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Kin Selection, Socialization, and Patriotism: an Integrating Theory

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Kin Selection, Socialization, and Patriotism: an Integrating Theory 144 Johnson's focus on patriotism elaborates a spe- the human propensity for deontologica! action, patri- cial case of manipulation of such a mechanism. otism would remain an anomaly for evolutionary Patriotism in large, heterogeneous states is an ideol- biology. One questions whether evolutionary stable ogy propagated by the ruling class to instill false ethical systems would long survive if they led to consciousness, and induce the ruled to behave reductions in the inclusive fitness of those believing against their best interest. It frequently mimicks kin in them. selection because the old evolutionary roots thereof What I am therefore is that make the idiom of kinship especially potent, and suggesting genes because the unconscious and nonrational com- incline people to construct and learn those ideolo- which increase fitness. The idea that ponent of kin selection makes it an effective smokes- gies genetic have such extended ef- creen for deceitful manipulation. Indeed, the ruling genes (and reciprocating) fects the in which consti- class frequently deceives itself, for the most effec- beyond body they reside, tutes a central focus for current in sociobi- tive ideology (and religion) is the one propagated by thinking 1982; Lumsden and self-deceived proponents. The most effective deceit ology (Dawkins, Wilson, 1981, From the of Lumsden and Wilson's is self-deceit, as Trivers insightfully suggested in his 1985). standpoint of for discussion of reciprocity. theory gene-culture coevolution, example, patriotic nationalism, religious zealotry, class con- flict, and other forms of ideological commitment (even 'international socialism') can be seen as genetically influenced cultural choices that individu- als make which in turn influence the replication of their genes. Thus the makeup of a gene pool causally affects the probability of any particular ideology being adopted, and the subsequent ideol- ogy, in turn, causally affects relative gene frequency. Religious, political, and other ideological battles may become as heated as they do because they have implications for genetic fitness; genotypes will thrive more in some ideological cultures than others. GENE-CULTURE COEVOLUTION AND From this perspective, Karl Marx did not take the far serves more than GENETIC SIMILARITY THEORY: argument enough: ideology economic interest; it also serves genetic purpose. IMPLICATIONS FOR IDEOLOGY, For this account to be true, individual and ETHNIC NEPOTISM, AND (a) group differences in ideological preferences must be GEOPOLITICS partly heritable, and (b) ideological practices must confer differential genetic fitness. Evidence exists to support both these propositions. With respect to (a), J. Phillippe Rushton while it has generally been assumed that political attitudes are for the most part environmentally deter- of Department Psychology mined, both twin and adoption studies demonstrate University of Western Ontario London, Ontario, N6A 5C2 moderate to substantial heritabilities (e.g., 0.50) for Canada both specific conservative social and political atti- tudes, as well as stylistic tendencies such as author- itarianism and degree of ideological committment (Eaves and Eysenck, 1974; Eaves, Martin, Heath, Johnson has formulated an insightful theory of patri- Jardine, Feingold, and Eysenck, 1985; Scarr and otism in which socialization and conditioning ex- Weinberg, 1981). pand biologically evolved kin-recognition systems to obligate people to behave toward in-group members With respect to (b), that is, whether the learning of as though they were genetically more similar than in ideologies can increase genetic fitness, obvious fact they are. In this commentary I will broaden his examples are to be found in those religious beliefs thesis by proposing a model in which patriotism is regulating sexual practices, marital custom, infant more than just "manipulated" altruism working to care, and child rearing (Reynolds and Tanner, 1983). the individual's genetic detriment, being instead, a Other evidence derives from cultural proscriptions genetically influenced strategy by which genes more on dietary habits. Amerindian tribes adopting the effectively replicate themselves. While the condition- use of alkali cooking for maize, for example, had ing processes Johnson outlines undoubtedly occur larger population densities and more complex social (Rushton, 1980), as does manipulated altruism organizations than Amerindian tribes who did not, (Dawkins, 1982), if these were sufficient to explain primarily because alkali cooking releases the most 145 nutritious parts of the cereal, enabling more tribal family members in which copies of itself are to be members