Ladies' Memorial Associations and the Making of the Lost Cause Caroline Elizabeth Janney-Lucas Luray
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If Not forthe Ladies: Ladies' Memorial Associations and the Making of the Lost Cause Caroline Elizabeth Janney-Lucas Luray, Virginia Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 Bachelor of Arts, University of Virginia, 1998 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia May, 2005 If Not forthe Ladies: Ladies' Memorial Associations and the Making of the Lost Cause Table of Contents Abstract................................. ...............................................................................................i Abbreviations ......................................................................................................................ii Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1. "Patriotic Ladies of the South": Virginia Women in the Confederacy, ...........22 1861-1865 Chapter 2. "A Fitting Work": The Origins of Virginia's Ladies' Memorial. .....................59 Associations, 1865-1866 Chapter 3. "The Influence and Zeal ofWoman": Ladies' Memorial Associations ........ 101 during Radical Reconstruction, 1867-1870 Chapter 4. "A Rather Hardheaded Set": Challenges forthe Ladies' Memorial. .............151 Associations, 1870 - mid-1880s Chapter 5. "The Old Spirit is Not Dying Out," The Memorial Associations' .................194 Renaissance, l 880s-l 893 Chapter 6. "Lest We Forget" United Daughters and Confederated Ladies,................... .242 1894-1910 Epilogue ........................................................................................................................... 282 Abstract "If Not for the Ladies" restores white women's place in the historical narrative by exploring their role as the creators and purveyors of Confederatetradition in the post Civil War South. Through a study of the Ladies' Memorial Associations of Virginia from 1861-1914, it examines how and why middle- and upper-class southern white women came to shape the public rituals of Confederatememory, Reconstruction, and reconciliation. Members ofLMAs not only helped to create and entrench Confederate traditions, but they also comprised the first systematic and enduring organizations among southern white women twenty to thirty years before the establishment of national groups such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, Daughters of the American Revolution, and the Women's Christian Temperance Union. LMAs, therefore, are evidence of a collective southern white woman's consciousness and activism (what historians have labeled "organized womanhood") much earlier than many historians have supposed. Through their experiences in Ladies' Memorial Associations, middle- and upper-class southern white women altered their relationship to each other, men, and the state. They redefined what it meant to be both an "ex-Confederate" and a "southern lady" in the postwar South. 11 Abbreviations AANVA Association of the Army of Northern Virginia CMA Confederate Monument Association CMLS Confederate Memorial Literary Society CSMA Confederated Southern Memorial Association FLMA Fredericksburg Ladies' Memorial Association GAR Grand Army of the Republic HMA Hollywood Memorial Association LLMA Lynchburg Ladies' Memorial Association LLMC Ladies' Lee Monument Committee LMA Ladies' Memorial Association OMA Oakwood Memorial Association PLMA Petersburg Ladies' Memorial Association SCB Southern Cross Brotherhood scv Sons of Confederate Veterans ucv United ConfederateVeterans lIDC United Daughters of the Confederacy WLMA Winchester Ladies' Memorial Association WRC Women's Relief Corps Introduction "And when the bright sun of peace shall gleam refulgent fromthe murky clouds of War, a band of battle scarred veterans, a still unfainting few bearing their tattered standards to the scenes of home, beneath peaceful skies, shall gladly pay a lifelong homage at the shrine of the patriotic ladies of the South, at their feetshall be laid 1 the brightest laurels and fairest fruitsof peace." Between 1866 and 1914, white southerners frequently hailed the critical role Ladies' Memorial Associations had played in creating the traditions that honored the Confederate cause. A Richmond newspaper praised the women's efforts: "thanks to the ladies' memorial associations once a year, all the people ceasing from labor, turn their thoughts back to the war [ and] revive the memories of those days of heroism and suffering." A periodical called the Southern Opinion further commended the annual Memorial Days organized by women throughout the South for"keeping alive that nationality and hereditary feeling that our destroyers would systematically crush out." Former Confederate general Robert E. Lee likewise understood the ramifications of the women's commemorations. He extolled the women's "noble efforts, to protect the graves of those enshrined in our hearts," but consistently declined to attend Memorial Day exercises because he believed such celebrations engendered northern hostility and slowed reconciliation. Forty years after the war, the tributes to women continued when General 1 Wickham's Brigade (led by Col. Thomas T. Munford - letter signed by Capt. William Steptoe, Capt I.S. Jones, and 1st Lt B. W. Lacy) to Mrs. Raleigh Colston, January 23, 1865, Munford-Ellis Papers, Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham, N.C. [repository hereaftercited as DU). 