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2005 The Origin and Performance History of Carl Maria Von Weber's Das Waldmädchen (1800) Bama Lutes Deal

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COLLEGE OF MUSIC

THE ORIGIN AND PERFORMANCE HISTORY OF

CARL MARIA VON WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800)

By

BAMA LUTES DEAL

A Dissertation submitted to the College of Music in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2005

Copyright © 2005 Bama Lutes Deal All Rights Reserved The members of the committee approve the dissertation of Bama Lutes Deal defended on 1 April 2005.

______Douglass Seaton Professor Directing Dissertation

______Douglas Fisher Outside Committee Member

______Charles Brewer Committee Member

______Jeffery Kite-Powell Committee Member

The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members.

ii

To my parents

iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful for the education and encouragement I received from the faculty and administration of The Florida State University College of Music, and for the love, patience, and support of my dear family, colleagues, and friends. Collectively, their words and deeds contributed greatly to this document and helped me grow as a scholar and a musician. I thank my dissertation advisor, Douglass Seaton, for his uncompromising principles and many examples of scholarly work. I have benefited from his insistence on carefully organized writing and clear logic. The members of my committee also provided thorough editorial guidance as I prepared this document. They include Charles Brewer and Douglas Fisher, who served on my committee from its inception, and Jeffery Kite-Powell, who replaced Denise Von Glahn when a scheduling conflict prevented her from reading the final versions of my work. I could not have hoped for a finer group of teachers. I am also grateful to my alma mater for supporting my work with a Dissertation Research Grant in 2003-04. Frank Heidlberger informed me during the early stages of my work that a score to Weber’s Das Waldmädchen had been found in St. Petersburg. I have benefited from his continued interest in this investigation of Weber’s early experiences with Steinsberg and his colleagues from Prague. Many other exceptional scholars helped me while I was in Prague and Vienna. For his gracious hospitality and friendship, I thank David Beveridge. Through him I met Adolf Scherl, Alena Jakubcová, and Jitka Ludvova at Prague’s Divadelní ústav. This state-run institute, dedicated to preserving and sharing Czech theater history, became my home away from home. Drs. Jakubcová and Ludvova

iv shared with me the well-organized historical and bibliographic resources of the institute, providing me with a comfortable work space and expert guidance, all of which contributed immeasurably to the success of my research. Dr. Scherl also directed certain aspects of this investigation, generously sharing his personal notes and detailed knowledge of Czech archival sources. I thank the administration and staff of the National Library of the Czech Republic, the Archives of the Capital City of Prague, the National Theater Archive, the State Regional Archive at Prague, and the National Museum of the Czech Republic. My appreciation is also extended to Markéta Kabelková and Vlasta Koubská for their assistance with the collections of the Czech Museum of Music and the Department of Theater Studies of the National Museum of the Czech Republic, respectively. I am similarly indebted to the staff of the library at the Österreichiches Theatermuseum and the Musiksammlung of the Österreichiches Nationalbibliothek for their efficient, professional, and courteous assistance. David Buch provided helpful directions, contacts, and scheduling information during a too-brief visit to Vienna. For the comfort of family, I also thank Marylin and Roger Stone—what a happy coincidence that our paths crossed so far from home! Stuart Burnham gave me generous practical advice about traveling and conducting musicological research in the Czech Republic. He also put me in touch with Luboš and Helena Weiser, the couple who allowed me to live in their beautiful home for many weeks. Their countless acts of kindness remain my fondest memories of Prague. Ivan Sury was equally friendly and helpful during my stay, for which I am most grateful. I thank the many fine scholars in North Carolina who assisted and encouraged my research, especially Sarah Dorsey, Ted Hunter, and Doryl Jensen. Sweet Sarah, thank you for everything—you are the finest kind of music librarian! My gratitude also extends to Eleanor McCrickard, Carol Marsh, David Levy, Elizabeth Keathley, David Nelson, Aubrey Garlington, Jane Perry-Camp, and Susan Andreatta, each of whom took

v an interest in my work, offering ideas, advice, and generous encouragement along the way. To Helga and Jeff, I extend my heartfelt appreciation for their friendship and balanced approach to life. It has been invigorating to share good times with them and then get right back to work. I am most grateful for the daily contributions of my family, whose love provided my most important source of strength and determination. For the quiet sacrifices they withstood, and for their ongoing faithfulness, I thank my children Ashleigh and Justin. I also thank my mother and father, to whom this work is dedicated. Their gift of music lessons set me on this path long ago. Dad’s soaring spirit gave me courage to finish my work—and I know he was watching me while I was in Europe. Mom became my most important pen-pal during an otherwise solitary time, reminding me that family matters most in life. I am also grateful to the members of my extended family, including in- laws, sisters, brothers, aunts, and uncles, each of whom helped me in many different ways as I pursued this goal. My life has been graced by the comfort and love of a very special man, m y husband John, who listened attentively to my ideas, read through and edited early drafts, accommodated m e with the time and space necessary to think and write, funded my travels, prepared meals, patiently took up hobbies, and was always near to lift my spirit whenever I felt down. I will always be grateful for his love, patience, encouragement, and understanding.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ix List of Figures xi List of Examples xii Abstract xiv

INTRODUCTION 1

1. CARL MARIA VON WEBER’S MUSICAL INFLUENCES, 1786–1800 9

2. FERAL CHILDREN AND WRANITZKY’S PANTOMIME-BALLET DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1796) 24

3. STEINSBERG AND HIS COMPANY 46

Steinsberg 46 Prague’s vaterländische Gesellschaft 53 Steinsberg and the vaterländische Gesellschaft Leave Prague 58 The Freiberg (Saxony) Residency, August–November, 1800 67

4. WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800) 73

Performances of Weber’s Early Opera 73 Weber’s Continued Interest in Das Waldmädchen 82

5. HYPOTHETICAL SYNOPSIS OF WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800) 86

Act 1 90 Act 2 92

vii 6. PRIMARY SOURCES FOR WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800) 94

Score Fragments, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Weberiana I:1 97 The St. Petersburg Score and Orchestra Parts, Gosudarstvenny akademichesky Mariinsky teatr Central'naya muzykalnaya biblioteka, RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373 101 Wranitzky’s Ballet and Weber’s Opera: Comparing Scores 120

7. THE CHEMNITZ CAST AND THE PERFORMANCE AT PRAGUE 131

The Chemnitz Cast 131 A Performance at Prague in Czech 137

SUMMARY 141

APPENDIX A 153

APPENDIX B 163

BIBLIOGRAPHY 173

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 196

viii

LIST OF TABLES

1.1 Partial Repertoire of the Weber Theater Company, 1787–96 13

1.2 Weber’s Compositions Prior to August 1800 18

2.1 Selected Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century Published Accounts of Feral Children 26

2.2 Music from Wranitzky’s Das Waldmädchen in the Catalogue of the Czech Museum of Music 43

3.1 Partial List of Karl Ritter von Steinsberg’s Works 51

3.2 Personnel of the vaterländische Gesellschaft, 1791 57

3.3 Personnel of the United vaterländische Gesellschaft and the Karlsbad Company Following Stentzsch’s Tour, 1797 60

3.4 Personnel of Steinsberg’s Touring Company at Prague and Carlsbad, Summer 1798 62

3.5 Repertoire Presented by Steinsberg’s Company at Freiberg (Saxony), 24 August to 25 November 1800 68

4.1 Reported Performances of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen (J. Anh. 1) 81

4.2 Weber’s Music for the Stage 84

5.1 Dramatis personae in Das Waldmädchen (1800) 87

6.1 Arrangement, Pagination, and Paper Types in Volume 1 of the St. Petersburg score to Das Waldmädchen (RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373) 104

6.2 Arrangement, Pagination and Paper Types in Volume 2 of the St. Petersburg score to Das Waldmädchen (RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373) 106

ix 6.3 Organization of Musical Numbers in Wranitzky’s Ballet Das Waldmädchen (1796) 121

6.4 Organization of Musical Numbers in the St. Petersburg Score to Weber’s Opera Das Waldmädchen (1800) 125

x LIST OF FIGURES

4.1. Wenzel Müller’s diary entry for December 1804, Stadts- und Landsbibliothek, Vienna, Tagebuch über das Theater in Der Leopoldstadt (1781-1830), Sign. 51926 JB 77

4.2. Wenzel Müller’s diary entry for June 1805, Stadts- und Landsbibliothek, Vienna, Tagebuch über das Theater in Der Leopoldstadt (1781-1830), Sign. 51926 JB 78

xi

LIST OF EXAMPLES

6.1 Earlier and Revised Readings of the St. Petersburg Score to Weber’s Das Waldmädchen, Act 2, No. 14 (Aria, Printz), Measure 99 109

6.2 Earlier and Revised Readings of the St. Petersburg Score to Weber’s Das Waldmädchen, Act 2, No. 14 (Aria, Printz), Measures 156–58 110

6.3 Gubkina’s Incipits to the St. Petersburg Score of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen

Act 1 A. Overtura 113 B. No. 1, Introduction, Choro Jäger 113 C. No. 2, Aria, Krips 114 D. No. 3, Marcia 114 E. No. 4, Duetto, Printz, Krips 114 F. No. 5, Aria, Krips 115 G. No. 6, Printz, Chor der Jäger 115 H. No. 7, Aria, Arbander 115 I. No. 8, Aria, Kunigunde 116 J. No. 9, Quartetto, Mathilde, Kunigunde, Hertor, Wirlingo 116 K. No. 10, Duetto, Wirlingo, Krips 116 L. L. No. 11, Finale. Aria, Mathilde 117

Act 2 M. No. 12, Duetto, Hertor, Wizlingo 117 N. No. 13, Zwischen Musik 117 O. No. 14, Aria, Printz 118 P. No. 15, Aria, Krips 118 Q. No. 16, Recitativo con Aria, Mathilde 118 R. No. 17, Terzetto, Mathilde, Arbander, Krips 119 S. No. 18, Duetto, Krips, Kunigunde 119 T. No. 19, Marcia 119

xii U. No. 20, Der Fakel-Tanz 120 V. No. 21, Schlußchor 120

xiii ABSTRACT

This study traces the origin and performance history of Carl Maria von Weber’s (1786–1826) early opera Das Waldmädchen (J. Anh. 1, 1800), establishing the composer’s musical background and knowledge of popular German opera at the time of his collaboration with librettist and theater company director Karl Franz Guolfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg (c. 1757–1806). The opera is of particular interest as the composer’s first professionally produced stage work, and also as the original version of his m ore mature opera, Silvana (J. 87, 1808–10). It has received little scholarly attention until recently, because the score was presumed lost. In 2000, Natalia Gubkina’s discovery of a full score and a complete set of orchestra parts to Das Waldmädchen, in the central library of the Mariinsky State Theater in St. Petersburg, brought renewed scholarly interest to this unusual opera, which Weber composed when he was only thirteen years old. Her discovery also verified a statement by Weber, in his autobiographical sketch (1818), that Das Waldmädchen was performed at St. Petersburg. In the past, important scholars regarded that assertion with skepticism, questioning the accuracy and completeness of the autobiographical sketch itself. In the same sketch, Weber also stated that Das Waldmädchen was performed at

Prague in Czech. The present study confirms Weber’s claim of a Czech performance at Prague, further revealing that Steinsberg, Weber’s Czech-born librettist, was a former director of the German company at Prague’s Nostitz Theater (Estates Theater). In light of such findings, the previously perceived unreliability of Weber’s autobiographical sketch must be reconsidered.

xii The cultural context from which Weber’s opera emerged was complex and multi- faceted. Steinsberg’s libretto to Das Waldmädchen was modeled after a popular Viennese pantomime-ballet (Das Waldmädchen, 1796) by Moravian-born composer Paul Wranitzky.

Further, Wranitzky’s ballet was inspired by contemporary reports of feral children, a topic that was of great interest to the general public, generating many books, journalistic reports, and stage works featuring mute characters living in the wilderness. Several musical and dramatic aspects of Weber’s opera score are compared to Wranitzky’s ballet score, demonstrating the similarity of the plots of both works and also showing that some of the conventions of Viennese pantomime-ballet are also found in Weber’s music for the German opera stage. Finally, this study follows the migration of the Waldmädchen story as a ballet and later as an opera from Vienna to Prague and beyond, charting the movements of theater- company personnel who were involved in various productions and revealing the influence of otherwise obscure actors, dancers, and singers on the reception of Weber’s early score. Weber’s Das Waldmädchen can now been studied within the broader context of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century German theater.

xiii INTRODUCTION

This study investigates Carl Maria von Weber’s (1786–1826) early opera Das

Waldmädchen (J. Anh. 1, 1800), establishing the composer’s musical background and knowledge of popular German opera at the time of his collaboration with librettist and theater company director Karl Franz Guolfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg (c. 1757–1806).1

Weber’s affiliation with Steinsberg has been generally acknowledged as an artistically important experience in his development as a composer of German opera, primarily because it culminated with his first professionally produced stage work, and also because the score was completed when he was only thirteen years old. Beyond those qualifiers, however, little else has been established.

