DOCSLIB.ORG

THE BATTLE of the PEACE-BUILDING NORM AFTER the IRAQ WAR by DAISAKU HIGASHI a THESIS SUBMITTED in PARTIAL FULFILLMENT of THE

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
THE BATTLE of the PEACE-BUILDING NORM AFTER the IRAQ WAR by DAISAKU HIGASHI a THESIS SUBMITTED in PARTIAL FULFILLMENT of THE THE BATTLE OF THE PEACE-BUILDING NORM AFTER THE IRAQ WAR by DAISAKU HIGASHI A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Political Science) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2006 © Daisaku Higashi 2006 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that there is a norm on peace building created by a series of practices of the United Nations after the end of the Cold War. The norm can be characterized by three key components: (l) the UN's leading role authorized by the UN Security Council)' (2) indigenous legitimacy conferred by local political process (peace agreements, popular consultations, etc.); and (3) national elections legitimatized by IOs (UN). After its invasion of Iraq, the Bush administration attempted to change this norm and to rebuild Iraq in a virtually unilateral way without the UN's political role. However, the United States failed in this attempt and needed to ask for the help of the United Nations to design the alternative political transition, create interim governments, and conduct elections by exercising the UN's unique legitimacy. The case shows that international norms, created by IOs, are able to resist the challenge by a hegemon that attempted to change the norm, and that the IOs could push the hegemon to follow the original expectations of the norm. The case is a serious challenge to the realist tenet because the norm can substantially regulate the behavior of the hegemon even in a hard case involving the vital interests of a hegemonic state, such as the US involvement in Iraq. The case is also significant in demonstrating how the norm can be changed; contrary to the realist conviction, even a hegemonic state cannot change the norm with free hands when the United Nations Secretariat and other UN member states seriously oppose the amendment of the norm. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii LIST OF FIGURES v CHAPTER I The Peace-Building Norm and Its Components 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 What Is Peace Building? 4 1.3 Why Norms Matter and How They Change: Theoretical Debates..... 5 1.3.1 Realism... : 6 1.3.2 Neo-Liberalism 8 1.3.3 Constructivism... 11 1.3.4 Why Is Examining the Nona on Peace Building Significant? The Impact on Lives 13 1.3.5 Not in the Margins: Theoretical Implications 14 1.4 What Is the Peace Building Norm? 17 1.4.1 Three Key Components 18 1.4.2 Empirical Support --23 1.5 Explaining the Peace-Building Norm: Why Is It Robust? 35 1.5.1 Functional Explanation: Success Rate ..35 1.5.2 The UN Advantage in Legitimacy 38 1.5.3 Legitimacy for Whom? The Audience..... 39 1.5.4 International Legitimacy 40 1.5.5 Indigenous Legitimacy and Elections 44 1.5.6 Did Hegemony Create the Peare-Bunding Norm? 45 1.6 Method -48 CHAPTER II The Bush Adnumstration Challenge to the Peace-Building Norm 50 2.1 Unilateralism vs. UN Legitimacy: The Neoconservative Agenda 50 2.2 The U.S. Plan to Rebuild Iraq Single-Handedly 52 2.2.1 Absolute Power of Authority by Resolution 1483 52 2.2.2 The U.S.' First Attempt to Change the Peace-Building Norm 53 2.2.3 The Authority of Bremer 54 2.2.4 The First Bremer Plan 55 2.2.5 The U.S.' Second Attempt to Change the Peace-Building Norm 56 2.2.6 Crucial Policies by Bremer Without UN Consultation 58 2.3 Why Did the U.S. Try to Conduct Nation Building by Itself? 60 2.3.1 The Other Neoconservative Agenda: Increase Security for Israel. 60 2.3.2 Oil As National Interest 63 Chapter III Resistance to the Hegemon .65 3.1 Why Did the UN Get Involved in Iraq in the Aftermath of the Invasion? 65 3.1.1 The Marginal Role of the United Nations Until August 19, 2003 65 3.1.2 The Realist Account? 