Relations with the Christian Population and with the Rabbanite Jews

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Relations with the Christian Population and with the Rabbanite Jews CHAPTER FIVE THE KARAITES AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS: RELATIONS WITH THE CHRISTIAN POPULATION AND WITH THE RABBANITE JEWS 5.1. The Karaites and the Slavic Population (Poles and Ruthenians) 5.1.1. Everyday Interaction We do not have that hatred towards the ‘goyyim’ (infidels1). We live in perfect peace with peasants and with all Christians. Every- one is our neighbour and we love him as God commands us. Samuel Mordkowicz to the Polish traveller Grzegorz Smólski (1903)2 The Slavs (the Ruthenians and the Poles) and the Rabbanite Jews represented the majority of the population of Galicia from 1772 to 1918. In 1910, for example, the Ruthenians constituted 62% of the population of Eastern Galicia, the Poles—25%, and the Rabbanite Jews—12%.3 The population of the largest cities of the area (Lwów, Stanisławów, Brody, and Kołomyja) was largely Polish and Jewish, whereas the small towns and villages were predominantly Ruthenian. In some cases there was no strict division between the Poles and the Ruthenians because of the fact that many Ruthenians living in the cities were assimilated by Polish culture, whereas many Poles living in 1 This is how Smólski translated this Hebrew term which in fact means “peoples” or “Gentiles.” 2 Smólski, “U Karaimów,” 523. 3 Bihl, “Ruthenen,” 561; Ivan Rudnytsky, “The Ukrainians in Galicia under Aus- trian Rule,” Austrian History Yearbook 3:2 (1967): 400. The whole Polish population of Austria was 4,967,984 souls (9,9%) in 1910 (Henryk Batowski, “Die Polen,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. 3:1, 526). There were 3.2 million Ruthenians and 871,895 Rabbanites in Galicia in 1910 (Bihl, “Ruthenen,” 560; idem, “Die Juden,” in Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. 3:2, 882). In some Galician towns (Brody, Buczacz, Stanisławów, Kołomyja) the Jewish population constituted as much as 50–70% in 1900 (ibid., 885). For detailed statistics, see also John-Paul Himka, “Dimensions of a Triangle: Polish-Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Austrian Galicia,” in Focusing on Galicia: Jews, Poles, and Ukrainians. Polin. Studies in Polish Jewry 12 (London-Portland, 1999), 25–26. 192 chapter five rural areas, on the contrary, were culturally and linguistically closer to the Ruthenians. Furthermore, there existed a few transitional groups with mixed ethnic self-identity. Among them were the so-called Latyn- nyky (Roman Catholics of Ruthenian origin; many were subsequently Polonized); Polish-speaking Ruthenian Greek Catholics; Polish colonists (the Poles living in Ruthenian villages).4 The Ruthenians, Poles, and Rabbanite Jews were the Karaites’ imme- diate ethnic neighbours, with whom they were engaged in constant everyday contact and under whose influence they came volens nolens. It may be recalled that it was from Halicz that the Jew Jankiel, a character in Adam Mickieiwcz’s “Pan Tadeusz,” used to bring texts of kołomyjki, i.e. Ruthenian lyrical songs.5 A few less well known ethno-religious groups lived in Halicz in the nineteenth century and in the interwar period. Among them were the Latynnyky, Subbotniki (Slavic converts to Judaism), Russian Old Believers (Starovery), and certain Judeo-Catholics (possibly Frankists).6 The towns of Halicz and Kukizów were predomi- nantly Ruthenian and Jewish.7 Nevertheless, it was usually the Poles, the minority in these two towns, who constituted the administration. Use of Yiddish, wearing of traditional Jewish dress, engagement in money-lending and petty trade, elaborate and solemn celebration of the Sabbath—these were the features that drastically differentiated the Ashkenazic Jews from the local Karaite and Slavic population. Most travel reports and official accounts agree that the Karaim-, Polish- and Ruthenian-speaking Galician Karaites, with their active involvement in agriculture and physical work, in many respects were certainly much closer to their Gentile neighbours than to the Ashkenazim. There were a few features that evoked a justifiable sympathy for the Karaites on the part of the surrounding Slavs. As the earliest Austrian reports after the annexation of Galicia state, by that time most Galician Karaites did not wear distinctive clothing. According to these sources, their dress was similar to that of the local Polish and Ruthenian popula- tion. Moreover, the Karaites used to cut their hair—and even shaved 4 Kubijovyč, Etnichni hrupy, xx. 5 Jadwiga Maurer, Z matki obcej (London, 1990), 123. 6 If the presence of the Latynnyky in Halicz is well attested, other “exotic” sectarian groups (Starovery, Subbotniki, and Judeo-Catholics) are mentioned only in one interwar report (Wachsmann, “Halitsch,” 13). 7 This is according to the interwar statistics, which also reflect the situation before 1918 (Kubijovyč, Etnichni hrupy, 48, 82)..