1 Throughout this document Weber’s Das Waldmädchen (J. Anh. 1) will be designated as an opera. Weber himself called it a “komische Oper.” In an extant playbill from the second performance of Das Waldmädchen the stage work is described as a “romantische-komische Oper.” Notably, both of these designations reflect the findings of Thomas Bauman, i.e., “komische Oper” was the single most frequently used term used to describe such works from 1767 to 1799. Thomas Bauman, North German Opera in the Age of Goethe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 9–11. Hereafter, Baumann. Although Baumann’s work focuses on northern German repertoire, Marissa Anne Solomon St. Laurent correctly notes that Viennese practices during this same period followed many of the northern German trends. Marissa Anne Solomon St. Laurent, “The Life and Operatic Works of a ‘Divine Philistine’: Paul Wranitzky,” Ph.D. dissertation (University of California, Los Angeles, 2000), 132, f. n. 24. Hereafter, Solomon St. Laurent. As will be shown, late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Viennese theater practices, including designations of repertoire, were closely followed in many parts of central and Eastern Europe, including Bohemia, Saxony, and elsewhere.

1 The absence of a complete score to Weber’s early opera, compounded by a lack of information about Steinsberg’s career prior to 1800 and scant information about the company members for whom the score was composed, made it difficult to assess more precisely the significance of Weber’s early collaborative experience with the considerably older author and theater company director. What has always been evident, however, was that some aspect of Weber’s collaboration with Steinsberg held a special significance, for Weber composed a second opera based on the same settings, characters, and events of Das Waldmädchen several years later. The opera Silvana, (J. 87, c. 1808–

1810) is Weber’s second operatic version of the Waldmädchen story. Silvana was Weber’s most frequently performed stage work until the premiere of Der Freischütz (J. 277) at

Berlin in 1821.

In addition to the lack of an explanation for Weber’s long-standing interest in the

Waldmädchen story as the basis for an opera, several other aspects of the Weber-

Steinsberg collaboration have long remained unclear. A review of the premiere of Das

Waldmädchen indicates that Weber’s music was not well received. However, the opera was later produced at several notable venues. In December 1804, for example, a substantially revised version of the opera, re-titled Das Mädchen aus Spessartwald, was performed nine times at Vienna’s Leopoldstadt Theater under the direction of Wenzel

Müller, who may have composed the additional music needed to expand the opera into three acts.2 Weber was living in Breslau at the time of the Viennese performances, and there is no evidence that he had actively promoted his opera in that city. Consequently, one wonders why Das Waldmädchen interested Müller. In an autobiographical sketch written in 1818, Weber claimed that Das Waldmädchen had also been performed at St.

2 Weber’s opera is in two acts. However, an extant playbill from Müller’s production indicates that the opera was presented in three acts at the Leopoldstadt Theater. Weberiana V, 5. 129, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz. The Viennese playbill is reprinted in Carl Maria von Weber: musikalische Werke, erste kritische Gesamptausgabe, H. J. Moser, ed., ii/1: Jugendopern, Alfred Lorenz, ed. (Augsberg: Dr. Benno Filser, 1926), IX. Hereafter, Lorenz, “Waldmädchen.”

2 Petersburg and at Prague in Czech.3 Until very recently, however, there was no evidence to substantiate either of those claims.

In 2000 Russian musicologist Natalia Gubkina announced the discovery of a complete score and a full set of orchestra parts to Das Waldmädchen.4 The long-lost documents, which she describes as performance copies, were stored in the central archives of the Mariinsky State Theater at St. Petersburg. They had not surfaced for nearly two hundred years. Previously, only two fragments of Weber’s early opera were known to be extant: the middle section and end of a soprano aria, and the beginning and middle section of a trio for soprano, tenor, and bass.5 Those fragments were published in 1926 as part of an unfinished critical edition of Weber’s music.6 Gubkina’s discovery is of tremendous importance to Weber scholars, for the St. Petersburg score to Das

Waldmädchen represents the earliest complete example of Weber’s music for the German opera stage.

3 Carl Maria von Weber, “Autobiographische Skizze,” in Georg Kaiser, Sämtliche Schriften von Carl Maria von Weber; kritische Ausgabe (Berlin, n. p, 1908), 127. Weber never visited St. Petersburg. An English version of Weber’s autobiographical sketch is published in Carl Maria von Weber: Writings on Music, ed. John Warrack, trans. Martin Cooper (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 250–54. Hereafter, Warrack, Weber: Writings.

4 RF-Sprob, Sign. I, 1. W.373, Gosudarstvenny akademichesky Mariinsky teatr Centralʹnaya muzykalnaya biblioteka. This discovery was formally announced in Natalia Gubkina, “Carl Maria von Webers ‘Waldmädchen’: Ein wiedergefundenes Jugendwerk,” Die Musikforschung 53 (2000), 57–59. Hereafter, Gubkina, “Webers Waldmädchen.” I am especially grateful to Frank Heidlberger for informing me of this important discovery during the preliminary phase of my research.

5 Mus. Ms. autogr. C. M. v. Weber WFN 5 (3), Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Jähns identified these fragments as Weberiana I:1 in Friedrich Wilhelm Jähns, Weberiana, his manuscript catalog in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz.

6 Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” 2–12.

3 Gubkina was conducting extensive archival research on the history of German opera in St. Petersburg, where she located a newspaper notice about a performance of

Das Waldmädchen by a German company at St. Petersburg in February 1804. 7 Based on that evidence she conducted her successful search for the score.8 In addition, Gubkina subsequently learned that Steinsberg had been at St. Petersburg in 1802, where he was the director of a German theater company. Her findings support Weber’s claim that his early opera was performed at that location.

Steinsberg’s participation in the German theater community of St. Petersburg in

1802 leaves open the possibility that he brought Weber’s score to that city and underscores the need to learn more about his professional life, particularly his status at the time he collaborated with Weber in 1800. The present study addresses that topic directly, simultaneously contributing new information about the historical and cultural milieu from which Weber’s early opera originated and its subsequent performance history.

The first chapter outlines Weber’s musical activities prior to 1800, especially his training and experience as a composer and his knowledge of contemporary German theater repertoire and stagecraft. Most of Weber’s childhood was spent traveling with his family’s touring theater company. His parents and half-siblings were all established theater musicians. It is therefore important to consider the aggregate influence of those experiences when Weber composed the score to Das Waldmädchen. The compositions

Weber produced with guidance from his first music teachers are identified, as are the

7 Natalia Gubkina, “Deutsches Musiktheater in St. Petersburg am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts,” in Musikgeschichte in Mittel- und Osteuropa, Mitteilungen der internationalen Arbeitsgemeinschaft an der Technischen Universität Chemnitz 4 (1999), 95 ff.

8 Gubkina cites a casual announcement in the Nordisches Archiv, vol. 2 (St. Petersburg, 1804), 62. Apparently, the opera was presented on the stage of the Kušelevschen House as part of a benefit performance for the singer Johann Hübsch. Gubkina, “Webers Waldmädchen,” 53, 58. It is possible that the recently discovered score and parts were used for that performance.

4 circumstances of his childhood, including the plan he devised with his father to open a lithography firm at Freiberg (Saxony) in 1800. Appendix A, which lists many of the

German operas that premiered from 1786 to 1796, supports a broader understanding of the theatrical, musical, and social surroundings of Weber’s youth.

The second chapter establishes the inspiration for and performance history of a

Viennese pantomime ballet called Das Waldmädchen (1796). That popular stage work, written by Italian-born dancer Joseph Trafieri and Moravian-born composer Paul

Wranitzky, was exceptionally well received. Playbills preserved in the theater collection of the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek record frequent performances of this stage work in Vienna’s court theaters between 1796 and 1801 (compiled in Appendix B) and help to connect that stage work to Prague’s Nostitz Theater, where a new version of the ballet premiered in 1798. The playbills from the first and second performances of Das

Waldmädchen state that the ballet was inspired by reports of actual feral children, listing three cases that were well known at the time. This significant detail is perhaps the most fascinating aspect of this study, for it demonstrates a strong connection between societal interests and the Viennese stage, while also demonstrating another important link between the genres of pantomime ballet and German popular opera. The conventions of

Viennese pantomime ballet, as well as the organization of Wranitzky’s score, are also described in Chapter 2.

Steinsberg was an individual of considerable importance to Prague’s German and Czech theater communities, a fact not previously reflected in Weber scholarship.9

The course of his career is described in the first section of Chapter 3, followed by information about his long-standing allegiance to the vaterländische Gesellschaft

(Vlastenskĕho divadle U Hybernů in Czech sources), an important group of Czech-born actors, singers, and dancers. Members of the vaterländische Gesellschaft performed

German-language stage works, but they also produced many stage works in Czech.

9 Constant von Wurzbach, “Steinsberg, Karl Franz Ritter von,” in Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Österreich, 60 vols. (Vienna: K. K. Hof-und Staatsdruckerei, 1879), 38: 152–59, hereafter Wurzbach, “Steinsberg.” 5 Bibliographic and archival research undertaken at Prague and Vienna in May, June, and

July 2004 yielded substantial information about Steinsberg’s activities with that troupe, helping to identify the original cast members from the premiere of Weber’s opera Das

Waldmädchen in 1800. A conflict of interests with the Germanized nobility of Prague, known as the Bohemian Estates, had forced members of the vaterländische Gesellschaft to leave their city in 1799, under Steinsberg’s direction. The troupe’s earlier history in

Prague, their touring performances between Vienna and Freiberg in 1799–1800, and the various roles several company members played in the first production of Weber’s early opera, are all described in Chapter 3.

Chapter 4 outlines the performance history of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen, leaving open the possibility that the opera was performed at Prague in Czech, as Weber claimed.

This chapter also addresses Weber’s subsequent interest in returning to Steinsberg’s story of the mute forest maiden in 1807 as the basis for his new opera, Silvana. A chronological list of all of Weber’s stage works is provided to illustrate the significance of Das Waldmädchen and Silvana in his development as an opera composer.

Chapter 5 provides a synopsis of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen. Because the spoken text to Weber’s opera has not survived and the full score has not yet been available for examination by this author, the synopsis was derived in part by consulting the critical edition of Weber’s score to Silvana, with the understanding that Hiemer’s libretto to

Silvana was based on Steinsberg’s libretto to Das Waldmädchen. Weber’s opera depicts a mute forest maiden, whose identity becomes a critical aspect of the story’s dénouement.

It is set in a hereditary forest, and the opening scene takes place near the entrance to

Silwana’s home, a cave. The names of several of the characters from Das Waldmädchen were changed in Silvana, including the name of the title character, which was originally spelled “Silwana.” Weber or Hiemer changed her name to “Silvana” for the second setting of the Waldmädchen story in 1808–10, a distinction that is used throughout this document with regard to the earlier and later version, respectively. Otherwise, the stories of the two operas are essentially the same.

6 Chapter 6 describes the extant primary sources for Weber’s Das Waldmädchen and compares the musical organization of his score to Wranitzky’s pantomime ballet.

Gubkina’s description of the St. Petersburg score and orchestra parts to Das Waldmädchen is an informative and thorough treatment of the subject.10 That score was not available for examination when this study was undertaken, so Gubkina’s careful description must suffice until a critical edition of those documents is published, or until the score can be personally examined. Incipits to each of the musical numbers of Weber’s opera are included in Chapter 6. Because the expressive conventions generally associated with

German Romantic opera may have evolved from the conventions of pantomime ballet and popular German theater at the end of the eighteenth century, a comparison of the dramatic elements of Wranitzky’s ballet score with comparable elements of Weber’s opera score has also been made.

Chapter 7 considers the stature of several cast members from Das Waldmädchen and identifies some who eventually returned to Prague, where Weber’s opera was eventually performed in Czech in 1806. The circumstances surrounding the production of Czech-language stage works between 1800 and 1806 are described, and the role of

Prague’s powerful theater commission is again considered.11 Weber’s claim of a performance at Prague is also corroborated.

In the end, this investigation brings into clearer focus both the broad and particular conditions that contributed to Weber’s first professionally produced opera, especially the previously unrecognized roles of Steinsberg and his talented company members. Their connections to the vibrant theatrical communities of Vienna and

10 Natalia Gubkina, “Das Waldmädchen von Carl Maria von Weber: Notizen zum Petersburger Aufführungsmaterial,” Weberiana 11 (2001), 33–51; hereafter, Gubkina, “Notizen.”

11 Both Müller and Weber were later employed by Prague’s theater commission. Müller directed the German company of the Theater of the Estates from 1807–1813. He was replaced in 1813 by Weber, who remained in that post until 1816, when he resigned to become the new director of the German National Opera at Dresden. 7 Prague, coupled with the public’s ongoing interest in stage works portraying feral children, are important factors in the performance history of Weber’s early opera.