67 3.2 The Challenge to U.S. Policy Following the Attack on the UN 68 3.3 Proposals by Kofi Annan on Rebuilding Iraq 71 3.3.1 The Reasons for Annan's Proposal 74 3.3.2 Assistance for Annan from Other Member States 75 iii 3.4 The U.S. Continued to Ignore the UN and Adopted Resolution 1511.... 77 CHAPTER IV U.S. Changed Policy on Nation Building in Iraq 80 4.1 Gradual Change in U.S. Policy on Iraq 80 4.1.1 Bremer Caucus Plan 80 4.1.2 Second Change of U.S. Policy on January 19, 2004 84 4.1.3 UN Designed the Procedure of Nation Building and Elections in Iraq 85 4.1.4 UN Election Design and Assistance 88 4.2 Reason for U.S. Change 89 4.2.1 U.S.-Led Nation Building Suffered from a Lack of Legitimacy in Iraq 89 4.2.2 How Did U.S. Legitimacy Deteriorate Among Iraqis 95 4.2.3 Lack of Legitimacy Among the Public in the United States 98 CHAPTER V Failure of Peace Building in Iraq and Its Impact on Other Peace Building 101 5.1 Why Is Nation Building in Iraq Not Successful? 101 5.1.1 Lack of UN Authorization for the Invasion of Iraq Damaged the Possibility of Success 103 5.1.2 Mistakes in the First Year of Occupation Were Too Massive to Recover From 106 5.1.3 Ongoing Suffering After Sovereignty Was Returned in July, 2004 113 5.2 Impact of Lesson in Iraq on Other Peace Building in the Future 114 5.2.1 It Is Unlikely That the U.S. Will Attempt to Change the Peace-Building Norm Again ••• 114 5.2.2 New Challenge of the United Nations Peace Building 116 5.3 Conclusion 118 Bibliography 122 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 Peace-Building Process in Cambodia 24 Figure 1.2 Peace-Building Process in Bosnia ..26 Figure 1.3 Peac«-Building Process in Croatia ...27 Figure 1.4 Peace-Building Process in East Timor 29 Figure 1.5 Peace-Bunding Process in Afghanistan 31 Figure 1.6 Peace-Building Process in DRC 34 Figure 2.1 The First Bremer Plan 56 Figure 3.1 The First Bremer Plan 73 Figure 3.2 The Annan Proposal 73 Figure 4.1 Second Bremer Plan (Caucus Plan) 80 Figure 4.2 Brahimi Proposal 86 Figure 4.3 Attack Against U.S. Forces ...95 Figure 4.4 National Poll in Iraq May 14-23, 2004 96 Figure 4.5 About U.S.-British Military Action (USA Today/CNN/Gallup) 98 Figure 5.1 Coalition Forces in Iraq in 2005 104 Figure 5.2 Gallup Poll of Iraq 2004 110 Figure 5.3 Gallup Poll of Baghdad 2003-2004 Ill Figure 5.4 Gallup Poll of Baghdad 2003-2004 112 v CHAPTER I The Peace-Building Norm and Its Components 1.1 Introduction Peace building has become one of the dominant issues in current international politics. Observing difficulties and challenges in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Kosovo, and East Timor, there is no doubt that peace building—whatever you call it, such as post-conflict reconstruction or nation building—has been a crucial issue in world politics. Both policy makers and academic researchers interested in "war and peace" are motivated to examine this phenomenon, which has been prominent since the end of the Cold War. In this thesis, I argue that there is a norm on peace building created by the practices of International Organizations (IOs), especially the United Nations, which established the grounds of post-conflict reconstruction after the end of the Cold War.11 argue that the norm can be characterized as consisting of the following requirements: (l) the UN in a leading role authorized by the UN Security Council; (2) indigenous legitimacy conferred by a local political process (peace agreements, popular consultations ,etc,); 1 Sens also argues that "a peace-building norm has emerged within the UN system" (Sens, 2004, p. 141). In this thesis, I will develop his argument and articulate the key components of the peace-building norm, as well as examine how the United States tried to change that norm in the post-conflict reconstruction of Iraq. 1 and (3) national elections legitimatized by IOs (UN). After its invasion of Iraq, the United States tried to change this norm and to rebuild Iraq in a virtually unilateral way without giving the UN a leading role in the political transitional process in Iraq. In doing so, I argue, the United States