Recommended publications
  • The Ruthenian Decision to Unite with Czechoslovakia
    PAUL R. MAGOCSI The Ruthenian Decision to Unite with Czechoslovakia During the last months of 1918 profound political and social changes took place throughout the Austro-Hungarian Empire. After the dissolution of Habsburg administrative authority in late October, Poles, Ukrainians, Czechs, Slovaks, Serbs, Croats, and Rumanians organized national councils that eventually were to determine the political future of these former subject peoples. Ruthenians living in the northeastern counties of Hungary also participated in this process,1 and from November 1918 to May 1919 they formed many councils which proposed various political alternatives: autonomy within Hungary, com­ plete independence, or union with Russia, the Ukraine, or the new state of Czechoslovakia. Although these choices reflected the political and cultural al­ legiances that were traditionally attractive to Ruthenian leaders, the particu­ lar international situation in 1919 proved favorable to only one—union with Czechoslovakia. This study will analyze the programs of the several Ruthenian national councils in order to see how they responded on the one hand to national ideals and on the other to contemporary political reality. Indeed, the Ruthenian prob­ lem has been studied before, but the existing literature is dominated by Czech, Hungarian, Soviet, and non-Soviet Ukrainian authors who tend to view the events of 1918-19 from the ideological standpoint of a previous or subsequent regime that has ruled the area. Generally these writers have not judiciously compared the activity of all the Ruthenian councils, but rather they have em­ phasized only those which favored a particular political orientation. To understand the desires of Ruthenian leaders in 1918-19, it is neces­ sary to review, if briefly, the political and national traditions that have pre­ dominated in their homeland.
    [Show full text]
  • (Ruthenian Or Rusyn) Language in Poland Lemkos
    The 17th Meeting of the Baltic Division of the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names Warszawa, 29 June – 01 July 2015 Maciej Zych Commission on Standardization of Geographical Names Outside the Republic of Poland Romanization rules for the Lemko (Ruthenian or Rusyn) language in Poland Lemkos (Ruthenians or Rusyns) is an ethnic minority which has been recognized in Poland on the basis of the Act of 6th January 2005 on national and ethnic minorities and on the regional languages. The act mentions, in addition to the Lemkos, 9 national minorities: Belorussian, Czech, Lithuanian, German, Armenian, Russian, Slovak, Ukrainian, and Jewish; 3 ethnic minorities – Karait, Roma, and Tartar; as well as one regional language – the Kashubian language. The Act lays down, among others, that traditional names in a minority language for localities, physiographic objects and streets may be used as “additional names” alongside geographic names established in the Polish language. To date (as of 1st June 2015), additional names have been introduced in 1204 localities and parts of them located in 57 communes. There were introduced: 27 Belarusian names, 359 German names, 779 Kashubian names, 9 Lemko names, and 30 Lithuanian names. Additional names in minority languages appear on road signs, they are also used on some maps. Pursuant to the Regulation of the Minister of Administration and Digitization of 14th February 2012 on the national register of geographical names, the Surveyor General of Poland shall maintain the database of the National Register of Geographical Names. In the Register, among others, officially adopted names in minority languages shall be listed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Serbo-Croatian War, 1991-1995: Vision of Ukrainian Minority in Croatia
    Culture and History; Vol. 1, No. 2; 2021 https://doi.org/10.30560/ch.v1n2p21 The Serbo-Croatian War, 1991-1995: Vision of Ukrainian Minority in Croatia Mykola Nahirnyi1 1 Ahatanhel Krymskyi Volodymyr-Volynskyi Professional Pedagogical College, Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Ukraine Correspondence: Mykola Nahirnyi, Ahatanhel Krymskyi Volodymyr-Volynskyi Professional Pedagogical College, 42 Ustyluzka Street, Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Volyn region, 44700, Ukraine. Tel: 38-03342-35555. E-mail: mykola76 hotmail.com Received: June 28, 2021; Accepted: July 10, 2021; Published: July 17, 2021 Abstract This article considers the situation of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian diaspora in Croatia during the Serbo-Croatian War (1991-1995). The specifics of Rusyn and Ukrainian attitude to opposing parties are covered, an evolution of their sights concerning the War is shown. The policy of the self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina towards national minorities is characterized. The consequences of the Serbo-Croatian War on the situation of the Ukrainian diaspora in Croatia are analyzed. Keywords: Croatia, Ruthenian-Ukrainian minority, diaspora, Mikluševci, Petrovci, Serbo-Croatian War, terror, ethnic cleansing, deportations 1. Introduction The Serbo-Croatian War (1991-1995), along with Bosnian (1992-1995), marked the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia. Even today both Serbians and Croatians have different sight on the nature and character of this war: the former believe it is civil, and the latter believe it is a national liberation war. Each side sees an aggressor in their opponent and considers themselves as a victim. However, when studying the specifics of this war, researchers usually drop out of their sight national minorities, which lived in Croatian Danube region (Eastern Slavonia) – territory, that became one of the crucial Serbo-Croatian battlefields.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Ukraine Advisory Board
    THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE ADVISORY BOARD John T. Alexander Professor of History and Russian and European Studies, University of Kansas Robert A. Divine George W. Littlefield Professor in American History Emeritus, University of Texas at Austin John V. Lombardi Professor of History, University of Florida THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE Paul Kubicek The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut • London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kubicek, Paul. The history of Ukraine / Paul Kubicek. p. cm. — (The Greenwood histories of the modern nations, ISSN 1096 –2095) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978 – 0 –313 – 34920 –1 (alk. paper) 1. Ukraine —History. I. Title. DK508.51.K825 2008 947.7— dc22 2008026717 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2008 by Paul Kubicek All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008026717 ISBN: 978– 0– 313 – 34920 –1 ISSN: 1096 –2905 First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48 –1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Every reasonable effort has been made to trace the owners of copyright materials in this book, but in some instances this has proven impossible.
    [Show full text]
  • One Ukraine Or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences
    Nationalities Papers, Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2004 One Ukraine or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences Lowell W. Barrington & Erik S. Herron Intra-state regional differences are a central topic in the study of European and Eurasian politics. In Ukraine, regional differences have proven to be powerful predictors of mass attitudes and political behavior. But what does the “regional factor” in Ukrainian politics represent? Is it simply the result of compositional effects, or are the regional differences more than just a sum of other demographic factors correlated with geographic divisions? When analyzing regional divisions as an explanatory variable, what are the implications of employing different regional frameworks? In this article, we demonstrate how geographic divisions in the country hold up even when others factors—such as ethnicity and language use—are con- trolled for. As part of this inquiry, we compare the results of three competing regional frameworks for Ukraine: one with two regions, one with four regions and one with eight regions. While the eight-region framework is uncommon in studies of Ukraine, the decision to examine eight regions is supported by historical, economic and demographic arguments, as well as by the results of the statistical analyses presented in this article. Scholars who have focused on fewer regions in Ukraine may have underestimated the effects of regional differences and missed interesting stories about intra-state variation in Ukrainian attitudes and voting behavior. The results of this study carry important implications not only for the study of Ukraine but also for those interested in intra-state regional divisions across Europe and Eurasia.
    [Show full text]
  • Rainian Uarter
    e rainian uarter A JOURNAL OF UKRAINIAN AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Volume LXIV, Numbers 1-2 Spring-Summer 2008 This issue is a commemorative publication on the 75th anniversary of the Stalin-induced famine in Ukraine in the years 1932-1933, known in Ukrainian as the Holodomor. The articles in this issue explore and analyze this tragedy from the perspective of several disciplines: history, historiography, sociology, psychology and literature. In memory ofthe "niwrtlered millions ana ... the graves unknown." diasporiana.org.u a The Ukrainian uarter'7 A JOURNAL OF UKRAINIAN AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Since 1944 Spring-Summer 2008 Volume LXIV, No. 1-2 $25.00 BELARUS RUSSIA POLAND ROMANIA Territory of Ukraine: 850000 km2 Population: 48 millions [ Editor: Leonid Rudnytzky Deputy Editor: Sophia Martynec Associate Editor: Bernhardt G. Blumenthal Assistant Editor for Ukraine: Bohdan Oleksyuk Book Review Editor: Nicholas G. Rudnytzky Chronicle ofEvents Editor: Michael Sawkiw, Jr., UNIS Technical Editor: Marie Duplak Chief Administrative Assistant: Tamara Gallo Olexy Administrative Assistant: Liza Szonyi EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD: Anders Aslund Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Yaroslav Bilinsky University of Delaware, Newark, DE Viacheslav Brioukhovetsky National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine Jean-Pierre Cap Professor Emeritus, Lafayette College, Easton, PA Peter Golden Rutgers University, Newark, NJ Mark von Hagen Columbia University, NY Ivan Z. Holowinsky Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ Taras Hunczak Rutgers University, Newark, NJ Wsewolod Jsajiw University of Toronto, Canada Anatol F. Karas I. Franko State University of Lviv, Ukraine Stefan Kozak Warsaw University, Poland Taras Kuzio George Washington University, Washington, DC Askold Lozynskyj Ukrainian World Congress, Toronto Andrej N. Lushnycky University of Fribourg, Switzerland John S.