2 Stith Bolling heralded the "untiring and faithful effortsof the Ladies of the Memorial Association to perpetuate [ veterans'] memory." Contemporary white southerners understood the ramifications and applauded the efforts of these southern "Ladies" in sustaining the spirit of the Confederate cause.2 Recent years have seen the publication of numerous books and articles on 3 Confederate memory and what has come to be known as the Lost Cause. The authors of these books have explored the cultural, political, and social dimensions of the Lost Cause; the racial promptings and implications of the movement; and the significance of Confederate identity in contemporary America.4 But unlike white southerners of the late- 2 Southern Opinion, June 15, 1867, June 6, 1868; Richmond Dispatch, May 31, 1887; Robe1t E. Lee to Miss Ida Dodge, May 11, 1866, Lee Letter book, Lee Family Papers, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond [repository hereaftercited as VHS]; Petersburg Daily Index Appeal, June 11, 190 l. Stith Bolling (1835-1916) enlisted as a sergeant in the Lunenberg Light Dragoons (Company G of the 9th Regiment Virginia Cavalry) in 1861. Eventually he rose to the rank of acting assistant adjw1ct general. After the war, he refused to surrender with the remainder of the Anny of Northern Virginia and attempted to join Gen. Joseph E. Johnston in North Carolina. He surrendered, however, on April 15, 1865. After the war, the governor appointed him brigadier general of the militia, and he served as commander of the Petersburg A.P. Hill Camp of Confederate Veterans and subsequently major general of the Virginia Division. (Donald W. Gunter, "Stith Bolling," in John T. Kneebone and others, eds., Dictionaryof Virginia Biography, 2 vols. to date [Richmond: Library of Virginia, 1998-), 1:71-72.) 3 The standard definitionof the Lost Cause states that in the postwar climate of economic, racial, and gender uncertainty, many white southerners began to cultivate a public memory of the Confederacy that sought to present the war and its outcome in the best possible terms. Rather than forsakingtl1e defeated Confederacy, they created and romanticized the "Old South" and the Confederate war effort, often factually and chronologically distorting the way in which the past would be remembered. This nostalgia for the past accompanied a collective forgetting of slavery while defining Reconstruction as a period of "Yankee aggression" and black "betrayal." The Lost Cause provided a sense of relief to white southerners who feared being dishonored by defeat, while its rituals and rhetoric celebrated the memory of personal sacrifice in a region rapidly experiencing change and disorder. See C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), 154-55; Gary W. Gallagher and Alan T. Nolan, eds., The Mythof the Lost Cause and Civil War History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000), 1-34; Grace Elizabeth Hale, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in tl1e South, 1890-1940 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998), 47-49; Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause, and the Emergence of the New South. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 3-10; Pete Daniel, Lost Revolutions: The South in the 1950s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 26. 4 On Confederate memory and the Lost Cause, see William A. Blair, Cities of the Dead: Contesting the Memory of the Civil War in the South, 1865-1914 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Karen L. Cox, Dixie's Daughters: The United Daughters of the Confederacy andtl1e Preservation of Confederate Culture, (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003); Catl1erine W. Bishir, '"A Strong Force of Ladies': Women, Politics, and Confederate Memorial Associations in Nineteenth-Century 3 nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, historians have tended to see women-and Ladies' Memorial Associations in particular-as peripheral to the movement. When women have emerged as primary actors in the historical