did not simply ignore existing norms of peace building, but also attempted to change the peace-building norm. In spite of the ambitious plan of the Bush administration, however, the United States failed in this attempt and needed to accept the requests by the UN Secretariat and other member states that pushed the United States to follow the original peace- building norm. Consequently, the United States decided to ask the United Nations to design and assist in the key political procedures of post-conflict reconstruction, such as establishing the interim government and designing and conducting the two national elections in Iraq. I argue that even the United States, one of the most powerful states in human history and the hegemonic power of the early 21st century, has realized that it is impossible to conduct peace building single-handedly, and that it needs to ask the United Nations to be politically involved to obtain the legitimacy of peace building.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Downloaded from the Internet and Distributed Inflammatory Speeches and Images Including Beheadings Carried out by Iraqi Insurgents
    HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH WORLD REPORT 2006 EVENTS OF 2005 Copyright © 2006 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Co-published by Human Rights Watch and Seven Stories Press Printed in the United States of America ISBN-10: 1-58322-715-6 · ISBN-13: 978-1-58322-715-2 Front cover photo: Oiparcha Mirzamatova and her daughter-in-law hold photographs of family members imprisoned on religion-related charges. Fergana Valley, Uzbekistan. © 2003 Jason Eskenazi Back cover photo: A child soldier rides back to his base in Ituri Province, northeastern Congo. © 2003 Marcus Bleasdale Cover design by Rafael Jiménez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] Rue Van Campenhout 15, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 732 2009, Fax: +32 2 732 0471 [email protected] 9 rue Cornavin 1201 Geneva Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] Markgrafenstrasse 15 D-10969 Berlin, Germany Tel.:+49 30 259 3060, Fax: +49 30 259 30629 [email protected] www.hrw.org Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Neoconservatism As a Jewish Movement
    UNDERSTANDING JEWISH INFLUENCE III: NEOCONSERVATISM AS A JEWISH MOVEMENT KEVIN MACDONALD ver the last year, there has been a torrent of articles on neoconservatism raising (usually implicitly) some difficult issues: Are neoconservatives Odifferent from other conservatives? Is neoconservatism a Jewish movement? Is it “anti-Semitic” to say so? The thesis presented here is that neoconservatism is indeed a Jewish intellectual and political movement. This paper is the final installment in a three- part series on Jewish activism and reflects many of the themes of the first two articles. The first paper in this series focused on the traits of ethnocentrism, intelligence, psychological intensity, and aggressiveness.1 These traits will be apparent here as well. The ethnocentrism of the neocons has enabled them to create highly organized, cohesive, and effective ethnic networks. Neoconservatives have also exhibited the high intelligence necessary for attaining eminence in the academic world, in the elite media and think tanks, and at the highest levels of government. They have aggressively pursued their goals, not only in purging more traditional conservatives from their positions of power and influence, but also in reorienting U.S. foreign policy in the direction of hegemony and empire. Neoconservatism also illustrates the central theme of the second article in this series: In alliance with virtually the entire organized American Jewish community, neoconservatism is a vanguard Jewish movement with close ties to the most extreme nationalistic, aggressive, racialist and religiously fanatic elements within Israel.2 Neoconservatism also reflects many of the characteristics of Jewish intellectual movements studied in my book, The Culture of Critique3 (see Table 1).