Additionally, Weber’s score reflects some of the conventions of Viennese pantomime ballet, including several aspects of Wranitzky’s score to Das Waldmädchen, shining new light on the relationship between pantomime ballet and German opera at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

8 CHAPTER 1

CARL MARIA VON WEBER’S MUSICAL INFLUENCES, 1786–1800

Franz Anton von Weber (1734–1812) frequently boasted about his youngest son’s musical gifts. Although Carl Maria von Weber (1786–1826) did not receive regular music lessons until he was nearly ten years old, his childhood was exceptionally musical. In 1787 the entire family, including infant Carl Maria, had moved from Eutin (Carl’s birthplace in November 1786) to Hamburg. There Franz Anton hired several actors and musicians and established the Weber Theater Company under his own direction. The troupe also included Weber’s talented mother Genovefa (1764–1798), an Italian-trained soprano from Vienna, and four grown children from Franz Anton’s first marriage to the late Anna Maria Fumetti.1 Throughout the first decade of his life Carl Maria and his family traversed the German-speaking regions of Europe. They went south to Vienna (1787), then north again to Hamburg and Kassel (1788–89), later to Meiningen (1789–90), and then back to Hamburg. A successful residency at Nürnberg (1791–92) was followed by a series of brief residencies at Bayreuth (1793 and 1794), Erlangen (1793), Ansbach (1793–94), Hildburghausen, Rudolstadt, and Weimar (1794).

1 At the time Weber’s half siblings included Fridolin (1761–1833), Josepha (1763– 1792), Edmund (1766–1828), and Maria Anna Theresia Magdalena (b. 1768), who went by the name Johanna and was later was known as Jeanette. Lucy Poate Stebbins and Richard Poate Stebbins, Enchanted Wanderer: The Life of Carl Maria von Weber (New York: Putnam, 1940), 292. Hereafter, Stebbins, Weber.

9 In 1794 Franz Anton sold his rights in the company to a fellow actor. Genovefa continued to sing with the troupe through May. Similarly, Weber’s half brother Edmund, along with his wife, worked an additional six weeks for the new owner before traveling to Linz to work with a different troupe. Weber’s half sister, Jeanette, and her husband, actor Vincenz Weyrauch, had already secured a lengthy engagement for themselves at Goethe’s theater in Weimar. Their connections allowed them to help Franz Anton negotiate a contract there for Genovefa. She supported her husband and young son by working at Weimar from 17 June 1794 to 5 September 1794. During that three-month period she sang the role of Constanze in Mozart’s Die Entführung aus dem

Serail , along with twenty-nine other principal roles.2

Carl Maria’s musical development was not entirely neglected during his childhood years of travel. His father, aspiring to produce a Mozartian Wunderkind insisted that the boy begin violin lessons at age three. Eldest son Fridolin (1761–1833) was assigned to teach the small child. The experience proved frustrating and unsuccessful.3 Carl Maria received no other formal music instruction during the next seven years. Nevertheless, he was a constant witness to the professional activities of his family members as they prepared scores, learned new roles, and made artistic and practical decisions about all aspects of staging. From these experiences he acquired a

2 Goethe’s theater at Weimar was emerging as an important venue for German drama. A list of Genovefa’s roles there can be found in S. Geiser, “Goethe und die Mutter Carl Maria von Webers: Erstveröffentlichung eines Theatervertrags zwischen dem Weimarischen Theater und Genovefa von Weber (1794), nach der Handschrift Goethes,” Schweizerische Musikzeitung 97/5 (May 1957): 177–80. See also Joachim Veit “Weber, Franz Anton,” and Michael C. Tusa, “Weber, Carl Maria (Friedrich Ernst) von,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), 27: 135. Hereafter, Tusa, “Weber”; see also Stebbins, Weber, 12.

3 Tusa, “Weber,” 135. See also Joachim Veit, “Weber, Fridolin (Stephan Johann Nepomuk Andreas Maria)[Fritz] (ii),” The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 6 January 2003), http://www.grovemusic.com. Hereafter, Veit, Fridolin Weber.”

10 broad understanding of German theatrical conventions and effective stage craft. Weber also became intimately familiar with many of the popular stage works that were being performed in German theaters during the last decade of the eighteenth century, especially the spoken dramas and comedies of August Friedrich Ferdinand von Kotzebue (1761–1819) and August Wilhelm Iffland (1759–1814). In the same manner Weber also became familiar with many popular Singspiels. According to Carl Costenoble, an actor briefly employed by Franz Anton at Salzburg in 1795–96, Franz Anton favored German stage works (original and in translation) by such composers as W. A. Mozart (1756–1791), Wenzel Müller (1759–1835), Christian Gottlob Neefe (1748–1798), and Weber’s half-brother Edmund Weber (1766–1828), who by that time was helping to manage the reorganized company.4 Undoubtedly, those works provided Weber with early models of the genre he later infused with his own expressions of German Romanticism . The musical accomplishments of Carl Maria’s two half-brothers indicate the direction Franz Anton probably expected his youngest son to follow.5 Fridolin was both a violinist and a composer. In the late 1780s he briefly held a position with Haydn’s orchestra at Esterháza, before returning to the family company in 1789–90 for performances at Meiningen. He remained in his father’s employment until the mid- 1790s.6 Edmund was also very active as a performer and a composer. He produced scores to several Singspiels, including Der Transport im Koffer (Nürnberg , 1792), Martin Fex, oder Ich habe der [sic] Brüder mehr (Salzburg, 1795), and Die Zwillinge (Salzburg,

4 See C. L. Costenoble, Tagebücher von seiner Jugend bis zur Übersiedlung nach Wien, 2 vols. (Berlin: Gesellschaft für Theatergeschichte, 1912), 1: 265, 2: 272; and Tusa, “Weber,” 135. The company disbanded at the end of that season.

5 Veit, “Fridolin Weber,” and Joachim Veit, “Weber, (Franz) Edmund (Kaspar Johann Nepomuk Joseph Maria),” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), 27: 134. Hereafter, Veit, “Edmund Weber.”

6 Stebbins, Weber, 12.

11 ?1797).7 Fridolin and Edmund were well-rounded theater professionals, according to the standards of the day. Both were accomplished instrumentalists and composers, with additional experience as prompters, choral directors, singers, stage managers, and even company managers. Musical collaboration was normal among the Weber family members. Scholars surmise that Franz Anton and Edmund probably assisted Fridolin with the two pasticcios ascribed to him: Der Freybrief (Meiningen, 1789) and Der Äpfeldieb (Hamburg,

1791).8 These works were based on music by Joseph Haydn, and indeed both of Weber’s brothers had studied under Haydn, so it seems likely that the young Carl Maria would have been particularly familiar with Haydn’s style.9 Table 1.1 lists works known to have been in the repertoire of the Weber Theater Company during Weber’s childhood, along with popular contemporary works that may have been performed by the troupe. They represent the types of stage works that provided Carl Maria von Weber with his earliest understanding of the characteristics of successful German operas. (See Appendix A for a comprehensive list of German operas that premiered between 1787 and 1796. Works on that list are all Singspiels composed and premiered during Weber’s childhood but before he received any formal musical instruction.)

7 Veit, “Fridolin Weber.”

8 Joachim Veit, “Fridolin Weber,” 27: 134.

9 In 1783, following the death of their mother, Fridolin (23) and Edmund (18) went to Vienna to study with Joseph Haydn. An inheritance from their late mother probably funded their studies. The young men rented rooms in the home of a local cabinet maker named Brenner. They received a visit from Franz Anton in the summer of 1783, during which the fifty-one year old father courted and married the cabinet maker’s twenty-two year old daughter Genovefa, an accomplished singer. The newlyweds, along with Fridolin and Edmund, journeyed to Eutin at summer’s end. Franz Anton was a town musician in that city, working for the Prince Bishop. The next year, shortly after Carl Maria was born, the Webers left Eutin for Hamburg, established their family theater troupe, and began their extensive tours. Stebbins, Weber, 9–11.

12 Table 1.1

Partial Repertoire of the Weber Theater Company, 1787–96

COMPOSER TITLE PREMIERE PERFORMANCE

H. Dietrich Das neue Rosenmädchen Hamburg, 1789 Likely Christian Aumann (n. d.)

Carl Ditters von Der Betrug durch Vienna, 1786 Hamburg, Dittersdorf Aberglauben, or Die 8 December 1788 (1739–99) Schatzgräber

Carl Ditters von Der Apotheker und der Vienna, 1786 Kassel, 1787 Dittersdorf Doktor (Doktor und Apotheker)

Die Liebe im Narrenhause Vienna, 1787 Hamburg, 1788 (as Orpheus der Zweyte)

Democrit der Zweyte, Vienna, 1787 Hamburg, 1788 trans. of Democrito corretto (Ger. versions include: Silene; Demokrit; and other titles)

Hieronimus Knicker, Vienna, 1789 Likely (also known as Lucius Knicker; Chrisostomus Knicker)

Johann Karl Der ehrliche Schweitzer Nuremberg, Likely Mainberger 1790 (1750–1815)

13 Table 1.1—continued

COMPOSER TITLE PREMIERE PERFORMANCE

W. A. Mozart Don Giovanni (trans. by Prague, 1787 Hamburg, 1789 (1756–91) Friedrich Ludwig Schröder as Don Juan)

Die Entführung aus dem Vienna, 1782 Likely Serail

Wenzel Müller Kaspar, der Fagottist Vienna, 1791 Likely (1759–1835) Das Neusonntagskind Vienna, 1793 Likely

Christian Gottlob Adelheid von Veltheim Frankfurt, 1780 Likely Neefe (1748–98)

Edmund Weber Der Transport im Koffer Nuremberg, Nuremberg, 1792 (1766–1831 or 1792 later) Martin Fex, oder Ich habe Salzburg, 1795 Salzburg, 1795 der Brüder mehr

Fridolin Weber Der Freybrief Meiningen, Meiningen, 1789 (1761–1833) 1789

Der Äpfeldieb Hamburg, 1791 Hamburg, 1791

Ignaz Umlauff Die puecefarbnen Schule, Vienna, 1779 Likely (1746–96) oder Die schöne Schusterinn

Die Bergknappen Vienna, 1778 Likely

Carl Maria’s formal music lessons finally began in 1796, after his mother’s illness forced the family to stop touring. Genovefa was pregnant with her second child and was suffering from active tuberculosis. The Webers settled at Hildburghausen (near Meiningen), where Johann Peter Heuschkel (1773–1853), a local oboist, organist,

14 conductor, and composer (especially of songs), was engaged to instruct the boy in thoroughbass.10 He taught Carl Maria to play the pianoforte and may have instructed him on other instruments. As an enthusiastic and capable pupil, Weber grew extremely fond of his first music teacher, recalling later in life that Heuschkel had provided him with “the true, best foundation for strong, clear, characteristic playing on the pianoforte and the equal training of both hands.”11 Genovefa gave birth to a baby girl in December 1797. Once she was strong enough to travel, the family moved from Hildburghausen to Salzburg, planning to embark from there on a tour of Bavaria, Baden, and the Palatinate. Political developments intervened, however, for not only had Napoleon’s troops advanced to parts of Italy and Bavaria earlier that year, but the Austrian government also surrendered Belgium, the Rhine frontier, and Lombardy to the French under the Treaty of Campo Formio. The presence of French troops along the Rhine convinced Franz Anton to keep his family at Salzburg. Yet because he was not allowed to produce stage works under Count Colloredo’s rule, he had to disband the theater troupe. (Employees had received only half pay since 1796.) He would never again direct his own company. Carl Maria’s musical training was thoughtfully addressed again. Franz Anton engaged court conductor and organist Michael Haydn (1737–1806), Joseph Haydn’s younger brother and a highly regarded musician, composer, and teacher, to instruct the boy in counterpoint. Carl Maria’s earliest works, Sechs Fughetten, op. 1 (J. 1–6), were composed under Michael Haydn’s guidance. Haydn’s instruction continued at least though spring of 1798, when tragedy struck the Weber family; Genovefa died from tuberculosis (13 March 1798). Some time afterward a despondent Weber wrote to his

10 John Warrack and Joachim Veit, “Heuschkel, Johann Peter,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), 11:469.

11 Carl Maria von Weber, “Autobiographische Skizze,” in Georg Kaiser, ed., Sämtliche Schriften von Carl Maria von Weber: kritische Ausgabe (Berlin: Schuster & Löffle, 1908), 30. Hereafter, Kaiser, Sämtliche Schriften.

15 former teacher, Hueschkel, telling of his mother’s death and explaining that he would soon go to Vienna with his father, aunt, and baby sister, with hope of meeting Joseph Haydn. There is no evidence that Weber actually met the famous composer, although the journey to Vienna is confirmed by Weber’s friendship with Ignaz Susann, a young

Viennese law student and amateur flute player.12 Weber received a public affirmation of his compositional talent later that year when his Sechs Fughetten, gratefully dedicated to brother Edmund, were published at Salzburg. He immediately forwarded copies to the Leipzig publishing firm Breitkopf & Härtel, and the piece was favorably reviewed by Johann Friedrich Rochlitz (1769–1842), editor of the newly established weekly journal Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung.13 This was Weber’s first association with the influential Rochlitz, who would later become one of his closest musical associates. Toward the end of 1798 Franz Anton left Carl Maria and his infant sister at

Salzburg in the temporary care of his sister Adelheid.14 He traveled alone to Munich, then returned for the children at year’s end. Sadly, Weber’s baby sister died near the end of December 1798. Leaving Adelheid in Salzburg, Franz Anton and Carl Maria relocated to Munich, which proved to be a particularly rich musical environment for the boy.15 Its theaters presented many original German operas and German translations of popular French and Italian stage works.16 In addition, the community included a

12 Weber began what was to become a lengthy correspondence with Susann toward the end of 1798. Stebbins, Weber, 22.

13 Stebbins, Weber, 23. Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 1 (1798), col. 32. Hereafter, AmZ.

14 Stebbins, Weber, 24. Weber’s baby sister was named Maria Antonia Adelheid Felicitas Luise Philippine Johanna Walburge Josephe Joachima von Weber. Warrack, Weber, 31, and Stebbins, Weber, 22.

