Randal K Quarles: Friedrich Hayek and the Price System
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A Study of Paul A. Samuelson's Economics
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. A Study of Paul A. Samuelson's Econol11ics: Making Economics Accessible to Students A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Economics at Massey University Palmerston North, New Zealand. Leanne Marie Smith July 2000 Abstract Paul A. Samuelson is the founder of the modem introductory economics textbook. His textbook Economics has become a classic, and the yardstick of introductory economics textbooks. What is said to distinguish economics from the other social sciences is the development of a textbook tradition. The textbook presents the fundamental paradigms of the discipline, these gradually evolve over time as puzzles emerge, and solutions are found or suggested. The textbook is central to the dissemination of the principles of a discipline. Economics has, and does contribute to the education of students, and advances economic literacy and understanding in society. It provided a common economic language for students. Systematic analysis and research into introductory textbooks is relatively recent. The contribution that textbooks play in portraying a discipline and its evolution has been undervalued and under-researched. Specifically, applying bibliographical and textual analysis to textbook writing in economics, examining a single introductory economics textbook and its successive editions through time is new. When it is considered that an economics textbook is more than a disseminator of information, but a physical object with specific content, presented in a particular way, it changes the way a researcher looks at that textbook. -
Index of Modern Social Market Economies
Index of Modern Social Market Economies Explorative Study Index of Modern Social Market Economies Explorative Study 3 Table of Contents Table of Contents Introduction 4 Defining a Modern Version of the Social Market Economy 6 Introduction 6 The Ordoliberal Concept of a (Social) Market Economy 9 Modernizing the Concept of a Social Market Economy 13 Operationalization 15 CATEGORY I: COMPETITIVE AND EFFICIENT MARKETS 16 CATEGORY II: EFFICIENT PROPERTY RIGHTS 18 CATEGORY III: ECONOMIC AND ECOLOGICAL SUSTAINABILITY 21 CATEGORY IV: SOCIAL INCLUSION 23 Country Selection 26 Conclusion 26 Index Results – Initial Findings 28 Compound Index Results – Executive Summary 28 Category I: Competitive and Efficient Markets 28 Open Markets 28 Effective Price System 32 Competition 33 Category II: Efficient Property Rights 34 Property Rights 34 Freedom of Contract 34 Liability 36 Private Insolvency Rules 36 Ratio Medium-sized Companies to Total Companies 37 Manager Liability 39 4 Table of Contents Category III: Economic and Ecological Sustainability 40 Financial Stability 40 Consistency of Policy 44 Efficient Environmental Protection 45 Category IV: Social Inclusion 47 Effective Labor Markets 47 Social Mobility 52 Outlook 58 Methodology 59 Data Sources 59 Data Standardization 60 Index Aggregation 62 Calculation of Results 62 Robustness Checks 68 Appendix 85 Production Credits 122 5 Introduction INTRODUCTION Stefan Empter, Cortnie Shupe The current global financial and economic crisis has provoked widespread debate in market econo- mies around the world about how to regain a balance between profit and liability, efficiency and equity and between growth and social-ecological justice in national economic and social orders. Against this background, many, in particular in Europe, have become interested again in the social market economy model as a framework for responsible capitalism. -
THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World
Policy Essay THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World Samuel Hammond1 Poverty and Welfare Policy Analyst Niskanen Center May 2018 INTRODUCTION welfare state” directly depresses the vote for reac- tionary political parties.3 Conversely, I argue that he perennial gale of creative destruc- the contemporary rise of anti-market populism in tion…” wrote the economist Joseph America should be taken as an indictment of our in- 4 Schumpeter, “…is the essential fact of adequate social-insurance system, and a refutation “T of the prevailing “small government” view that reg- capitalism.” For new industries to rise and flourish, old industries must fail. Yet creative destruction is ulation and social spending are equally corrosive to a process that is rarely—if ever—politically neu- economic freedom. The universal welfare state, far tral; even one-off economic shocks can have lasting from being at odds with innovation and economic political-economic consequences. From his vantage freedom, may end up being their ultimate guaran- point in 1942, Schumpeter believed that capitalism tor. would become the ultimate victim of its own suc- The fallout from China’s entry to the World Trade cess, inspiring reactionary and populist movements Organization (WTO) in 2001 is a clear case in against its destructive side that would inadvertently point. Cheaper imports benefited millions of Amer- strangle any potential for future creativity.2 icans through lower consumer prices. At the same This paper argues that the countries that have time, Chinese import competition destroyed nearly eluded Schumpeter’s dreary prediction have done two million jobs in manufacturing and associated 5 so by combining free-markets with robust systems services—a classic case of creative destruction. -
A Hayekian Theory of Social Justice