    [Show full text]
  • Chasing Success
    AIR UNIVERSITY AIR FORCE RESEARCH INSTITUTE Chasing Success Air Force Efforts to Reduce Civilian Harm Sarah B. Sewall Air University Press Air Force Research Institute Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama Project Editor Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dr. Ernest Allan Rockwell Sewall, Sarah B. Copy Editor Carolyn Burns Chasing success : Air Force efforts to reduce civilian harm / Sarah B. Sewall. Cover Art, Book Design and Illustrations pages cm L. Susan Fair ISBN 978-1-58566-256-2 Composition and Prepress Production 1. Air power—United States—Government policy. Nedra O. Looney 2. United States. Air Force—Rules and practice. 3. Civilian war casualties—Prevention. 4. Civilian Print Preparation and Distribution Diane Clark war casualties—Government policy—United States. 5. Combatants and noncombatants (International law)—History. 6. War victims—Moral and ethical aspects. 7. Harm reduction—Government policy— United States. 8. United States—Military policy— Moral and ethical aspects. I. Title. II. Title: Air Force efforts to reduce civilian harm. UG633.S38 2015 358.4’03—dc23 2015026952 AIR FORCE RESEARCH INSTITUTE AIR UNIVERSITY PRESS Director and Publisher Allen G. Peck Published by Air University Press in March 2016 Editor in Chief Oreste M. Johnson Managing Editor Demorah Hayes Design and Production Manager Cheryl King Air University Press 155 N. Twining St., Bldg. 693 Maxwell AFB, AL 36112-6026 [email protected] http://aupress.au.af.mil/ http://afri.au.af.mil/ Disclaimer Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the organizations with which they are associated or the views of the Air Force Research Institute, Air University, United States Air Force, Department of Defense, or any AFRI other US government agency.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq As a Failed State Report #4
    Pauline H. Baker LESSONS FROM THE JANUARY ELECTIONS Iraq as a Failed State Report #4 Pauline H. Baker The Fund for Peace 1701 K Street, NW Eleventh Floor Washington, D.C. 20006 (202) 223-7940 (phone) (202) 223-7947 (fax) www.fundforpeace.org LESSONS FROM THE JANUARY ELECTIONS Contents PREFACE 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5 INDICATOR TRENDLINE GRAPHS Graph 1: Iraq Indicator Totals 13 Graph 2: Key Events in Iraq 14 Graph 3: Indicator Trendline Graphs 15 Table 1: Iraq: Summary Indicator Ratings 18 DATA INTERPRETATION Appendix I: October Indicator Summary 19 Appendix II: November Indicator Summary 25 Appendix III: December Indicator Summary 31 Appendix IV: January Indicator Summary 37 Appendix V: February Indicator Summary 42 Appendix VI: March Indicator Summary 49 Appendix VII: April Indicator Summary 55 METHODOLOGICAL NOTE 61 LESSONS FROM THE JANUARY ELECTIONS Preface Although there have been many reports on Iraq, the Fund for Peace (FfP) is contributing to post-conflict Iraq analysis by providing a systematic evaluation of Iraqi progress, using specific metrics for measuring social, economic and political stabilization since the invasion in April 2003. Applying the analytical framework developed by the FfP to assess societies at risk of internal conflict and state collapse, this series of reports evaluates Iraq’s progress toward sustainable security – the stage at which the country is largely peaceful and capable of governing itself without external military or administrative oversight.1 The methodology employed is detailed in the Methodological Note at the end of this report. Briefly, it is based on independent ratings of twelve top conflict indicators enumerated in the attached charts, five core political institutions, and “stings” or unanticipated events and factors.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratization in Iraq by Kate Lotz and Tim Melvin
    H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W ELFARE Democratization in Iraq by Kate Lotz and Tim Melvin Prospects for political and economic success in Iraq are uncertain. The U.S.-led effort can fail in many ways, notably by a loss of political will in the face of terrorism and weak allies. On the other hand, success could change the shape of political institutions throughout the Middle East (Robert J. Barro in Business Week, April 5, 2004). In great numbers and under great risk, Iraqis have shown their commitment to democracy. By participating in free elections, the Iraqi people have firmly rejected the anti-democratic ideology of the terrorists. They have refused to be intimidated by thugs and assassins. And they have demonstrated the kind of courage that is always the foundation of self-government (George W. Bush, from Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, February 7, 2005). Restructuring Iraq's political system will be laden with difficulties, but it will certainly be feasible. At the same time, the blueprint for Iraq's democracy must reflect the unique features of Iraqi society. Once the system is in place, its benefits will quickly become evident to Iraq's various communities; if it brings economic prosperity (hardly unlikely given the country's wealth), the postwar structure will gradually, yet surely, acquire legitimacy (Adeed and Karen Dawisha in Foreign Affairs, May/June 2003). With the war in Iraq over, Coalition forces are still present as the cultivation of Iraqi democracy is underway. Coalition-led democratization in Iraq will prove to be a lengthy and complex objective, but one which will be pursued until successfully accomplished.