15 Tusa, “Weber,” 135. Stebbins, Weber, 23.

16 The German Ritterdrama, or chivalric play, was particularly popular in that city. This was a type of historical fantasy. Warrack, Weber, 32.

16 sizeable number of accomplished musicians, composers, actors, and music publishers. Convinced that vocal training was a prerequisite to composing effectively for the voice, Franz Anton enrolled Carl Maria in voice lessons with Giovanni Valesi (born Johann

Evangelist Walleshauser, 1735–1816).17 Valesi was a well-known tenor and highly regarded vocal pedagogue, who trained more than two hundred singers in the course of his career.18 Long since retired, he received a generous pension from the Munich Opera, allowing him to devote his full attention to his many pupils’ progress. Weber had a pleasing voice and learned easily under Valesi’s guidance. Weber also began studying piano and composition with Johann Nepomuk Kalcher (1764–1827), a pupil of Munich theorist Joseph Grätz (1760–1826). Grätz had also been a pupil of Michael Haydn years earlier.19 Franz Anton had originally asked Grätz to teach Carl Maria, but Grätz refused, probably fearing that he would not be paid regularly.20 Regardless, the father’s musical values are evident through the various teachers he selected for his talented sons. Twelve-year-old Weber worked prolifically under Kalcher’s encouraging guidance, composing several piano sonatas, sets of variations, string trios, and songs, as well as two larger works—a Mass and his first dramatic work, the Singspiel Die Macht

17 Stebbins, Weber, 24; Warrack, Weber, 32; Tusa, “Weber,” 135.

18 H. Schmid, “Valesi [Vallesi], Giovanni [Walleshauser, Johann Evangelist],” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1980), 19: 500–01.

19 John Warrack, “Kalcher [Kalchner], Johann Nepomuk,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1980), 9:774; hereafter, Warrack, “Kalcher.” See also, Lothar Hoffman-Erbrecht, “Kalcher (Kalchner), Johann Nepomuk” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich Blume. (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1958), 7: 436; and E. Van Der Straeten and John Warrack, “Graetz [Grätz, Graz], Joseph,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. (London: Macmillan, 1980), 7: 610.

20 Warrack, Weber, 32; Tusa, “Weber,” 135.

17 der Liebe und des Weins (1798–99, lost).21 Table 1.2 lists the works Weber is known to have composed prior to August 1800. The works are listed by year of composition and according to the numbers of Jähns’s catalogue.22

Table 1.2

Weber’s Compositions Prior to August 180023

TITLE JÄHN’S SCORING DATE/ SOURCE CATALOGUE LOCATION

Sechs Fughetten Op. 1, Open score 1798, Salzburg Published in J. 1–6 Salzburg, 1799

Die Macht der Liebe Anh. 6 Singspiel 1798–99, Lost und des Weins Munich

Vierstimmige Anh. 9 Vocal 1799, Munich? Lost Gesänge quartet

Missa Solenne Anh. 8 S, A, T, B, 1799, Munich, 1802 revised (Grosse SATB, rev. 1802 copy is extant Jugendmesse) Orchestra, organ

21 Tusa, “Weber,” 27: 135.

22 Friedrich Wilhelm Jähns, Carl Maria von Weber in seinen Werken: chronologisch- thematisches Verzeichniss seiner sämmtlichen Compositionen (Berlin, 1871).

23 Tusa, “Weber,” 27: 159–66.

18 Table 1.2—continued

TITLE JÄHN’S SCORING DATE/ SOURCE CATALOGUE LOCATION

Canons Anh. 10 Not 1799, Munich? Lost specified

Three Easy Trios Anh. 11–13 Vn, Va, Vc 1799, Munich? Lost

Six Variations [I] Anh. 14 Solo Piano 1799, Munich? Lost

1 Six Variations [II] Anh. 15 Solo Piano 799, Munich? Lost

3 Piano Sonatas Anh. 16–18 Solo piano 1799, Munich? Lost

Six variations on Anh. 19 Solo piano 1799, Munich? Lost the song Lieber Augustin

Three trios Anh. 24–26 Vn, Va, Vc, 1799/1801 Lost

Six Variations on Op. 2, J. 7 Solo piano 1800, Munich Published in an Original Theme Munich, 1800

In his autobiographical sketch (14 March 1818), Weber recalled his musical development under Kalcher’s guidance: At the end of 1798 I went to Munich where I studied singing with Valesi and composition with the present court organist, Kalcher. It is to Kalcher’s clear, well-ordered and scrupulous teaching that I am indebted for my mastery and ease in the handling of academic forms, more particularly four-part a cappella writing. Such things must become second nature to any composer who wishes to express himself and his ideas clearly, just as prosody and meter must become second nature to a poet. I finished my studies with an industry that never flagged.

A preference for the dramatic began to become unmistakable in my musical individuality, and under the eyes of my master I wrote an opera entitled Die Macht der Liebe und des Weins, a grand Mass, several

19 pianoforte sonatas, variations, string trios, songs, etc., all of which were later destroyed in a fire.24

His enthusiasm for composition was diverted in 1799, however, when he was apprenticed to Aloys Senefelder (1771–1834), one of his father’s former acquaintances from the court theater of Bavaria. Having recently invented the printing process now known as lithography, Senefelder was positioned to receive a fifteen-year royal concession for the technique.25 Franz Anton was interested in acquiring the new method for his own use, recognizing it as a profitable way to publish Carl Maria’s music. As Senefelder’s apprentice, Carl Maria was able to learn the new method thoroughly. In May 1799 Weber and his father left Munich for several months. There is no evidence that Carl Maria performed in any of the locations he subsequently visited, although his father had stated publicly that they were embarking on a summer concert tour. More likely, the purpose of their journey was to find a suitable location in which to establish a lithography business of their own. The Webers made periodic stops at Stuttgart, Bamberg, Hildburghausen, Freiberg, Prague, and Karlsb ad, before returning to Munich. At Karlsbad Carl Maria was introduced to Karl Ritter von Steinsberg.26

24 Warrack, Writings, 251–52. Weber’s “Autobiographische Skizze” was written in Dresden on 14 March 1818 for Amadeus Wendt (1783–1836). Wendt, a professor of philosophy in Göttingen, was a well-known writer on music and aesthetics. He never published any of the material from the sketch, and his reason for gathering the information is not known. In the past, important scholars have regarded Weber’s autobiographical sketch with skepticism, questioning its accuracy and completeness. Gubkina’s discovery of a Weber’s score at St. Petersburg has confirmed its reliability with regard to the composer’s claim that Das Waldmädchen was produced in that city, however, and Weber’s claim that Das Waldmädchen was also produced at Prague, in Czech, will be confirmed at a later point in the present study. For these reasons, skepticism regarding the reliability of this document must be reconsidered.

25 On 3 September 1799 Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria awarded a fifteen-year patent for lithographic printing to Senefelder and his partner, Franz Gleissner (1759– 1818). Weber became Senefelder’s apprentice in winter or spring 1799.

26 The Czech resort city of Karlsbad is known today as Karlovy Vary.

20 Apparently, the colorful theater director impressed the young composer, reawakening his interest in writing music for the stage. Weber and his father returned to Munich early in 1800, resuming their affiliation with Senefelder, but they left Munich permanently three months later.27 Few of the compositions Weber wrote while living in Munich have survived. His Sechs Fughetten (J. 1?6, published at Salzburg in 1799), along with the Six Variations on an Original Theme (J. 7, printed in Munich in 1800), and a revised copy (1802) of portions of the Missa solenne (Grosse Jugendmesse, Anh. 8) are the only extant examples of his abilities before composing Das Waldmädchen.28 The fate of other early works is uncertain. The composer always claimed that the bulk of his juvenile works had burned in a cupboard fire at Kalcher’s home in 1799, a story that was recounted in the composer’s obituary. The “cupboard fire” explanation cannot be wholly accurate, however, because Weber wrote several letters to publishers after the alleged 1799 fire, offering to sell some of those same works.29 Freiberg (Saxony) became Carl Maria’s next home in August 1800. The city had an abundance of mineral resources, the technical resources of a famous mining school (the Bergakademie), and a good theater. Most important, it was located in Saxony,

27 Stebbins, Weber, 26–7.

28 In 1800 Senefelder’s press published Weber’s Six Variations on an Original Theme, op. 7. Notably, the title page featured a warm dedication to Weber’s Munich teacher, Kalcher. Warrack, Weber, 33. Weber immediately forwarded a copy to Breitkopf & Härtel, and again it received a favorable review from Rochlitz in the AmZ. Rochlitz severely criticized Senefelder’s press for musical inaccuracies in the edition, however.

29 Max Maria von Weber adopted his father’s explanation of that cupboard fire. However, others scholars, including Gustav Schilling and Michael Tusa, assert that Weber destroyed his juvenile works at a later date, possibly in 1802. Schilling and Tusa point out that Weber and his father were still offering some of those same works to publishers in November 1801. See Tusa, “Weber,” 27: 135. Another possibility is that some of Weber’s juvenile works survived the fire because they had remained in Weber’s possession.

21 beyond the reach of Senefelder’s Bavarian patent. Weber’s autobiographical sketch explains his original enthusiasm for Freiberg in the following terms, making no mention of Steinsberg or a libretto: . . . The youthful urge to give oneself to everything new and sensational awoke in me the idea of seizing supremacy in Senefelder’s newly discovered process of lithography . . . . the wish to try this out on a large scale impelled us to go to Freiberg, where all materials seemed most conveniently to hand.30

Weber later explained that

. . . the extensiveness and the mechanical, soul-destroying nature of the business soon made me give it up and set myself with redoubled enthusiasm to composition.31

Another primary source, the recently discovered autobiography by Ferdinand von Lutzendorff, a childhood friend of Weber’s at Munich, provides a different account of that period. Lutzendorff claimed that the fledgling composer underwent a period of extreme emotional distress upon learning that he was to leave Munich permanently. Both boys, distressed by their impending separation, attempted suicide by jumping into a nearby river together.32 The truth may lie somewhere between the two extremes. Carl Maria and his father left Munich permanently in the spring of 1800, conducting a brief concert tour of Erfurt, Gotha, and Leipzig before arriving in Freiberg in August. Once there, Weber’s failing enthusiasm for lithography happily coincided with the arrival of Steinsberg and his troupe at that same city on 24 August 1800. The lithography firm never opened. Instead, Carl Maria immediately began composing a score for Steinsberg’s newest libretto, Das Waldmädchen.

30 Kaiser, Sämtliche Schriften, 127, translated in Warrack, Weber, 33.

31 Warrack, Weber, 33–34.

32 Rescued and uninjured, they were reunited at Prague in 1813–14. Eveline Bartlitz, “Eine vergessene Freundschaft,” Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 29/1 (1987), 69– 73.

22 Weber was remarkably well prepared for that task. His family’s lifestyle had already familiarized him with the musical and technical demands of staging a German opera production. He was also well-versed in the musical and theatrical conventions and German stage repertoire of the late eighteenth century. And he had already composed his first opera. When Steinsberg approached him at Freiberg, Weber may have been eager to test his proficiencies.

23

CHAPTER 2

FERAL CHILDREN AND WRANITZKY’S PANTOMIME-BALLET DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1796)

On Friday evening, 23 September 1796, a pantomime-ballet titled Das Waldmädchen was premiered at Vienna’s Kärntnerthortheater. The music was by Paul

Wranitzky (1756–1808), a prominent Moravian-born composer who worked in Vienna’s Imperial Court theaters for most of his career.1 The choreography for the pantomime- ballet was by Guiseppe Traffieri (n. d.), a solo dancer in the court’s ballet troupe.2 Das

1 In modern Czech the composer’s name is spelled Pavel Vranický. A highly regarded violinist, conductor, and composer, Wranitzky moved from Olomouc to Vienna in 1776. He studied theology and directed the seminary choir for several years. In 1784 he accepted the post of music director to Count Johann Baptist Esterházy, and he was appointed music director at Vienna’s Kärntnerthortheater in October 1785. Wranitzky joined the orchestra of the prestigious Hoftheater nächtst der Burg, or Burgtheater, in 1787. In 1792 or 1793 he became the music director to the court opera company, the position he held when he composed the score to Das Waldmädchen. Wranitzky’s talents were greatly admired by Vienna’s musical elite. A composer of considerable significance to the early Romantic movement, he composed 51 symphonies and music for many successful operas and ballets during his lengthy career. His best- known opera, and one of his most frequently performed stage works, was his first Singspiel, Oberon (1789), which premiered at Vienna’s Wiedner Theater. It was not eclipsed in popularity by the many other settings of that story until Weber’s English language version premiered in 1826. (Weber visited Wranitzky in Vienna in 1803.) Milan Poštolka and Robert Hickman, “Wranitzky [Vranický, Wraniczky, Wranizky], Paul [Pavel],” Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 31 July 2004), http://www.grovemusic.com. Hereafter, Poštolka and Hickman, “Wranitzky.”