A HAYEKIAN THEORY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE Samuel Taylor Morison* As Justice gives every Man a Title to the product of his honest Industry, and the fair Acquisitions of his Ancestors descended to him; so Charity gives every Man a Title to so much of another’s Plenty, as will keep him from ex- tream want, where he has no means to subsist otherwise. – John Locke1 I. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to critically examine Friedrich Hayek’s broadside against the conceptual intelligibility of the theory of social or distributive justice. This theme first appears in Hayek’s work in his famous political tract, The Road to Serfdom (1944), and later in The Constitution of Liberty (1960), but he developed the argument at greatest length in his major work in political philosophy, the trilogy entitled Law, Legis- lation, and Liberty (1973-79). Given that Hayek subtitled the second volume of this work The Mirage of Social Justice,2 it might seem counterintuitive or perhaps even ab- surd to suggest the existence of a genuinely Hayekian theory of social justice. Not- withstanding the rhetorical tenor of some of his remarks, however, Hayek’s actual con- clusions are characteristically even-tempered, which, I shall argue, leaves open the possibility of a revisionist account of the matter. As Hayek understands the term, “social justice” usually refers to the inten- tional doling out of economic rewards by the government, “some pattern of remunera- tion based on the assessment of the performance or the needs of different individuals * Attorney-Advisor, Office of the Pardon Attorney, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; e- mail: [email protected]. -
The Relationship Between Capitalism and Democracy
The Relationship Between Capitalism And Democracy Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Petkovic, Aleksandra Evelyn Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 01/10/2021 12:57:19 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625122 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND DEMOCRACY By ALEKSANDRA EVELYN PETKOVIC ____________________ A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelors degree With Honors in Philosophy, Politics, Economics, and Law THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M A Y 2 0 1 7 Approved by: ____________________________ Dr. Thomas Christiano Department of Philosophy Abstract This paper examines the very complex relationship between capitalism and democracy. While it appears that capitalism provides some necessary element for a democracy, a problem of political inequality and a possible violation of liberty can be observed in many democratic countries. I argue that this political inequality and threat to liberty are fueled by capitalism. I will analyze the ways in which capitalism works against democratic aims. This is done through first illustrating what my accepted conception of democracy is. I then continue to depict how the various problems with capitalism that I describe violate this conception of democracy. This leads me to my conclusion that while capitalism is necessary for a democracy to reach a certain needed level of independence from the state, capitalism simultaneously limits a democracy from reaching its full potential. -
On the Relationship Between the VCG Mechanism and Market Clearing
On the Relationship between the VCG Mechanism and Market Clearing Takashi Tanaka1 Na Li2 Kenko Uchida3 Abstract— We consider a social cost minimization problem well. First, it may not be easy to guarantee the existence with equality and inequality constraints in which a central co- of supply function equilibria in realistic electricity markets. ordinator allocates infinitely divisible goods to self-interested N As demonstrated by [13], a pure Nash equilibrium may fail firms under information asymmetry. We consider the Vickrey- Clarke-Groves (VCG) mechanism and study its connection to an to exist even in a relatively simple supply function bidding alternative mechanism based on market clearing-price. Under model. Second, even if the supply function equilibria are the considered set up, we show that the VCG payments are known to exist, it could be a difficult task for the firms to find equal to the path integrals of the vector field of the market them efficiently [14]. Finally, unlike the mechanism design clearing prices, indicating a close relationship between the approach (discussed next), the efficiency loss is inevitable. VCG mechanism and the “clearing-price” mechanism. We then discuss its implications for the electricity market design and The mechanism design is an alternative approach to- also exploit this connection to analyze the budget balance of wards the market power mitigation. For instance, the refer- the VCG mechanism. ences [15]–[18] consider applications of the Vickrey-Clarke- Groves (VCG) mechanism [2, Ch. 23] to several market I. INTRODUCTION design problems in power system operations. The VCG Market power monitoring and mitigation are essential mechanism provides an attractive market model since it aspects of today’s electricity market operations [1]. -
Neoliberalism, Higher Education, and the Knowledge Economy: from The
This article was downloaded by: On: 28 September 2010 Access details: Access Details: Free Access Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Education Policy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713693402 Neoliberalism, higher education and the knowledge economy: from the free market to knowledge capitalism Mark Olssena; Michael A. Petersb a University of Surrey, UK b University of Glasgow, UK To cite this Article Olssen, Mark and Peters, Michael A.(2005) 'Neoliberalism, higher education and the knowledge economy: from the free market to knowledge capitalism', Journal of Education Policy, 20: 3, 313 — 345 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/02680930500108718 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930500108718 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here. -
