Hills, Old People, and Sheep

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Leeds Beckett Repository m&z 4/2016 Hills, Old People, and Sheep Reflections of Holmfirth as the Summer Wine town Lynne Hibberd & Zoë Tew-Thompson Media and Cultural Studies, Leeds Beckett University Abstract Holmfirth, West Yorkshire, UK is globally renowned as the setting for the world’s longest running sitcom Last of the Summer Wine (UK, BBC, 1973-2010). This article explores how the TV series has become embedded in the practical existence of the town and draws on empirical research with residents of Holmfirth which shows how people situate themselves in relation to their factual and fictionalized cultural heritage. In this paper we consider the interrelationship between media and memories and the role that nostalgia plays for the production, commodification, distribution and exchange of narratives. olmfirth is a rural market town in the Holme claim to being the longest running sitcom in the HValley, West Yorkshire, UK; the center world. Over the course of its production, Last point between three major cities in the north of the Summer Wine consistently garnered high of England, Leeds, Manchester and Sheffield. viewing figures for the BBC and is particularly Historically built on farming, agriculture and profitable overseas (Vine, 2011). In 2016, six years the textile industries, the town exists in the 21st after the final episode was originally broadcasted, century in much the same way as many former it remains a regular feature on British television mill towns across the Pennines do, a composite of albeit relegated far from its peak prime time 19th century factories and newer developments family slot on BBC1. Today, its syndication on left somewhat scarred by the millennial recession. free-to-air digital channels such as Yesterday and Holmfirth differs from many similar small towns BBC Gold ensures that it shows a near permanent by having two significant relationships to global presence throughout the day. media. The first is that it is the birthplace of Bamforth & Co. Ltd, a silent film production house which set up business in 1870 and became Imagining Holmfirth known for its moving pictures and “saucy” seaside postcards. Over the late 19th century Bamforth’s The extraordinary length of Last of the Summer success surpassed that of the US film industry Wine’s production, its presence on television for and the town was colloquially dubbed the over forty years, and its existence as television “Hollywood of the North”. Bamforth relocated “wallpaper” (Bourdon, 2003, p. 6) have all played the production of moving pictures to London a part to ensure that Holmfirth‘s synonymy in 1915 and an archive of the original Bamforth with the series is firmly established. As we have postcards is placed in the Holmfirth Picturedrome, argued elsewhere, Holmfirth as place and Last of a local music venue which itself is a former the Summer Wine as text both help to define each cinema. When the company was eventually sold other as a composite memory of “timeless rural off in the 1980s the factory stood derelict in the Yorkshire” (Hibberd & Tew-Thompson, in press). center of town for over thirty years. In 2016 it was These bucolic images draw on a known trope in purchased by the owners of the Picturedrome and which series such as Last of the Summer Wine and is currently being re-developed. similar shows such as Heartbeat (UK, YTV, 1992- The other prominent link to global media, which date), Where the Heart Is (UK, ITV, 1997-2006) is explored further in this article, is that Holmfirth and All Creatures Great and Small (UK, BBC, is the main filming location for Last of the Summer 1978-1990) offer versions of “ordinariness” and Wine (UK, BBC, 1973-2010), a series which lays “simple pleasures” which are inherently nostalgic 31 m&z 4/2016 and help to establish a quintessential rural Television and Nostalgia northern identity as a conceptually shared memory (Davidson, 2005; Armitage, 2009; Russell, 2004). Television and nostalgia are inextricable. Amy Last of the Summer Wine specifically has nostalgia Holdsworth (2011) argues that memories of past at its core. This is indicated both through its television and past television viewing experiences, title which implies the pleasures resulting from which are often tied to the space of the home imbibing the final drop of a season’s bounty; and and exist within familial structures, can be seen through its content which follows the antics of as indicative of a desire to anchor ourselves in three elderly friends, Compo, Foggy and Clegg, the world, a practice which draws implicitly on as they wander around their locale, reminiscing nostalgic recourse to the known, comfortable, and about former times, commenting on and often familiar. Holdsworth is predominantly concerned bemoaning the changing times, and reveling with examining how memory and nostalgia in their twilight