2 Traffieri and Wranitzky produced at least two pantomime-ballets together: Das Waldmädchen (1796) and Die Luftfahrer (1797). Traffieri also collaborated with composer Joseph Weigl (1766–1846), a pupil and protégé of Salieri. Rudolf Angermüller and

24 Waldmädchen was presented after a performance of J. F. Jünger’s four-act Lustspiel, Der Strich durch die Rechnung , as it was customary in Vienna for pantomime-ballets to follow lengthier stage works such as operas or spoken plays. An extant playbill lists the stage works performed that evening at each of the court-operated theaters. The entry for the Kärntnerthortheater and the Hoftheater nächst der Burg, or Burgtheater, includes the following statement about Das Waldmädchen:

The pair of boys found in the woods of Lithuania, the wild one from Hannover, and the young girl found near Champagne provided the inspiration for this little ballet. The story follows: while enjoying a hunt away from his homeland, a Polish prince, with the aid of his friend, discovers a wild maiden. 3

Indeed, this new ballet was inspired by several well-known reports of wild or feral children. These particular children had been described in a variety of pamphlets, articles, novels, and larger scholarly works during the eighteenth century. Table 2.1 lists selected publications that described the kind of children referred to on the playbill for the premiere of Wranitzky’s Das Waldmädchen.

Teresa Hrdlick-Reichenberger, “Joseph Weigl (ii),” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), 27: 215–16.

3 “Die swey in den Wäldern von Lithauen angetroffenen Knaben, der Wilde in Hannover, und das in der Champagne gefundene Mädchen gaben Gelegenheit zur Erfundung dieses kleinen Balletes. Der Inhalt ist folgender: Ein pohlnischer Fürst, der auf seinem Schlosse wohnt, erlustiget sich mit der Jagd, und entdeckt durch Hülfe eines Freundes ein wildes Mädchen.” 773.042-D, Hofttheater Zettel 23 September 1796, Theatersammlung, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.

25 Table 2.1

Selected Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century Published Accounts of Feral Children4

AUTHOR TITLE CITY PUBLISHER DATE

Anonymous; “The Savage” in London J. Watts 1726 attributed to Miscellaneous Poems by Dr. John Several Hands published Arbuthnot by D. Lewis

John It cannot rain but it pours: London J. Roberts 1726 Arbuthnot or, London strow'd with and Jonathan rarities. Being, an account Swift of . . . And lastly, of the wonderful wild man that was nursed in the woods of Germany by a wild beast, hunted and taken in toyls . . . being call'd Peter; and how he was brought to Court.

Daniel DeFoe Mere Nature Delineated; London T. Warner 1726 or, a Body without a Soul. Being Observations upon the Young Forester Lately brought to Town from Germany . With suitable applications. Also, a brief dissertation upon the usefulness and necessity of fools, whether political or natural.

4 These readily available sources demonstrate widespread interest in the topic of feral children throughout Europe in the eighteenth- and early nineteenth-centuries. Although fewer German sources are listed, the comments on the playbill from the first performance of Das Waldmädchen make it clear that Viennese audiences knew of at least three famous cases in 1796.

26 Table 2.1—continued

AUTHOR TITLE CITY PUBLISHER DATE

Attr. Jonathan The most wonderful Dublin G. Faulkner 1726 Swift wonder that ever appear'd (spurious) to the wonder of the British Nation: Being an account of the travel s of Mynheer Veteranus, thro' the woods of Germany; and an account of his taking a most monstrous she bear, who had nurs'd up the wild boy, their landing at the tower . . . with a dialogue between the old she bear and her foster son.

Etienne Essai sur l'Origine des Amsterdam Pierre 1746 Bonnot de Connaissances Humaines Mortier Mably de Condillac

Louis Racine Epitre II, sur l'Homme, Paris J. B. 1747 (1692–1763) Poësies nouvelles, in Coignard Oeuvres

L. Racine Epitre II, sur l'Homme, Amsterdam Marc Michel 1750 Poësies nouvelles, in Rey Oeuvres, 6th ed.

Attributed to Histoire d'une Jeune Fille Paris n. p. 1755, Charles-Marie Sauvage Trouvée dans les 1761 La Condamine Bois à l'âge de Dix Ans (1701–1774), published by Madame Hecquet

27 Table 2.1—continued

AUTHOR TITLE CITY PUBLISHER DATE

Jean-Jacques Discours sur l’origine et Geneva Marc Michel 1755 Rousseau les fondements de Rey l’inegalite parmi les hommes

Condillac, An Essay on the Origins London J. Norse 1756 trans. by Mr. of Human Knowledge, Nugent being a supplement to Mr. Locke’s essay on the Human Understanding

La The history of a savage London R. Dursley & 1760 Condamine/ girl, caught wild in the T. Davidson Hecquet woods of Champagne (translation of Hecquet/ La Condamine, above)

La An Account of a savage Edinburgh A. Kincaid & 1768 Condamine/ girl, caught wild in the J. Bell Hecquet woods of Champagne

Voltaire Poème sur la loi naturelle Geneva n. p. 1771 (1694–1778) in La Henriade, dix chants: précédée, accompagnée, & suivie de toutes les piéces rélátives a ce Poëme & a la Poësie Epique en général auxquelles on a joint, Le Temple du Gout les discours sur l'homme, les Poëmes de Fontenoy, sur le Desastre de Lisbonne, sur la Loi naturelle, &c. &c.

28 Table 2.1—continued

AUTHOR TITLE CITY PUBLISHER DATE

La The history of a savage London J. Wren & 1784 Condamine/ girl, caught wild in the W. Hodges Hecquet woods of Champagne

Louis Racine “Écclaircissement: Sur la Paris Londres 1785 Fille Sauvage dont est parle dans cette Epître” in La Grace, poëme; par Monsieur Racine, De l'Acedémic Royale des Inscriptions & Belles- Letters

Anonymous The annual register, or a London Printed for 1785 view of the history, G. G. J. and J. politics, and literature, for Robinson the years 1784

François Guil Lolotte et Fanfan: ou, Les Paris Maradan 1788 Ducray- aventures de deux enfans Duminil abandonnés dans une isle déserte

Ducray- Alexis, ou, La maisonnette Paris Maradan 1789 Duminil dans les bois

La The history of a savage Aberdeen, Burnett & 1796 Condamine/ girl, caught wild in the England Rettie Hecquet woods of Champagne

Ducray- Victor, ou l’enfant de la Paris Le Prieur 1797 Duminil forêt

Ducray- Coelina ou l' enfant du Paris Le Prieur 1798 Duminil mystère

29 Table 2.1—continued

AUTHOR TITLE CITY PUBLISHER DATE

Julien David Mémoire sur les travaux Paris n. p. 1774, Leroy qui ont rapport à 1803 l'exploitation de la mâture dans les Pyrénées in Des navires employés par les anciens, et de l'usage qu'on en pourroit faire dans notre marine

James Burnet, Antient metaphysics. Edinburgh n. p. 1795 Lord Volume fourth. Monboddo Containing the history of Man. With an appendix relating to the fille sauvage whom the author saw in France.

La An account of a most Edinburgh J. Morren 1800 Condamine/ surprising savage girl, Hecquet who was caught wild in the woods of Champagne, a province in France . . . Translated from the French.

Jean Marc De l'éducation d'un Paris Goujon 1801 Gaspard Itard homme sauvage ou des (1775–1838) premiers développements physiques et moraux du jeune sauvage de l'Aveyron

Richard Essay on Abstinence from London Richard 1802 Phillips Animal Food as a Moral Phillips Duty

30

Table 2.1—continued

AUTHOR TITLE CITY PUBLISHER DATE

Ducray- Paul; oder, Vom verfasser Leipzig J. G. Beygang 1803 Duminil; des Victor, der Edlina trans. by Friedrich von Oertel

Itard Rapport fait à son Paris Imprimérie 1806 excellence le Ministre de impériale l'intérieur sur les nouveaux développemens et l'état actuel du sauvage de l'Aveyron

L. Racine Oeuvres de Louis Racine Paris Le Normant 1808

Authors of such documents typically included colorful descriptions of the children’s odd appearance and behavior. Although the circumstances of each child’s capture and subsequent “domestication” varied considerably, most had several characteristics in common. Each had survived alone in the wilderness for an undetermined period of time, adapting quite remarkably to extremely rough and isolated conditions. Typically, the children were naked or wearing only tattered rags or crude animal skins when rescued. They had no discernable language skills, making only unusual noises—grunts, snorts, whistles, or screams. They also had great difficulty adjusting to the demands of a more civilized lifestyle. Most were unable to digest cooked food, for example, having relied for an extended period of time on a diet of raw foods cobbled together from whatever berries, roots, grasses, fish, or small prey they could gather or kill themselves. Invariably, these children demonstrated a keen awareness of their surroundings—ignoring attempts by other people to engage their attention, while focusing instead on, and often reacting swiftly or unexpectedly to, the

31 slightest movements, sounds, and odors. These kinds of behaviors could have been convincingly portrayed on the Viennese stage by actors and dancers using various costumes and makeup, gestures, dances, and music. In this sense, the topic of a story about a feral girl, or forest maiden, would have been ideally suited for the pantomime- ballet genre. That fact that the notation on the playbill implies public familiarity with these cases is also significant. The brief mention of the ballet’s inspiration and plot inform ed the theater-going public that by attending this pantomime-ballet they could see with their own eyes a vivid depiction of one of the curious creatures, about whom previously they had only been able to read. The public’s appetite for information on feral children was only partially satiated by the various contemporary scholarly, journalistic, and fictional works contemplating mankind’s natural state. Among the authors were scientists (Monboddo), physicians (Arbuthnot, Itard), philosophers (de Condillac, Racine), explorers (La Condamine), poets (Voltaire), fictional writers (Ducray-Duminil), and even religious writers (Phillips), a reflection of the principles of science and theology that were broadly embraced during the Enlightenment. Some authors denied that feral children were human at all (Monboddo concluded that they represented a separate species). Others cited the lack of language, to name but one aspect of their condition, as evidence that human children acquire language skills through human intervention only (Itard). At least some of these publications, or perhaps translations of them, probably informed Traffieri and Vranitzký about the actions of feral children as they were devising the various elements of their new ballet, for a few similarities between actual reports of feral children and the ballet’s plot, as described on the playbill, are readily apparent. For example, the playbill first mentions two young boys who had been observed together in the Lithuanian countryside more than a century earlier. The precise date of their original sighting is not known, but it fell between 1657 and 1669. (Only secondary sources have survived, and the dates in those sources vary.) Only one of the two boys was captured, at which time he was named Joseph. The story was

32 considered important enough to be recorded in the 1698 History of Poland by Bernard

Connor and John Savage.5 Extant descriptions of Joseph indicate that he was about nine years old when he was captured. Rather than standing upright, he walked on all four limbs in a curious animal-like gait. His captors took him to Warsaw, where he was presented to the King of Poland. For the remaining years of his life Joseph was regarded as a captive novelty, an object of tremendous curiosity. Although he eventually learned to walk upright, eat cooked food, and wear clothing, he was never considered even remotely capable of joining society as a free-thinking and independent person, for he tried to escape frequently and was said to howl and cry ferociously whenever he caught sight of open meadows or nearby forests. Like other feral children, he never acquired language skills, despite repeated attempts to teach him . Notably, Traffieri’s ballet depicts a mute forest maiden who is discovered by a Polish prince during a hunting trip. Because the playbill specifically mentions a pair of boys from Lithuania, not just one, it should be noted that there was a second child seen with Joseph prior to his capture. That may be what is meant by “the pair of boys found in Lithuania.” Alternatively, that remark may refer to the case of another wild boy who was captured in the woods near Lietuva, Lithuania, several years later, in 1694. He was also named Joseph by his captors. Eventually, Joseph acquired rudimentary language skills, an indication that he may have known how to speak prior to his period of living in the wild. His case was cited in 1746 by French author Etienne de Condillac in an essay on the origins of human knowledge.6

5 Bernard Connor and John Savage, The History of Poland: in several letters to persons of quality. Giving an account of the present state of that Kingdom, historical, political, physical and ecclesiastical (London: D. Brown, A. Roper, and T. Leigh, 1698), 342–50.

