philosophical Investigations, the religious figure of Jesus as Logos and Son of God in order to illuminate the puzzlement ofthe private-language paradox, or if in the second division of Being and Time Heidegger mentioned the archangel Michael to support the argument of 'being toward death'. Similar is the perplexity that a modern reader is bound to encounter when, after a highly sophisticated analysis of demanding metaphysical questions about the relationship of the one and the many, finitude and infinity, mind and body, Proclus, l in ail seriousness and without the slightest touch of irony, assigns to some traditional gods of Greek polytheism a definitive place in the structure of being. -
PROCLUS on HESIOD's WORKS and DAYS Patrizia Marzillo
PERFORMING AN ACADEMIC TALK: PROCLUS ON HESIOD’S WORKS AND DAYS Patrizia Marzillo Abstract From Socrates onwards orality was the favoured means of expression for those wholaterlovedtocallthemselves‘Platonic’.Theyusedtodiscussphilosophical issues in debates that turned into academic lectures and seminars. According to Plato’s original teaching, these talks should have not been “fixed” in written compositions, yet Plato himself put most of his doctrine into fictive “written dia- logues”.His followers intensified their connection with writing, above all for the purposes of teaching. On the one hand, they made notes on the lessons of their teachers; on the other, they enlarged their own talks in written compositions. Neoplatonists’ commentaries are often an amplification of their academic talks. The lessons held in the school of Athens or in Platonic circles coalesced into texts that mostly constitute Neoplatonic propaganda intended for the outside world. When Proclus directed the school in Athens, Plato and Aristotle were taught, but also theologian poets such as Homer, Orpheus, Hesiod. As the Suda reports, Proclus wrote commentaries on all of these poets, but the only onepreservedisthecommentaryonHesiod’sWorks and Days.Througha comparison of some passages from this commentary, I show how Proclus’ commentary on Hesiod is not only a good example of an oral lesson that has become a written commentary, but also, importantly, of a text that aimed at the diffusion of Neoplatonic ideas among an audience of non-adherents. As his biographer and disciple Marinus of Neapolis relates, the neo- Platonist Proclus was accustomed to write about lines a day.1 Besides being a very prolific author, he was also an indefatigable teacher since in addition to his writing he held several classes during the day and also gave evening talks.2 What I propose to show in this paper is the profound interaction between the oral communication in his school and the written performance of his commentaries. -
Neoplatonic Asclepius: Science and Religion at the Crossroads of Aristotelian Biology, Hippocratic Medicine and Platonic Theurgy
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 23(2): 333–349 Neoplatonic Asclepius: Science and religion at the crossroads of Aristotelian biology, Hippocratic medicine and Platonic theurgy Eugene AFONASIN1 Abstract. In the first part of the paper, I will briefly discuss certain peculiarities of the medical profession in antiquity. In his Philosophical History (fr. 80–84 Athanassiadi) Damascius narrates about a philosopher, named Asclepiodotus, whose interests ranged from Platonic philosophy to Aristotelian natural sciences. Asclepiodotus’ instructor in medical matters, a son of a doctor from the island of Rhodos, Iacobus, is pictured by Damascius as an exemplary figure (fr. 84), who, unlike many of his contemporaries, always tested the opinions of others and gained a reputation of an extremely successful physician, although the methods of treatment, ascribed to him by Damascius, are highly reminiscent of those presented as the Pythagorean by Iamblichus (On the Pythagorean way of life 244). In this respect both Iacobus and Asclepiodotus are conformed to the best standards of medical ethics, and pass the test set by Galen in his “On examination by which the best physicians are recognized”, except perhaps by the fact that they preferred to base their activities on such authorities as Aristotle and the Methodist Soranus rather than on a list of the “dogmatists” proposed by Galen. In the second part of the paper, dedicated to the cult of Asclepius in Late Antiquity, I will look at various kinds of evidence taken from the Neoplatonic philosophers. Having discussed first the principal philosophical interpretations of Asclepius found in Apuleius, Aelianus, Macrobius, Julian, Porphyry, Iamblichus, Proclus, Damascius, etc., we turn to Proclus’ attitude to Athena and Asclepius as reflected in Marinus’ Vita Procli and finally discuss the cult of Eshmun as found in Damascius. -
1 Florian Marion the Ἐξαίφνης in the Platonic Tradition: from Kinematics to Dynamics (Draft) Studies on Platonic 'The
F. Marion – The ἐξαίφνης in the Platonic Tradition: from Kinematics to Dynamics Florian Marion The ἐξαίφνης in the Platonic Tradition: from Kinematics to Dynamics (Draft) Studies on Platonic ‘Theoria motus abstracti’ are often focused on dynamics rather than kinematics, in particular on psychic self-motion. This state of affairs is, of course, far from being a bland academic accident: according to Plato, dynamics is the higher science while kinematics is lower on the ‘scientific’ spectrum1. Furthermore, when scholars investigate Platonic abstract kinematics, in front of them there is a very limited set of texts2. Among them, one of the most interesting undoubtedly remains a passage of Parmenides in which Plato challenges the puzzle of the ‘instant of change’, namely the famous text about the ‘sudden’ (τὸ ἐξαίφνης). Plato’s ἐξαίφνης actually is a terminus technicus and a terminus mysticus at once3, in such a way that from Antiquity until today this Platonic concept has been interpreted in very different fashions, either in a physical fashion or in a mystical one. Nevertheless, it has not been analysed how those two directions have been already followed by the Platonic Tradition. So, the aim of this paper is to provide some acquaintance with the exegetical history of ἐξαίφνης inside the Platonic Tradition, from Plato to Marsilio Ficino, by way of Middle Platonism and Greek Neoplatonism. After exposing Plato’s argument of Parm, 156c-157b and its various interpretations (1), I shall investigate the ways by which Middle Platonists (especially Taurus) and Early Neoplatonists as Plotinus and Iamblichus have understood Plato’s use of ἐξαίφνης (2), and finally how this notion had been transferred from kinematics to dynamics in Later Neoplatonism (3). -