years. The visual imagery of are represented, constructed and produced the series lends itself to the formation of shared by television in order to produce “televisual episodic memories: “three elderly men sliding memory”: the representation of, and nature of, down a hill on a tea tray” comes immediately memory on television. Other scholarly work on to mind. In addition, the visual tropes of the nostalgia television (Kompare, 2005; O‘Sullivan, “rural north” draw on landscape photography 1998; Spigel, 2001) is similarly characterized which promises televisual pleasure as a series of by a concern with the television “text” and the spectacular attractions (Wheatley, 2016), and ways in which television constructs and cements on a documentary/realist tradition which works moments in history in a way which necessitates to encapsulate, enable and solidify present- an affective response (Doane, 1990; Kuhn, day practices of remembering (Keightley & 1995). We seek here to broaden out the debate Schlesinger, 2014, p. 746). The dramatization of to include embodied and affective responses not the “ordinary” lives of the fictional characters on just to the text itself but its afterlife and effect on screen, particularly over such a prolonged time, the constitution of place in Holmfirth. In doing has helped the town to exist as both an imagined so we draw on what Shaun Moores (2012) has and known entity, creating a virtual visual memory referred to as a non-media-centric approach to of the region regardless of whether Holmfirth (or media studies, which moves beyond considering West Yorkshire) has been visited or even whether the representational “text” (Pink, 2012; Moores, the television series has been encountered. The 2012; Krajina, Moores & Morley, 2014). title of our paper reflects this and derives from an offhand remark made by one of our students who had neither visited Holmfirth nor watched Last Methodology of the Summer Wine, but who concluded from her knowledge of the series as wallpaper that the The empirical research that underpins this article area must be constituted of “hills, old people and is still underway and comprises interviews, focus sheep”. groups and longer-term auto-ethnographic work. We now turn to considering how Last of the The interviews that we draw on here predominantly Summer Wine as a TV text manages to move took place between October 2014 and 2015, and beyond the diegetic world of the series, into the consist of twelve face-to-face interviews conducted spaces of the town in which it was filmed, and in residential homes and cafes in Holmfirth. become embedded into the lived experiences Three of the interviewees referred to in this article of Holmfirth residents. In this paper, we are invited friends and/or partners to take part in particularly concerned with examining the role of the discussion. The voices that we draw on make nostalgia and recollections. We begin by outlining up a selection of people that responded to leaflet the scholarly basis for this study and then move and flyer drops around the town. As we sought on to describe some of the ways in which the to investigate not the television series per se, but series is woven into the fabric of the town. Finally, rather the way in which television is encountered, we examine the role of nostalgia as a structuring embedded and referred to on a banal, daily basis, trope to explain how Last of the Summer Wine is these advertisements asked people to discuss their embedded in the ways that people talk about and experiences of living in Holmfirth. While we experience the area. anticipated that this might result in data which do not include any referents to the series, in fact this 32 m&z 4/2016 was not the case. In all of the interviews to date, The broader considerations that arise from this references to the television series have surfaced methodology are the focus of study elsewhere either by name or by associative comments (e.g. (Tew-Thompson & Hibberd, in progress). comments about “the tour bus”, businesses named after fictional characters, and places “The Summer Wine Town” renown with particular incidents). Our immediate problem was in trying to examine how Last of the We now turn to the interrelationship between Summer Wine might inform understandings and nostalgic memories and Last of the Summer Wine experiences of Holmfirth without directly pointing by considering Holmfirth as a location. to the TV series and so tipping the conversation After 37 years of filming, Last of the Summer towards it. Decisions over who to interview Wine is embedded into the fabric of the town were based entirely on the willingness of people in such a way that simply to be in Holmfirth to participate, judgments about “typicality” or represents a blurring of the line between fictional “representativeness” (see Cook & Crang, 1995; setting and actual location.

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