6 This case is described on pages 131–33 of the 1756 English translation by a Mr. Nugent of Condillac’s essay. See An Essay on the Origin of Human Knowledge. Being a supplement to Mr. Locke’s essay on the human understanding. Translated from the French of the Abbè de Condillac, . . . by Mr. Nugent. London, 1756, English Short Title Catalogue. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO (Accessed 31 October 2004). A modern English translation of Condillac’s essay is “Essay on the Origin of Human Knowledge,”

33 “The young girl found near Champagne” refers to Marie Angélique Memmie LeBlanc, known also as “Memmie, the Maid of Châlons,” the wild girl of Champagne, or the wild girl of Songy (or Songi).7 She was spotted one evening in September 1731 on the streets of the village of Songy (or Songi), near Châlons in the Champagne region of France. After scurrying up a tree to escape her pursuers, she had to be coerced down by a local woman carrying an infant, who offered her food and drink and gestured in a reassuring manner toward the frightened and hungry child. After Memmie descended from her perch to accept the nourishment, she was captured by a group of men who had been hiding nearby. Memmie was about nine or ten years old. She was dressed in a large animal skin that wrapped around her body and hung loosely about her knees. She also wore a necklace, some pendants, and a pouch that contained both a club and a small knife inscribed with strange unfamiliar characters. Her hair was filthy and matted, and she had a dark-skinned appearance. After repeated bathings, Memmie’s caregivers discovered that her skin had been painted black, a common practice of the slave trade. Memmie was, in fact, a light-skinned child. Mute when captured, she learned to speak French within a few years and was eventually able to describe to others in some detail her ordeal of living in the forest. Memmie recalled, for example, that she had accidentally injured and probably killed a younger female companion with whom she had previously been observed. She also reported that she and the other girl had been enslaved together on a large boat for at least two long journeys to what she referred to as the “hot country,” possibly an ocean passage from Europe to the West Indies and back.

Cambridge Texts on the History of Philosophy, ed. Hans Aarsleff (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). The case of the second Lithuanian bear boy (1694) appears on pages 88–89 of this translation.

7 Jean-Paul Denise’s article, "L'enfant sauvage de Songy," in Champagne Généalogie No. 77, is a more recent investigation of the case. See also Brian A. Haughton and Michael Newton, "Memmie LeBlanc—The Wild Girl of Champagne," Mysterious People (Accessed 31 July 2004), http://www.mysteriouspeople.com .

34 Memmie recalled that she and the girl were freed when the boat began to sink somewhere near the coast of France. She told of swimming ashore with the other girl holding on to her leg. Indeed, according to her caregivers, Memmie was an incredibly strong and agile swimmer, capable of catching fish with her bare hands. She said she lived with the other girl in the woods for an undetermined amount of time, climbing trees to hide and sleep in during daylight hours, then traveling, hunting, and eating at night. She had used her club to fend off bears and other animals that chased after her. Memmie’s caregivers often witnessed her uncanny ability to hunt small animals and catch fish with or without tools. She had an extremely keen sense of smell, very sensitive hearing, and keen vision, but her eyes tended to roll about in an odd manner. She could imitate the sounds of birds with great accuracy. Sometime during her domestication music was played for Memmie and she responded with delight, clapping and dancing about gleefully. Memmie acquired fluency in French, and she also became fully re-socialized in the ensuing years, coming of age in a series of convents. She received unusual attention in the form of regular visits and generous financial support in the form of pensions from French dignitaries, including the Viscount D’Epinoy, who originally ordered her capture, and the Duke d’Orléans. Their attention was closely followed in the press, since Memmie, like most captured feral children, continued to be regarded as an object of great curiousity for the rest of her life. As late as 1765 she was still living in Paris. The year of her death is unknown. Memmie’s life was vividly described in an anononymous book published in 1755 and entitled Histoire d’une jeune fille sauvage trouvée dans les bois à l'âge de dix ans.8

The “wild one from Hannover” refers to one of the most sensational and widely- reported cases of a feral child reported in the eighteenth century. “Wild Peter” had been found living alone in the woods of Hameln (or Hamelin) in Lower Saxony near

8 Anonymous, Histoire d'une jeune fille sauvage trouvée dans les bois à l'âge de dix ans (Paris: n. p., 1755, 1761), since attributed to Madame Hecquet (n. d.) and Charles-Marie La Condamine (1701–1774).

35 Hannover, on 27 July 1724.9 He was about 12 years old when captured, did not speak , and would eat only vegetables, grass, the juice of green stalks, and occasional bits of bread. There were rumors that Peter was born dumb or retarded, and that his father had abandoned him in the local woods. He received an inordinate amount of attention after his capture. In February 1726 King George I of England, also the reigning Elector of Hannover, insisted that Wild Peter be transported to London. He then gave the boy to his wife, Queen Caroline, Princess of Wales, who intended to keep him as a pet. For a short time Peter actually lived in a designated suite of rooms in the royal palace, but within two months his crude behaviors had disgusted the queen. She then “loaned” Peter to Dr. John Arbuthnot (1667–1735), an influential royal physician, mathematician, and writer. Arbuthnot carefully observed the boy’s actions, recording that Peter “seemed to have a taste for music, and would hum over with satisfaction tunes of all kinds which he often heard.” But although the child delighted at the tones a piano could produce, he seemed quite afraid actually to touch the keyboard. Nor did he seem to understand that the musical tones were produced by depressing the keys. Unlike Memmie, Peter never developed language skills. Aside from his guttural grunts and snarls, he learned only to imitate a few names rather crudely, addressing King George as "ki scho" and Queen Caroline as "qui ca." The European public clamored for reports of Wild Peter’s activities, even after Dr. Arbuthnot persuaded the Queen to place Peter in the permanent care of her chamber maid, Mrs. Titchbourne.10 In exchange for a handsome pension given by the Queen to Mrs. Titchbourne on Peter’s behalf, the chamber maid helped arrange for a farmer named Mr. James Fenn to mind Peter at his farmhouse at Axter’s End, near London. At some point, Peter, who was prone to

9 The case of “Wild Peter” is more fully examined in D. K. Candland, Feral Children and Clever Animals: Reflections on Human Nature (London: Oxford University Press, 1993).

10 A full account of Peter’s life was printed in TheAnnual Register, or a View of the History, Politics, and Literature, for the Years 1784 and 1785 (London: n. p., 1787), 43–45. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO Accessed 18 November 2004.

36 wandering long distances, was fitted with a leather collar around his neck on which his name had been engraved and instructions for him to be returned unharmed for a reward by anyone who might find him . When Mr. Fenn died, his brother Thomas assumed responsibility for Peter’s well-being, along with the government pension. Peter was moved to Thomas’s farmhouse, which was called Broadway. After Thomas’s death Peter remained at Broadway for many years, cared for by a series of tenants. Peter died there on 22 February 1785 at the age of seventy-two (approximately), still quite famous throughout Europe. He was buried in the graveyard of the North Church of County Hertford. Dr. Arbuthnot has been credited for an anonymous and compassionate poem titled “The Savage.” It was published in 1726 as part of a popular anthology of English poems. It poignantly illustrates the concerns of one who has sympathetically contemplated Wild Peter’s fate: The SAVAGE; occasion’d by the bringing to Court of a Wild youth, taken in the Woods near Germany in the year 1725

Ye Courtiers, who the blessings know From Sweet society that flow, Adorned with each politer Grace Above the rest of human Race, Receive this Youth unformed, untaught, From solitary Deserts brought, To brutish Converse long confined, Wild, and a Stranger to his Kind: Receive him, and with tender Care, For Reason’s use his Mind Prepare; Shew him in Words his Thoughts to dress To think, and what he thinks express; His Manners form, his Conduct plan, And civilize him into Man. But with false alluring Smile If you teach him to beguile; If with Language soft and fair You instruct him to ensnare, If to foul and brutal vice, Envy, Pride, or Avarice,

37 Tend the Precepts you lmpart; If you taint his spotless Heart, Speechless send him back agen, To the Woods of Hamelen; Still in Deserts let him stray, As his Choice directs his Way; Let him still a Rover be, Still be innocent and free. He, whose lustful, lawless Mind Is to Reason’s Guidance blind, Ever slavish to obey Each imperious Passion’s sway, Smooth and Courtly though he be, He’s the Savage, only He.

The peculiar characteristics of feral children challenged the existing scientific classification systems for humans. Consequently, both Wild Peter and Memmie were cited in several important writings that pondered the true nature of humankind. In 1758, pioneering biological taxonomist Carl Linnæus reviewed their case histories along with historical reports of several other feral children, many of whom were found co- habitating with animals. He cites a wolf-boy from Hesse (1344), a calf-boy from Bamberg (16th century), a young man named Jean de Liège (17th century), the Lithuanian bear-boy (which he dated 1661), an Irish sheep-boy (1672), and two boys observed in the French Pyrenees, one of whom had been captured (1719).11 Linnæus determined that feral children must be a separate species of human being, which he named Homo ferens and described as a mute quadruped covered with hair. His theory provoked continued discussions on the matter. At about the same time that a book was being published about Memmie’s life, French philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712– 1778) published one of his most important works, Discours sur l’origine et les fondements de l’inegalite parmi les hommes (Discourse on the Origins of Inequality).12 Writing

11 Carl Linnæus: Systema naturae (10th edition, 1758).

12 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur l’origine et les fondements de l’inegalite parmi les hommes (Geneva: Marc Michel Rey, 1755).

38 hypothetically about the natural state of humankind, Rosseau lamented that the dignity, grace, and vitality of indigenous cultures, however crude their behaviors might appear, were sadly absent from humans subjected to the sophisticated trappings of contemporary society. Scottish judge and early anthropologist James Burnett, Lord Monboddo (1714–1799), who met personally with Memmie on several occasions, believed that Memmie and Wild Peter should not be regarded as examples of mankind’s “natural state,” but rather as midpoints on a continuum that represented “a brief chronicle or abstract of the progress of human nature, from the mere animal to the first stage of civilized life.” In other words, Burnett regarded them as missing links, remnants of an older and less-developed species of man. Such theories as these underscore the great attention paid to these unusual children by eighteenth-century intellectuals and the general public. It is possible that additional, more recent cases of feral children, beyond those cited on the playbill, could have influenced the plot to Das Waldmädchen in some way, or provided additional ideas for its sets, characters, and the types of events that would be portrayed on the stage. For example, a nearly adult “bear girl” had been discovered by a hunting party in 1767 in a cave near the village of Fraumark in lower Hungary (known today as Krupina, Slovakia). Unable to speak, she spent her remaining years in an asylum. Around 1780 a “wolf boy” had been discovered amidst a wolf pack near the Siebenburgen-Wallachischen border (now Romania). He appeared to be in his early twenties, was completely devoid of language and social skills, and walked on all fours when captured. The “wolf boy” was taken to Kronstadt (now Brasov, Roumania), where attempts were made to teach him basic social skills and language, for which he showed neither interest nor capacity. A scientific description of his condition was recorded in 1784, but no subsequent descriptions have survived. One final and particularly timely series of events must be noted at this point before continuing with the discussion of Wranitzky’s ballet. In 1796 French author François Guillaume Ducray-Duminil (1761–1819) published Victor, ou l’enfant de la forêt, a fictional tale about a feral boy that was subsequently used as the basis for a

39 melodramatic play by René-Charles-Guilbert de Pixérécourt (1773–1844).13 Remarkably, a child described as a “brownish, naked boy” was captured near Lacaune, France, in spring of 1798.14 His subsequent escape provoked tremendous interest in his whereabouts and condition. The boy, who had apparently been living alone in the forests of the region for several years, was captured a second time on 9 January 1800 near Saint-Sernin, which is also known as Aveyron. His captors named him Victor, and he was placed in the care of a local man while medical officials in Paris contemplated his future care, evaluation, and rehabilitation. Victor was transported to Paris several months later, arriving in that city on the evening of 18 August 1800. The child was then placed into the care of Dr. Jean-Marc Gaspard Itard (1775–1838), a specialist in the care of deaf-mutes. Victor became the subject of a medical/scientific experiment intended to help him acquire more civilized behaviors, including speech. At first, the boy received visits from curiosity seekers, but because he was frequently subjected to cruel jests, most such visits had to be curtailed. Quickly, he became the talk of Europe, even in the midst of the Napoleonic wars. In Table 2.1 each of the post-1796 entries by Itard, the physician who supervised the boy’s care at Paris, refers to Victor specifically. The story of a similarly mysterious forest maiden discovered by a Polish prince was clearly a provocative, well-chosen subject for a new pantomime-ballet. Viennese pantomime-ballets of the period were fairly lengthy, independent stage work s, usually longer than one act, that combined the long-standing Viennese tradition of comic pantomime with ballet and more serious plot elements.15 Action unfolded in a series of discrete scenes, each of which was signaled by the entrances and exits of a dancer or dancers, by a sudden change in the character of the music, or both. Thus, the physical characteristics of a mute forest maiden, which might have included an odd gait, tattered

13 Roger Shattuck, The Forbidden Experiment: The Story of the Wild Boy of Aveyron (New York: Kondosha International, 1980, reprint 1994), 61. Hereafter, Shattuck, Victor.

14 Shattuck, Victor, 64.

15 Peter Branscombe, “Pantomime,” Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 19 August 2003), http://www.grovemusic.com. Hereafter, Branscombe, “Pantomime.”