    [Show full text]
  • Odnosi Med ZDA in Irakom, 2003 - 2014
    UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI FAKULTETA ZA DRUŽBENE VEDE Koželj Rok Odnosi med ZDA in Irakom, 2003 - 2014 Relationship between USA and Iraq, 2003 - 2014 Magistrsko delo Ljubljana, 2015 1 UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI FAKULTETA ZA DRUŽBENE VEDE Koželj Rok Mentor: red. prof. dr. Bogomil Ferfila Somentor: red. prof. dr. Calvin Mouw Odnosi med ZDA in Irakom, 2003 - 2014 Relationship between USA and Iraq, 2003 - 2014 Ljubljana, 2015 2 Relationship between USA and Iraq, 2003 - 2014 United States of America invaded a highly complex social and historical reality, led by dictator Saddam Hussein with a harsh hand and cruel methods, when it occupied Iraq in 2003. After the occupation of the country, USA and partner countries were not able to ensure a peaceful transition towards democracy, which would have been possible only with the inclusion of all ethnical and religious communities in an inclusive dialogue, which would in turn bring to the creation of a new, adapted Constitutional and Institutional State order. The two biggest problems have been the exclusion of a consistent Arab-Sunni minority from the decision-making process and the definition of status of the Kurdistan Autonomous Region in the North of the country. After the initial consistent mistakes of the US, among which we can count the invasion itself and the consequent dismissal of the Iraqi military and civil-administrative infrastructure, which caused un-governance and chaos, the appropriate decision (in the given situation) of the US administration was to implement the "Surge" operation: this term indicated a change of strategy of the US, resulting in alliances between US Army and Sunni tribes, an increased military contingent and the deployment of the Army on the ground where really needed (in towns and villages).
    [Show full text]
  • Saturday, April 14, 2012
    Saturday, April 14, 2012 Jewish At The Root: Iraq’s Destruction, Hell Weapons, Hatred, Networking And The Interconnectedness Of It All The ancient Arab nation of Iraq has been transformed into a wasteland by a maniacal group of Jewish supremacists. (graphic by Skulz Fontaine) by Jonathan Azaziah March 20th, 2012 marked 9 years since Iraq was invaded and systematically annihilated by the terrorist armies of the United States of America (chief aggressor), and the United Kingdom (secondary aggressor), along with further “support” from the terrorist forces of their “coalition of the willing.” The murder of the Iraqi nation was not executed in the interests of the “US Empire” or “Western imperialism” as it is customarily described by petrified “activists” who are apprehensive to the point of convulsion to criticize Zionism as an international force that is upheld by Jewish financial and political power. Iraq was destroyed for the protection of the Zionist entity and the only “imperialism” at work was Zionist imperialism and the only “empire” that had its interests furthered was Empire Judaica, using its proxy American attack dog to do its insidious dirty work. It is the most closely-guarded yet widely-known secret on Capitol Hill: America invaded Iraq for “Israel.” Despite the taboo, numerous prominent individuals have suffered from the proverbial “slip of the tongue” and revealed what is all too obvious for persons who are aware of the machinations of the Zionist entity’s American fifth columnists. Former US Secretary of State Condoleezza
    [Show full text]
  • Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 2006 Volume 1: Final Report