to grow to reproductive maturity (Katz, found. In other words, the tendency to favor relatives Hodiger, and Valleroy, 1974; see also Lumsden and is a special case of a tendency to favor those of Wilson, 1981). The native tribes were unable to similar genotype. explicate the biochemical reasons for the benefits of In order to pursue this general strategy, an organ- alkali cooking, but their cultural beliefs had evolved ism must be able to detect copies of its genes in for good reason. others. Johnson has outlined the main ways in which The above analysis provides a new perspective on degrees of kinship, or genetic similarity, can be the role of religion in economic and political organi- differentiated (recognition al?eles, spatial distribu- zation, a topic that has generated research interest tion, familiarity through association, and phenotypic at least since the proposition that the Protestant matching). He accepts that all might be used, but Reformation was a major influence on the rise of downgrades the first as implausible, while empha- capitalism. One result of this research has been the sizing the latter two. A strong version of genetic view that the emergent "work ethic" led Protestants similarity theory, however, implies the existence of a to reach higher levels of economic attainment than genetic similarity detector ("recognition al?eles"), for Catholics, both within and between nations. From such a mechanism would be maximally efficient. All the perspective of gene-culture coevolution, how- one need postulate is that some phenotypes are ever, it is important to emphasize the reciprocal inherently more attractive to the organism than are cycle between culture and genes; thus it is just as others. The evolutionary origins of such a mecha- likely that the "first cause" was a change in gene nism could be simple: if like appearance is positively frequencies predisposing individuals toward greater correlated with like genes, any mutation toward individualism, industriousness, frugality, and intelli- preference for like phenotype would tend to prolifer- gence which subsequently inclined them to adopt a ate. belief system supportive of their genotypes as well The evidence in favor of an innate genetic similar- as attain a high level of economic success (for a ity detector is best considered by contrasting its partial review of the heritability of individual differ- discriminatory power with that of a phenotype ences in personality, see Rushton, Russell, and matching procedure. As Johnson allows, the human Wells, 1985). The "Protestant Ethic" has never preference for similarity in others is well docu- explained why Jews and Orientals economically mented. Since similarity can be based on either like outperform Protestants; group differences in par- genes or like experiences, which of the two causes tially inherited traits, however, may do so. of similarity is the more important? From a pheno- One objection to the account given so far con- type matching perspective it shouldn't matter cerns the mode of gene-culture transmission. It whether similarity is created by the genes or by the could be argued that while religious ideologies environment. From the perspective of recognition directly benefit the extended family, those such as al?eles, however, it is genetic similarity that is of patriotism would often result in a decrease in fitness prime importance. Evidence that humans can and (hence Johnson's thesis ultimately resting on patrio- do differentiate genetic from environmentally caused tism being a form of manipulated altruism). A recent similarity has been found in the context of human formulation going beyond classical kin-selection the- marriage, where spouses have long been known to ory, however, provides a firmer basis for an evolu- resemble each other. My co-workers and I have tionary understanding of ideological commitment, found that such resemblance is higher for the more for benefited genes do not have to be only those genetically influenced of a variety of anthropom?trie, residing in kin. cognitive, and personological characteristics (e.g., wrist size and nasal breadth rather than bicep or Genetic Similarity Theory waist size). Put another way, there is a positive Kin-selection essentially means that genes may en- correlation between assortative mating coefficients sure their own survival, not only by causing the and heritability estimates (Rushton and Russell, organism of which they form a part to reproduce, but 1985; Russell, Wells, and Rushton, 1985). Similar also by causing it to act in such a way that its processes are predicted to occur in other relation- relatives produce more than they would have done ships, including friendships and even broader social without its action (Hamilton, 1964). Kin-selection groupings. theory, however, can be incorporated into genetic Ethnic similarity theory
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