40 garments of skins or leaves, peculiar facial expressions, or any number of unusual physical characteristics, along with the reactions of various more “civilized” characters toward her, could be convincingly portrayed through clever choreography in combination with standard pantomime gestures, music, sets, costumes, and scenery. The orchestral score to Vraniczý’s Das Waldmädchen has not survived, but the music from the ballet has been preserved in the form of transcriptions for keyboard instruments or small mixed ensembles. Several complete transcriptions, along with the first violin part to the original score, are housed at the music department of the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.16 Other transcriptions are housed at Prague’s Czech

Museum of Music and in various private collections.17 The standard arrangement of numbers in late eighteenth-century Viennese pantomime-ballet is an opening S infonia followed by a series of contrasting instrumental dances (usually between ten and twenty-five in number), most of which were in binary form and untitled except for tempo markings, and a final contredanse generale that showcased the entire cast. Das Waldmädchen follows that basic outline, beginning with a Sinfonia in D major. The first 70 measures are in cut time (alla breve), followed by a fermata that segues directly into the second section, a 32-measure Polonaise (also in D major). This Polish dance helps to establish the nationality of the prince who discovers the forest maiden. A fermata separates the end of the Polonaise from the last section of the Sinfonia, which is again in cut time. Durin g those 69 measures (still in D major) thematic material from the opening section returns, with the final 20 bars form ing a coda. Twenty-nine separate instrumental numbers follow, the majority of which are in

16 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, S. M. 11009. S. M. 11374 is a score to the Polonaise from Das Waldmädchen that was published separately.

17 The Czech Museum of Music is a branch of the National Museum of the Czech Republic. Following a devastating flood in 2002, much of the collection was lost or damaged. The remaining documents had to be moved and reordered. Although the new facility was still not open to the public during my visit in June 2004, I met with Dr. Markéta Kabelková, who allowed me to survey the card catalogue and study several scores, including what appeared to be an autograph of a piano transcription of the ballet.

41 binary form. Most are identified by tempo markings only (allegretto, maestoso, andante, allegro, etc.), although some include additional details. No. 22, in F major and 2/4 time, is marked Cosacca, allegro non troppo. No. 25 is a Pas de Deux (Andantino, in D major and in cut time). No. 26, Polonaise, is an expanded treatment (100 bars) of the same polonaise in the middle section of the Sinfonia, but this time in the key of B? major. It returns again in No. 29, Polonaise (in B? major), and is followed 21 bars later by No. 30, Mazur, in 3/8 meter (F major). The ballet concludes with No. 31, a Contretanz.

Court ballet productions were performed by trained ballet company members who danced and mimed. Casts were also augmented with other performers (including actors from the court theater company) who merely mimed. The trained dancers tended to specialize in either serious roles, character roles, or crowd-pleasing grotesque roles that showcased their exceptional physical dexterity and strength. Presumably, a choreographer such as Traffieri would first consider the technical and expressive abilities of the various company members and then develop the sequence of ballet numbers, determining appropriate musical numbers in collaboration with the composer. Das Waldmädchen was extremely popular with the Viennese public. Following its premiere on 23 September 1796 it was performed again at the Kärntnerthortheater only two days later (25 September 1796). According to extant playbills it was presented frequently at both the Burgtheater and the Kärntnerthortheater during the next several years, becoming one of the most frequently performed stage work s in Vienna at the time. There were sixteen performances of Das Waldmädchen in 1796, twenty-four in 1797, fifteen in 1798, seven in 1799, fourteen in 1800, and at least two in 1801. Beethoven’s 12 Piano Variations, WoO71, composed in 1796–97, were based on the “thème russe” (No. 22, Cossaca ) from this ballet.18 And, as already noted, Wranitzky produced and

18 The theme itself should be credited to the famous Italian violinist Giovanni Mare Giornovichi (1747–1804), a rival of Viotti. As a violinist, Wranitzky was familiar with Giornovichi’s music. Beethoven and Wranitzky enjoyed a close personal relationship and professional admiration for one another. See Chappell White, “Giornovichi, Giovanni [Jarnovic, Jarnovicki, Jarnowick; Ivan] Mane,” Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 31 July 2004]), http://www.grovemusic.com . Poštolka and Hickman, “Wranitzky.”

42 published numerous transcriptions of his music for the ballet, all of which sold handily. These included versions of Das Waldmädchen for piano solo, piano four hands, violin and piano, string quartet, harmonium, and other small ensembles. Arrangements were widely disseminated as the ballet gained popularity at new venues in other cities. Examples now housed in the Czech Museum of Music (Ceské muzeum hudby reditelství) in Prague include:

Table 2.2

Music from Wranitzky’s Das Waldmädchen in the Catalogue of the Czech Museum of Music

SHELF TITLE/SUBTITLE INSTRUMENTATION TYPE OF SOURCE NUMBER

XVI A 16519 Das Waldmädchen: iano Printed edition Ein pantomimisches (Vienna: Mollo) National-Ballet

XXVIII A 277 Ballo. “Das Wald 2 oboes, 2 clarinets, 2 Manuscript Mädchen” horns, 2 bassoons

XXVII C 15 Der Jagd mit dem Piano Manuscript Ballet Das Waldmädchen

XXVII C 39 Groteski fürs Klavier Piano Printed edition (n. p.) aus der Ballet Das Waldmädchen

19 The cover offers the following attribution: In Musick gesetzt von Herrn Paul Wranitsky und Joseph Kinsky. The attribution to Joseph Kinsky is unexplained. Prince Joseph Kinsky (1750–1798), a member of the Moravian nobility, was a patron to Wranitzky and other Moravian and Czech musicians in Vienna. He maintained palaces in both Vienna and Prague. His son, Count Ferdinand Johann Nepomuk Kinsky, became one of Beethoven’s important patrons in 1809.

43 Table 2.2—continued

SHELF TITLE/SUBTITLE INSTRUMENTATION TYPE OF SOURCE NUMBER

XLI D 210 Das Waldmädchen. Piano Printed edition (n. p.) Ein Ballet vom . . . Paul Wranitzky

XLI D 322 Das Waldmädchen 2 oboes, 2 clarinets, 2 Printed edition (n. p., horns, 2 bassoons 1800)

XLII E 110 D. Wald-Mädchen: Clavi-Cembalo Manuscript Pas de Deux

The various titles (Ein pantominisches National-Ballet), along with the variety of instrumentation illustrate the popularity of the music from Traffieri’s stage work. The number of productions of this popular pantomime-ballet at cities other than Vienna increased steadily, along with the demand for arrangements of music from Wranitzky’s popular score. See Appendix B for a list of Das Waldmädchen performances. In general, the transmission of Wranitzky’s ballet to various smaller European cities can be attributed to two factors. The first was Wandertruppen, the traveling German theater companies of the period who produced their own versions of Vienna’s most popular stage works at public theater houses throughout the German-speaking regions of Europe. Steinsberg’s company was such a troupe. Second, a large percentage of dance repertoire was disseminated by solo dancers from Vienna who accepted appointments with newly formed ballet companies in other cities. By choreographing a new version of a ballet that was already popular in Vienna, a newly hired dancer could easily attract audiences to ballet venues in the new city. Indeed, that is precisely how the ballet Das Waldmädchen first migrated from Vienna to Prague.

In 1798 Viennese court ballet member Giocomo Brunetti accepted an invitation to go to Prague to join the ballet company at the Theater of the Estates (formerly known as

44 Count Nostitz’s Theater, or Nostická scéna ). This was the city’s most important theater, the same venue in which Mozart’s Don Giovanni had premiered in 1787. Built between 1781 and 1783 for Bohemian nobleman František Antonín Count Nostitz Rieneck, the theater (referred to as the National Theater in some sources) was renamed early in 1798, when it was sold to the Bohemian estates, an influential group of German nobles who lived in Bohemia, as a condition of Count Nostitz Rieneck’s will. Members of the governing Bohemian estates, with input from Prague’s long-established theater director and impressario, Domenico Guardisoni, made several far-reaching policy changes that year, one of which was to establish a ballet company in Prague. Guardisoni had persuaded Brunetti to leave his position in Vienna to come and lead the new company. Brunetti brought at least two other Viennese dancers to Prague with him: his young wife Therese Brunetti (née Frey), a singer, actress, and dancer; and M lle Venturini, a solo ballerina. According to Theater und Litteratur, “audiences were treated for the first time to a new adaptation made especially for this theater of the comic ballet Das Waldmädchen by Hr. Brunetti, with M lle Venturini in the title role” on 28 May 1798, between acts of a two-act Singspiel called Der Kammerhusar.20

20 “Den 28ten May zum erstenmal (mit Abonnement suspendu) der Kammerhusar, ein Sch. in 2. A., zum Beschluß ein neues, von Hrn. Brunetti für dieses Theater adaptirtes komisches Ballet: das Waldm ädchen, worin Dlle Venturini in dem Hauptkarakter zum erstenmal hier auftrat.” Theater und Litteratur , 9 (Prague, 14 June 1798), 221.

45

CHAPTER 3

STEINSBERG AND HIS COMPANY

Steinsberg

Karl Franz Guolfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg (c. 1757–1806), hereafter referred to as Steinsberg, wrote the libretto to, produced, performed in, and provided stage direction for the premiere of Web er’s Das Waldmädchen in 1800.1 Steinsberg’s role as the young composer’s first operatic collaborator is undisputed, yet relatively little information about his career can be gleaned from the existing corpus of Weber scholarship. Confusion about Steinsberg’s name may have caused this lacuna, at least partly, for it appears in several different versions throughout primary and secondary source materials from the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries. Steinsberg is most frequently cited as either “Karl Guolfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg,” or “Karl von Steinsberg.” However, he is also cited as: Chevalier de Steinsberg; Carl, Ritter von Steinsberg; Fr. Gudfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg; Carl von Steinsberg; F. G. Quolfinger, Ritter von Steinberg, and Franz Guolfinger von Steinsberg. Of those names, Gudfinger and Quolfinger are obvious errors.2 The other versions appear to be variant spellings,

1 Steinsberg (Karl Franz Guolfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg) should not be confused with Karl Steinsberg (born in Breslau on 10 November 1755), the deputy theater director at Königsburg. Friedrich Rassmann, Pantheon deutscher jeßt lebender Dichter und in die Belletristik eingreifender Schriftsteller; begleitet mit kurzen biographischen Notizen und der wichtigsten Literatur (Helmstedt: C. G. Fleckeisensch, 1823), 326.

2 In the former, “Gudfinger” results if the third and fourth letters of Gu[ol]finger- are mistaken for the letter [d]. In the latter, the [G] of Guolfinger appears to have been mistaken for a [Q].

46 reflecting Steinsberg’s extensive professional activities at geographically diverse locations, for he frequently toured with theater companies. According to Adolf Scherl, an expert on Czech theater history who has done extensive research on this individual, Steinsberg’s birth name was probably Karel František Guolfinger, the Germanized spelling of which is Karl Franz Guolfinger. The suffix “Ritter von Steinsberg” was probably used as a stage name. 3 In his own scholarly work Scherl refers to Steinsberg by the name he used professionally, as “Karl Franz Guolfinger von Steinsberg.” Scherl also contends that Steinsberg occasionally used the pseudonym of “Karl Rosenau.”4 Steinsberg earned his living primarily as an actor, theater manager, and playwright.5 Most of his written works were published in Prague from the late 1770s to 1798. Later editions of Steinsberg’s works were also published in Berlin, Vienna,

3 Personal conversation with Adolf Scherl at Divadelní ústav (Theater Institute), Prague, Czech Republic, 2 June 2004. Scherl originally believed that Steinsberg might be a descendent of Alexandra Guolfingerova von Steinsberga, a seventeenth-century Czech noblewoman. Scherl, “Steinsberg,” 126–27. Through subsequent research, Scherl has since concluded that Steinsberg’s birth name was probably Karl Franz Guolfinger. His conclusion is based on evidence from archival records that, although not conclusive, was consistent with that possibility. (I did not personally examine that evidence.) Dr. Scherl’s scholarly expertise is highly regarded by German and Czech music and theater scholars. He remains the foremost authority on Steinsberg. I am greatly indebted to Dr. Scherl for his generous assistance and guidance while I was conducting my own research on Steinsberg and Czech theater history in Prague.

4 Scherl, “Steinsberg,” 126.

5 S cherl, “Steinsberg,” 126; Oscar Teuber, Geschichte des Prager Theaters: von den Anfängen des Schauspielwesens bis auf die neueste Zeit (Prague: A. Haase, 1883–88), 3 vols.; hereafter, Teuber; and Constant von Wurzbach, Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Österreich , 60 vols. (Vienna: K. K. Hof-und Staatsdruckerei, 1879), 38: 152–59, hereafter Wurzbach, “Steinsberg.” Stebbins cites Wurzbach’s entry on Weber in volume 53 (Wurzbach, 53: 202–10) but fails to cite Wurzbach’s lengthier entry for Steinsberg in volume 38. Stebbins, Weber, 321. See also, Hans Giebisch and Gustav Gugitz, Bio- Bibliographisches Literaturlexikon Österreichs von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Vienna: Brüder Hollinek, 1964), 400; hereafter Giebisch/Gugitz.