    IRAQ Monitoring the situation of children and women Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 2006 Volume 1: Final Report Central Organization for Statistics & Information Technology Kurdistan Regional Statistics Office Ministry of Health United Nations Children’s Fund Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Final Report, 2006 1 2 Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Final Report, 2006 Monitoring the Situation of Children and Women Findings from the Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 2006 VOLUME 1: FINAL REPORT October 2007 Implementing agencies: Central Organization for Statistics & Information Technology Kurdistan Regional Statistics Office Partner: Ministry of Health United Nations Children’s Fund Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Final Report, 2006 i ii Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Final Report, 2006 Contributors to the report: Consultant, Manar E. Abdel-Rahman Central Organization for Statistics & Information Technology (COSIT) Kurdistan Regional Statistics Office (KRSO) UNICEF Headquarters, MENA Regional Office and Country Office for Iraq The Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) was carried by Central Organization for Statistics & Information Technology and Kurdistan Regional Statistics Office in collaboration with the Ministry of Health. Financial and technical support was provided by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) . Technical support was also provided by Government of Iraq Steering Committee (MOH, MOE, MOLSA, MMPW), the United Nations Steering Committee (WHO, UNFPA, WFP), the Pan Arab Project for Family Health (PAPFAM), and MEASURE DHS/ ORC Macro. This survey was also made possible by the Canadian International Development Agency’s (CIDA) financial support. This survey was conducted as part of the third round of MICS surveys (MICS-3), carried out around the world in more than 50 countries, in 2005-2006, following the first two rounds of MICS surveys that were conducted in 1995 and in 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • 2005 Department of Military Affairs Annual Report
    KentucKy Department of military affairs annual report fiscal year 2004-2005 About the Cover: Medic SGT Michael Ball, a member of the Kentucky Army National Guard Battery A, Tompkinsville, 1st Battalion of the 623rd Field Artillery, tending a little girl’s scratch in Iraq. SGT Ball was awarded the Bronze Star for his service in Iraq. Photo courtesy COL (R) Al Alfaro. Tompkinsville's Btry A 1st Bn 623rd FA In Memoriam Sergeant Jonathan A. Hughes Sergeant. Jonathan “Adam” Hughes, 21, of Lebanon, KY (Marion County) was killed on Saturday, March 19, 2005 in Iraq when his armored HMMWV vehicle encountered an improvised explosive device (IED) during an escort patrol for a convoy enroute to Baghdad Interna- tional Airport. At the time of his death, Hughes was assigned to Bravo Battery 1st Battalion 623rd Field Artillery, based in Campbellsville, KY. He joined the Guard in May 2001 when he was 17. His unit mobilized for Operation Iraqi Freedom in November and deployed to Southwest Asia in January 2005. Sergeant Eric L. Toth Sgt. Eric Lee Toth, 21 of Edmonton, Ky, (Metcalfe County) was killed on Wednesday, March 30, 2005 in Iraq when his HUMVEE encountered a vehicle-borne Improvised Explosive Device (IED) while returning from an escort patrol for a convoy along the main supply route in Baghdad. Toth joined the National Guard in May 2001. He was assigned to Alpha Battery 1st Battalion 623rd Field Artillery, based in Tompkinsville, Ky. This unit mobilized for Operation Iraqi Freedom in November and deployed to Southwest Asia in January 2005. Toth was a 2001 graduate of Metcalfe County High School.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq United Nations
    IRAQ UNITED NATIONS SITUATION REPORT 17 - 30 January 2004 OVERVIEW ► On 30 January 2005, Iraqis participated in the first free elections in fifty years. The international community hailed the elections as a success and await the final outcome expected to be released in the near future. While most attention has been focused on the elections, the humanitarian community continues to express concern over the situation of displaced persons living in and around Falluja. The UNCT for Iraq is currently preparing the 2005 Strategic Plan outlining AQ AQ AQ expected projects and programmes for the period 2005-2007. The plan is based on a process of wide consultations with Iraqi partners and is in line with the National Development Strategy. IR HUMANITARIAN ► The situation of displaced persons in and around Fallujah continues to be closely monitored as the FOR return and recovery process inside the city gathers pace. UN and IOM partners continue to assess humanitarian and protection needs and provide emergency assistance in