    [Show full text]
  • Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western Or the Latin Civilization? Piotra Murzionak
    Comparative Civilizations Review Volume 78 | Number 78 Article 5 4-2018 Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or the Latin Civilization? Piotra Murzionak Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, History Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Murzionak, Piotra (2018) "Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or the Latin Civilization?," Comparative Civilizations Review: Vol. 78 : No. 78 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol78/iss78/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the All Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Comparative Civilizations Review by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Murzionak: Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or t Comparative Civilizations Review 41 Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or the Latin Civilization? Piotra Murzionak Abstract The aim of this article is to further develop the idea of the existence of a distinct Belarusian-Ukrainian/Western-Ruthenian civilization, to define its place among Western sub-civilizations, as well as to argue against the designation of Belarus and Ukraine as belonging to the Eurasian civilization. Most of the provided evidence will be related to Belarus; however, it also applies to Ukraine, the country that has had much in common with Belarus in its historical and cultural inheritance since the 9th and 10th centuries. Key words: designation, Belarus, Europe, civilization Introduction The designation of a modern country or group of countries to one or another civilization bears two aspects.
    [Show full text]
  • Holodomor: a Remembrance
    Holodomor: A Remembrance 87th Anniversary of the Holodomor Genocide in Ukraine Art by Lydia Bodnar-Balahutrak November 2020 About the Holodomor and Exhibition The month of November is a somber time for Ukrainians around the world as they commemorate the 1932-33 famine-genocide – Holodomor. Murder by starvation is the literal translation from Ukrainian and depicts the horror inflicted by Stalin and his government officials on men, women and children in a deliberate political policy of extermination. This was not a famine caused by natural factors – food was available. Yet Stalin ordered that all foodstuff and grain be expropriated in order to carry out rapid industrialization and to destroy the will of a nationally conscious Ukrainian peasantry. Millions of Ukrainians died of starvation while millions more were victims of Stalin’s bloody years of purges and repressions. This year marks the 87th anniversary of this tragedy, occurring at a time when people worldwide are suffering from the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, with thousands dying and falling ill. Even in the midst of these very difficult times, the horrors of the past cannot be forgotten. To honor the victims of the Holodomor, a virtual slideshow depicting 26 mixed- media artworks of Houston-based Ukrainian-American artist Lydia Bodnar-Balahutrak, replaces an on-site exhibit. The artworks featured are striking, compelling and filled with an anguish that roots viewers even if one wishes to avert their eyes. This is precisely the artist’s intent – we must look in order to honor the victims and to acknowledge the past so that we can move on.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Religion in the Formation of Ukrainian Identity in Galicia?
    Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 36 Issue 5 Article 5 10-2016 The Role of Religion in the Formation of Ukrainian Identity in Galicia? Jan Ladzinski University College London Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Ladzinski, Jan (2016) "The Role of Religion in the Formation of Ukrainian Identity in Galicia?," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 36 : Iss. 5 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol36/iss5/5 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF UKRAINIAN IDENTITY IN GALICIA? Jan Ladzinski Jan Ladzinski is a Polish second-year M. R. in East European Studies at the University College London. He graduated from the London School of Economics with a BA in History. He is interested in interactions between various identities of the borderlands. It could be argued that the Ukrainian identity proved to be dominant in Eastern Galicia, when West Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed in November 1918 and agreed to unite with the rest of Ukraine the following month. However, the Ukrainian identity, understood
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Media Use in Ukraine
    Contemporary Media Use in Ukraine Just one-tenth of Ukrainians outside Crimea (10.7%) say their media habits have changed as a result of the shutting down of some Russian TV channels; two-thirds As the crisis in Ukraine escalates, the media environment (67.7%) of those whose habits have changed are using in the country is becoming increasingly fragmented and Ukrainian sources more, while 6.2% are using foreign dangerous. sources more. In 2013, Freedom House ranked Ukraine’s press “Not Free,” writing that “the Ukrainian government has failed to Overall, eight of the ten most-named top news sources fulfill its pledge to protect the freedom of expression.” are Ukrainian TV channels, in particular 1+1 channel, followed by Inter, 5 Kanal, ICTV and STB, the only Reporters Without Borders notes that there are sources named as most important by more than 10% of “increasingly systematic attacks on media personnel adults One in ten adults named the Russia-based social covering the tension in eastern Ukraine” and that the networking site VKontakte as a top news source (up from frequency of journalist abductions in the region is rising. less than 1% in 2012), and the portal site Ukr.net also broke into the ten most-named top news sources. Media Environment and Newsgathering Asked to name their three most important sources of Television is the dominant news medium in Ukraine. news and information, Crimeans’ five most commonly Almost all Ukrainians (96.8%) watch TV for news at least named media outlets include four TV channels owned by weekly, including 95.7% of Crimeans.