Philosophy in Ancient Greek Biography. Turnhout: Brepols, 2016
Revista Classica, v. 30, n. 2, p. 137-142, 2017 137 BONAZZI, Mauro; SCHORN, Stefan. Bios Philosophos: Philosophy in Ancient Greek Biography. Turnhout: Brepols, 2016. 313p. ISBN 978-2-503-56546-0 Gustavo Laet Gomes* * Mestre em Filosofia Bernardo C. D. A. Vasconcelos** pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. guslaet@ gmail.com Bios Philosophos. Philosophy in Ancient Greek Biography (Brepols, 2016), organized by Mauro Bonazzi and Stefan Schorn, delivers a ** Mestre em Filosofia pela both deep and wide tour through the philosophical aspects of Greek Universidade Federal biographical production. On one hand, it does not concentrate only in de Minas Gerais. the later periods of Greek philosophy, when biographical production bernardovasconcelos abounded, but goes all the way back to the fourth century BCE, when @gmail.com biographical texts were fragmentary and mingled with other styles. On the other, it tries to unveil the philosophical motives in the works of authors who tend to be disregarded as historians, biographers, hagiographers or even as mere fans of the most prominent figures of their own schools. In our review, we will attempt to give a brief account of the ten articles that make up this volume, which, in turn, will hopefully provide an overview of the different connections between the biographies and biographers and their philosophical motives. Thomas Bénatouïl’s Pythagore chez Dicéarque: anectodes biographiques et critique de la philosophie contemplative (p. 11-36) proposes an inversion of the traditional interpretation regarding the testimony of Dicaearchus of Messana about the life of Pythagoras. Since antiquity, Dicaearchus’ reports tend to be seen as positive, because they present a Pythagoras devoid of mysticism and apparently more interested in practical matters. -
Table of Contents More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-76440-7 - The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I Edited by Lloyd P. Gerson Table of Contents More information CONTENTS VOLUME I List of contributors page xi List of maps xv General introduction 1 lloyd p. gerson I Philosophy in the later Roman Empire Introduction to Part I 11 1 The late Roman Empire from the Antonines to Constantine 13 elizabeth depalma digeser 2 The transmission of ancient wisdom: texts, doxographies, libraries 25 gabor´ betegh 3 Cicero and the New Academy 39 carlos levy´ 4 Platonism before Plotinus 63 harold tarrant 5 The Second Sophistic 100 ryan fowler 6 Numenius of Apamea 115 mark edwards 7 Stoicism 126 brad inwood v © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-76440-7 - The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I Edited by Lloyd P. Gerson Table of Contents More information vi Contents 8 Peripatetics 140 robert w. sharples 9 The Chaldaean Oracles 161 john f. finamore and sarah iles johnston 10 Gnosticism 174 edward moore and john d. turner 11 Ptolemy 197 jacqueline feke and alexander jones 12 Galen 210 r. j. hankinson II The first encounter of Judaism and Christianity with ancient Greek philosophy Introduction to Part II 233 13 Philo of Alexandria 235 david winston 14 Justin Martyr 258 denis minns 15 Clement of Alexandria 270 catherine osborne 16 Origen 283 emanuela prinzivalli III Plotinus and the new Platonism Introduction to Part III 299 17 Plotinus 301 dominic j. o’meara 18 Porphyry and his school 325 andrew smith 19 Iamblichus of Chalcis and his school 358 john dillon © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-76440-7 - The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I Edited by Lloyd P. -
Pdf\Preparatory\Kingswood
Methodist History 41.1 (2002): 342–70 (This .pdf version reproduces pagination of printed form) Kingswood School Library Holdings (ca. 1775) Randy L. Maddox In 1768 a group of students sympathetic to Methodism were expelled from Oxford University. One response of John Wesley to this expulsion was to revive the “academical” course of study at Kingswood School as an alternative for university education.1 Recognizing that the current library holdings at Kingswood were not adequate for supporting this course, Wesley began purchasing and sending appropriate books as he could find them. To guide his choices, he wrote to Joseph Benson, the current headmaster, asking for a list of the books in the collection.2 If Benson prepared a list, it does not survive. But fortunately for both Wesley scholars and historians more broadly a later manuscript catalogue of the Kingswood library is still present in the school’s archives.3 This catalogue was prepared around the year 1775 by Cornelius Bayley, who served as a tutor at Kingswood from 1773–83.4 It has 325 numbered listings (though he skips number 77), and then 6 more unnumbered items added at the end. Several of the items are duplicates, one is listed as “nameless” [285], and one simply as “a Dutch book” [321]. The result is a list of about 300 separate titles. Bayley typically lists only a short title or the author’s last name and a short title. For example, his listing for the first item in the list below is “Adams on globes.” Given this sparse identification, it is not surprising that the catalogue has not been drawn on much by Wesley scholars.