the areas of food, water, non-food items, health, and education throughout the IDP locations. Moreover, the UN offered material support in the form of non-food items to the IIG’s relief and reconstruction plans for the city. Large numbers of residents are reportedly returning to stay inside Fallujah despite the harsh living conditions, which include a lack of adequate shelter, water, electricity, health, and education. Internal displacements throughout the rest of the country, whether due to military operations or ethno-religious tensions, remain a major concern, especially in the areas of Mosul and Kirkuk. UN ELECTORAL ASSISTANCE ► Public Outreach Material Distribution: Over the reporting period, 5,000 Civic Education Handbooks and 2,500 flipcharts which were printed in Amman and shipped to Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • CIA Aircraft Shell Companies; FAA Notices 119,000 Unregistered
    CIA Aircraft Shell Companies; FAA notices 119,000 unregistered aircraft for epic drugflight lols; Afghan drug informant/patsy blamed; Evergreen Dispersant Chemtrails; DEA rents plane from drug traffickers for total win in Fake War on Drugs Submitted by HongPong on Mon, 2010-12-13 09:03 via Evergreen B747 Supertanker™ : The World’s Fastest, Largest Aerial Firefighting And Multi-Use Application Vehicle Going back to 2005:C.I.A. Expanding Terror Battle Under Guise of Charter Flights - New York Times While posing as a private charter outfit - "aircraft rental with pilot" is the listing in Dun and Bradstreet - Aero Contractors is in fact a major domestic hub of the Central Intelligence Agency's secret air service. The company was founded in 1979 by a legendary C.I.A. officer and chief pilot for Air America, the agency's Vietnam-era air company, and it appears to be controlled by the agency, according to former employees. Behind a surprisingly thin cover of rural hideaways, front companies and shell corporations that share officers who appear to exist only on paper, the C.I.A. has rapidly expanded its air operations since 2001 as it has pursued and questioned terrorism suspects around the world. An analysis of thousands of flight records, aircraft registrations and corporate documents, as well as interviews with former C.I.A. officers and pilots, show that the agency owns at least 26 planes, 10 of them purchased since 2001. The agency has concealed its ownership behind a web of seven shell corporations that appear to have no employees and no function apart from owning the aircraft.
    [Show full text]
  • THE EVOLUTION of COUNTERINSURGENCY WARFARE: a HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Revista De Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia Y Seguridad, Vol
    Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad ISSN: 1909-3063 [email protected] Universidad Militar Nueva Granada Colombia Palma Morales, Oscar THE EVOLUTION OF COUNTERINSURGENCY WARFARE: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad, vol. 6, núm. 2, julio-diciembre, 2011, pp. 195-220 Universidad Militar Nueva Granada Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=92722562009 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 195 rev.relac.int.estrateg.segur.6(2):195-220,2011 THE EVOL UTION OF COUNTERINSURGENCY W ARF ARE: A HISTORIC AL OVERVIEW *** Oscar Palma Morales ** ABSTRACT This paper makes a historical overview of the evolution of counterinsurgency in order to understand that this concept has not been rigid and static through the ages. It intends to explain why the understanding of counterinsurgency, its objectives and scope, the actors involved in its practice, and especially the legal and legitimate methods applied, are as they are conceived today. In essence, what began as the use of violence to destroy the insurgency along with its social base through all available means became a political enterprise to build state institutions in every region in a specific country. This, in order to erode the insurgency’s connection with communities while providing the services required for social and economic development. It also makes an observation of 08 de noviembre de 2011 21 de octubre de 2011 one of the future dilemmas of the debate on counterinsurgency.
    [Show full text]