    [Show full text]
  • Przemyśl As a Center of Ukrainian Language-Building (1815–1918)
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3985 Slavica Wratislaviensia CLXXII • Wrocław 2020 https://doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.172.5 Data przesłania artykułu: 11.02.2019 Data akceptacji artykułu: 6.04.2019 MICHAEL MOSER Uniwersytet Wiedeński, Austria Przemyśl as a center of Ukrainian language-building (1815–1918) For many centuries, the city of Przemyśl has been a multicultural and multi- lingual place, where Poles and Ukrainians (“Ruthenians”)1 have lived together with other nationalities, first and foremost, with Jews and Germans. According to the Encyclopedia of Ukraine, the population of Przemyśl developed between 1830 and 1910 in the following way: in 1830, out of 7,538 inhabitants 1,508 were Greek Catholics (and thus, as a rule, Ukrainians) —“a significantly larger num- ber than in most other centers in Galicia”2 — and, in fact, a significantly larger number than in most other city centers of the entire Ukrainian language area.3 The percentage of Greek Catholic city dwellers remained stable in the following dec- ades, while the population kept increasing: 1880 — 22,000 (43.6 percent Roman Catholics, 34.5 percent Jews, 21.4 percent Greek Catholics); 1900 — 46,300 (46.0 percent Roman Catholics, 30.6 percent Jews, 22.5 percent Greek Catholics); 1910 — 54,700 (46.7 percent Roman Catholics, 29.5 percent Jews, and 22.5 percent Greek Catholics).4 During the first decades of the 19th century, the Ukrainian nation- and lan- guage-building process significantly lagged behind the Polish one. As far as lan- 1 П. Ісаїв, В. Кубійович, Перемишль, [in:] Енциклопедія українознавства. Перевидання в Україні, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Great Famine in Soviet Ukraine: Toward New Avenues Of
    THE GREAT FAMINE IN SOVIET UKRAINE: TOWARD NEW AVENUES OF INQUIRY INTO THE HOLODOMOR A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the North Dakota State University of Agriculture and Applied Science By Troy Philip Reisenauer In Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major Department: History, Philosophy, and Religious Studies June 2014 Fargo, North Dakota North Dakota State University Graduate School Title THE GREAT FAMINE IN SOVIET UKRAINE: TOWARD NEW AVENUES OF INQUIRY INTO THE HOLODOMOR By Troy Philip Reisenauer The Supervisory Committee certifies that this disquisition complies with North Dakota State University’s regulations and meets the accepted standards for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: Dr. John K. Cox Chair Dr. Tracy Barrett Dr. Dragan Miljkovic Approved: July 10, 2014 Dr. John K. Cox Date Department Chair ABSTRACT Famine spread across the Union of Social Soviet Republics in 1932 and 1933, a deadly though unanticipated consequence of Joseph Stalin’s attempt in 1928 to build socialism in one country through massive industrialization and forced collectivization of agriculture known as the first Five-Year Plan. This study uses published documents, collections, correspondence, memoirs, secondary sources and new insight to analyze the famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine and other Soviet republics. It presents the major scholarly works on the famine, research that often mirrors the diverse views and bitter public disagreement over the issue of intentionality and the ultimate culpability of Soviet leadership. The original contribution of this study is in the analysis of newly published primary documents of the 1920s and 1930s from the Russian Presidential Archives, especially vis-à-vis the role of Stalin and his chief lieutenants at the center of power and the various representatives at the republic-level periphery.
    [Show full text]