THE NATIONALIZATION of INDUSTRY* JOHN Jewkest
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 20 SUMMER 1953 NUMBER 4 THE NATIONALIZATION OF INDUSTRY* JOHN JEWKESt I. CLAIMS FOR NATIONALIZATION ATIONALIZATION IS A METHOD of organizing and administering in- dustry whereby the community owns the means of production and the government is, at least in the last resort, responsible for its control. The crux of the idea is that the whole of one industry falling within the boundary of one nation should be subject to a unifying influ- ence. Contemporary nationalization, therefore, is a piecemeal and em- pirical approach to much wider ideas-such as that the whole of industry within one country should be brought under state operation or that the whole of the industry in the world might be usefully organized.to work to- gether under some supernational authority. This piecemeal approach, one industry at a time or one country at a time, is reflected in the view that certain industries are "ripe" for nationalization whilst others are not yet in fit form for the transfer from private to public hands.' * This article was originally presented at a dinner held in honor of Professors Jewkes and Roy Forbes Harrod at the University of Chicago, April 10, 1951. t Professor of Economic Organization, Merton College, Oxford University. I The tests for "ripeness" as set forth by different writers are confusing and not always consistent. Kautsky, The Social Revolution 144 (1902), argued that the big industries should be nationalized first: "Without a developed great industry socialism is impossible. Where, however, a great industry exists to a considerable degree it is easy for a socialist society to concentrate production and to quickly rid itself of the little industries." J. -
The Price Mechanism and Resource Allocation
The Price Mechanism and Resource Allocation AS Economics Presentation 2005 Markets • A market is the place where buyers and sellers meet to exchange a product. Markets require: – Consumers i.e. buyers – Producers or firms i.e. sellers – Goods or services to trade (a recognizable output) • Examples of markets include: – Housing market: home owners and potential buyers – Labour market: employers and workers – Stock market: share owners and potential buyers – Foreign exchange market: trading currencies Sub Markets – Market Segmentation • The market for most goods can be segmented – broken down into sub markets • The market for houses – (i) sub markets for terraced, semi-detached and detached homes – (ii) the market for rented properties and owner occupied housing • The market for cars is made up of sub markets for family saloon cars, hatchbacks and high performance sports cars • The travel industry is heavily segmented Functions of the Price Mechanism • The price mechanism is the means by which decisions of consumers and businesses interact to determine the allocation of resources between different goods and services • (1) The signaling function – If prices are rising because of stronger demand from consumers, this is a signal to suppliers to expand output to meet the higher demand – When demand is strong, higher market prices act as an incentive to raise output (production) because the supplier stands to make a higher profit • (2) The rationing function – Prices serve to ration scarce resources when demand in a market outstrips supply – When there is a shortage of a product in the market, the price will rise and thus deter some consumers from purchasing the product Adam Smith and the ‘Invisible Hand’ • The 18th Century economist Adam Smith – one of the founding fathers of modern economics, described how the invisible or hidden hand of the market operated in a competitive market through the pursuit of self-interest to allocate resources in society’s best interest • This remains the central view of all free-market economists, i.e. -
Education Policy and Friedmanomics: Free Market Ideology and Its Impact
Education Policy and Friedmanomics: Free Market Ideology and Its Impact on School Reform Thomas J. Fiala Department of Teacher Education Arkansas State University Deborah Duncan Owens Department of Teacher Education Arkansas State University April 23, 2010 Paper presented at the 68th Annual National Conference of the Midwest Political Science Association Chicago, Illinois 2 ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of neoliberal ideology, and in particular, the economic and social theories of Milton Friedman on education policy. The paper takes a critical theoretical approach in that ultimately the paper is an ideological critique of conservative thought and action that impacts twenty-first century education reform. Using primary and secondary documents, the paper takes an historical approach to begin understanding how Friedman’s free market ideas helped bring together disparate conservative groups, and how these groups became united in influencing contemporary education reform. The paper thus considers the extent to which free market theory becomes the essence of contemporary education policy. The result of this critical and historical anaysis gives needed additional insights into the complex ideological underpinnings of education policy in America. The conclusion of this paper brings into question the efficacy and appropriateness of free market theory to guide education policy and the use of vouchers and choice, and by extension testing and merit-based pay, as free market panaceas to solving the challenges schools face in the United States. Administrators, teachers, education policy makers, and those citizens concerned about education in the U.S. need to be cautious in adhering to the idea that the unfettered free market can or should drive education reform in the United States.