47 Amsterdam, Paris (in French), and London (in English). He enjoyed a somewhat celebrated career as a theater professional, receiving accolades for the quality of his acting, singing, writing, comic improvisation, stage direction, and effective theater company management skills. As a playwright Steinsberg authored tragedies, comedies, historical plays, and opera libretti, some of which celebrated Bohemian folk legends and actual historical events. These would have been controversial topics, since expressions of Czech nationalism were not encouraged by the ruling Germanized nobility of Bohemia. Steinsberg was also an outspoken critic of many of the reforms of Joseph II, including the Edict of Tolerance. After its implementation (13 October 1781) Steinsberg established and edited a series of political pamphlets called Predigkritik (preacher critic) and Die Geißel der Prediger (Scourge of the Preachers).6 The pamphlets were part of a critical campaign against certain aspects of the emperor’s reforms. For example, one of Steinsberg’s pamphlets from 1783 criticizes Count Kolovrat-Krakovsky, the district administrator of the Rakovnik region, for dissolving a Premonstratensian convent at Doksany. 7 In 1784 Steinsberg published Offenbarungen über Deutschland (Revelations

6 Teuber, 2: 320.

7 Doksany was founded around 1144 by Bohemian Princess Gertruda and Prince Vladislav II. Building upon the 1749 administrative reforms of Maria Theresa, Joseph II espoused the principle of usefulness during his reign, enacting sweeping reforms in law, education, administration, and culture, many of which strictly limited the sphere of influence of the Catholic Church. As a result Catholic cloisters, like the convent at Doksany, were dissolved unless they operated schools and libraries that would serve the community at large. Steinsberg seems to have rallied area clergy members to speak out against Joseph’s 1781 Edict of Tolerance. In spite of Steinsberg’s protests, the convent at Doksany was closed and its living quarters were converted into a manor house; other convents and monasteries faced a similar fate in the 1780s, and most were converted into factories, theaters, libraries, schools, or other non-religious facilities, or simply abandoned. An extant copy of Steinsberg’s pamphlet from 1783 has been offered for sale in Prague by the firm Antivariát Meissner. The document is described as a “Rare pamphlet by the Bohemian playwright and theatre director F. Guolfinger von Steinsberg sharply attacking Count Kolovrat-Krakovsky, district administrator of the Rakovnik region, for dissolving the convent at Doksany; place of publishing fake, probably

48 about Germany), a collection of moral conversations and short stories that mocked members of the Bavarian nobility and commented on political and theatrical conditions in Augsburg, Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Leipzig, and Prague.8 The book was banned.

Steinsberg was forced to flee from Prague to avoid being arrested.9 Although the book was attributed to a publisher in Amsterdam, it had actually been published at Prague by Johann Ferdinand, Ritter von Schönfeld (1750–1821), Steinsberg’s publisher.10 That same year Steinsberg (again with Schönfeld) published a two-act play called Der 42jä hrige Affe: ein ganz vermaledeites Märchen! (The Forty-two-year-old-Ape: an entirely accursed Fairy Tale). It was a scathing critique of the emperor, only thinly disguised as a satire on

Voltaire.11 Understandably, Steinsberg’s writings caused considerable uneasiness among Prague’s prominent citizenry, and he frequently angered the Bohemian nobility

Nuremberg.” The catalogue description can be viewed at http://www.meissner.cz/meissner/search.html, accessed 20 January 2005.

8 It was published anonymously, but has since been attributed to Steinsberg. A copy of this book is currently in the possession of the Antiquarian firm of Wolfgang Braecklein of Berlin. The catalogue description can be viewed at http://www.zvab.com/SESSz171055689311107041538/gr2/de/index.html?ts=gratzen&ter m=steinsberg, accessed 20 January 2005.

9 His flight from Prague probably occurred in 1784. In 1783 he published a pamphlet sharply criticizing Count Kolovrat-Krakovsky, district administrator of the Rakovnik region, for dissolving the convent at Doksany. See Wurzbach, “Steinsberg,” 384.

10 Schönfeld is well known among German and Czech theater scholars as the author and publisher of Jahrbuch der Tonkunst von Wien und Prag (Vienna: Schönfeld, 1796).

11 Der 42jährige Affe: ein ganz vermaledeites Märchen! ([Prague: Schönfeld, n.d.] Berlin: 1784). Wurzbach, 38: 158. See also, Teuber, 2: 320. Joseph’s mother, Maria- Theresa, had worked to improve the administration of the Bohemian Kingdom by opposing regional privileges and the rights of the Bohemian estates. Preferring to rule through a centrally controlled imperial bureaucracy, the ruling mother and son instituted reforms to eliminate the repressive features of the Counter-Reformation and to permit secular social progress.

49 (commonly referred to as the Bohemian estates). Many members of the estates felt it necessary to publish position statements in the form of essays, pamphlets, and articles, to publicly distance themselves from Steinsberg.12 His reputation as a theatrical professional must has been sufficient for him to be forgiven, however, because he returned to Prague and maintained a prominent theatrical presence in that city until 1798. As a writer Steinsberg appears to have been in step with the theatrical trends of the day, not only in Bohemia, but also in other parts of the continent (see Table 3.1 below). His five-act tragedy Otto von Wittelsbach , for example, was published in both German (1783, 1784, 1789) and French (1785). Similarly, his three-act drama Miss Nelly Randolph, originally written in German and published in Prague, 1781, also appears to have found audiences in England. A second German edition was printed in 1781 and a third edition, in English, was published in London in 1798. He also wrote at least three comic opera lib retti prior to his collaboration with Weber in 1800. Those stage works clearly reveal Steinsberg’s Bohemian pride, as well as his opposition to censorship laws. All three (an original and two sequels) feature a comic character named Honzou Kolonátem (Ger., Hanns Klachl), a Bohemian version of the popular Hanswurst character that was banned in Austria and elsewhere.13 The stage works (Singspiels) were performed at Prague’s Nostitz Theater (Nationaltheater in some sources) and Hibernium Theaters (Nostická scéna and divadle U Hybernu) between 1796 and 1798.

12 Wurzbach includes a fairly extensive list of essays or articles that were published for this purpose. See Wurzbach, “Steinsberg,” 158–59.

13 Hanswurst was a buffoonish character who regularly turned up in productions of Viennese popular theatre and also with touring companies. The character made extemporaneous comments and base remarks, frequently resorted to fistfights, and was generally regarded as the personification of bad taste. Such burlesque antics had prompted Maria Theresa, who sought to elevate German theater, to implement censorship laws in the 1750s. Steinsberg strongly opposed censorship. His Hanns Klachl character would have been recognized by most audiences as a Czech version of the Hanswurst character.

50 Table 3.1

Partial List of Karl Ritter von Steinsberg’s Works14

CITY/PUBLISHER/YEAR TITLE DESCRIPTION

Prague, n. p., 1777 Jemelian Pugatscheff Premiered at the Kotzen Theater, Prague15

Prague: J.J. Gröbl, 1779 Libussa, Herzogen in Böhmen Trauerspiel; premiered at (Libuša) the Kotzen Theater, Prague16

Prague, 1781; 2nd ed, Miss Nelly Randolph Trauerspiel, in 3 acts n. d.; 3rd ed., 1798 (in English)

Prague, 1781, or earlier Albrecht von Waldstein Trauerspiel, in 5 acts

Prague: Mangoldt, 1781; Der Patriotismus Trauerspiel, in 3 acts 2nd ed., 1798

Berlin, 1783; Otto von Wittelsbach Trauerspiel, in 5 acts; 2nd ed., 1784; 1785 French version Paris, 1785 (in French); attributed to Joseph Berlin: Hamburg, 1789 Marius Babo, A. C. Friedel, Nicolas de Bonneville, and Chevalier de Steinsberg

Amsterdam, 1784 Offenbarungen über Deutschland Originally published anonymously

14 Works are in German unless otherwise indicated. Teuber describes several of these titles. See Teuber, 2: 320.

15 Scherl, “Steinsberg,” 126.

16 Ibid.

51 Table 3.1—continued

CITY/PUBLISHER/YEAR TITLE DESCRIPTION

1784, Prague: Schonfield; Der 42jährige Affe : ein ganz In two acts; a critique of 1786, Berlin vermaledeites Märchen! Joseph II disguised as a satire on Voltaire

1796, Prague Hanns Klachl von Przelautsch, oder German and Czech; Das Rendezvous in der neuen Allee Comic Singspiel, in 2 (Honza Kolonat z prelouce) acts, music by Vincenc Tucek

1797, Prague Die zwei Klacheln von Przelautsch German and Czech; (also called Die beiden Dacheln, or Comic Singspiel, in 2 Hans Klachel, Der Bräutigam von acts; sequel to Hanns Kakran) Klachl; music by Vincenc Tucek

1798, Prague and Die Hochzeit auf dem Lande, oder Singspiel, music by Leipzig Hanns Klachel, Dritter Theil Anton Volánek

Vienna, 179517 Die Grafen Helfenfels, oder Ritter Ritterschauspiel, in 4 acts Starkenerg18

1800, or earlier Liebe die Nebenmenschen19 Schauspiel

1800, or earlier Die gute Laune20 Schauspiel

1800, or earlier Die Rückkehr in’s Vaterhaus21 Schauspiel

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Wurzbach, “Steinsberg,” 158–59.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

52 Max Maria von Weber describes Steinsberg as “a man of the times, not without writing talent, a good dialogue actor who influenced the sphere of repertoire on all [German] stages not only through Iffland and Kotzebue but also by virtue of his own authority and example as a good manager and director.”22 In part, this is because from 1798, Steinsberg’s career was closely aligned with an important group of actors, singers, and dancers from Prague. The history of that organization follows.

Prague’s vaterländische Gesellschaft

In the 1790s Steinsberg became closely associated with Prague’s vaterländische Gesellschaft, also known as the Vlastenské divadlo (literally, the patriotic theater). This was an influential group of mostly Czech-born actors who performed both German- and Czech-language stage works. Some sources refer to the vaterländische Gesellschaft as the vaterländisches Theater, or the Patriotic Theater.23 In Czech sources the troupe is also identified as the Vlastenskeho divadle U Hybernu (referring to the company’s theater space from 1789–98, the converted library of a dissolved cloister of Irish Franciscans, or “Hibernians”). During the 1790s m embers of the vaterländische Gesellschaft worked at the two most important theatrical venues in Prague, the Nostitz (Estates) Theater and the Hibernium Theater. Most members of this group, like Steinsberg himself, were ardent Czech nationalists. The company was established in 1784 as the original German troupe at Count Nostitz’s new theater. During their first season (1784–85), the troupe independently

22 MMW, 57.

23 Tyrell refers to them as the Patriotic Theater. Czech Opera, 16–19. Archival sources list the company as the vaterländ ische Gesellschaft, the term used in this document.

53 produced four Czech-language plays, each of which was well attended.24 However, certain members of the German nobility objected to the use of the Czech language on a public stage, and subsequently exerted sufficient pressure on Pasquale Bondini, the original business manager of the Nostitz Theater, that he dismissed the troupe at the end of the season.25 Rather than disband, the actors decided to continue work ing together as an independent company. They petitioned Joseph II for a royal privilege, asking also for permission to build a makeshift wooden theater (a Bouda or “cottage”) in Prague’s horse market district, not far from the Nostitz Theater.26 After several petitions, they were granted a royal privilege in 1786, identifying them as the Imperial Czech National Theater, or the vaterländische Gesellschaft.27 They constructed a long and narrow wooden structure, known simply as the Bouda, and opened to the general public on 8 July 1786.28 The troupe presented Czech-language stage works (spoken plays and Singspiels), as well as ballets. German-language stage works formed the bulk of their repertoire, however, because so few original Czech works existed. Some m embers of the troupe translated popular German repertoire into Czech.

24 The first Czech production by this company was presented at the Nostitz Theater on 20 January 1785. It was a translation of Bohumil Stephanie’s Der Deserteur aus Kindesliebe. Czech-language productions, considered rare at the time, had not been offered in Prague since the early 1770s. Those early efforts had failed largely due to the actors’ unfamiliarity with the Czech language. However, the Czech-born members of the German troupe at the Kotzen Theater were more adept with the language. Their four productions were enthusiastically received and well attended. Arthur Prudden Coleman, Kotzebue and the Czech Stage (Schenectady, NY: Electric City Press, 1936), 8–15. Hereafter, Prudden, Czech Stage.

25 Peter Branscombe, “Bondini, Pasquale,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), 3: 852–53.

26 This area is known as Wenceslas Square (Václavské námestí).

27 Prudden, Czech Stage, 12–13.

28 Prudden, Czech Stage, 12. Teuber, 1: 167.

54 Their productions were immediately popular. On 19 September 1786 Joseph II himself, accompanied by several members of the German nobility, attended a performance at the Bouda. The performance included a Czech version of Emmanuel Schikaneder’s comic Singspiel Die Lyranten, oder das lustige Elend, paired with an original ballet. The Emperor honored the performers by insisting that he pay the 30 ducats required for his admission.29 German actors became jealous of the company’s success. They published notices about the Bouda. Superficially polite, the commentary criticized the quality of the acting and the nature of the Czech repertoire, hinting also that the low cost of tickets and the presence of so many attractive young ladies of the lower classes created an unsavory environment that would be quite popular for some tim e. The following notice, published on 10 November 1787 in Ephemerid , a local newspaper, is one example:

The society of Czech actors that calls itself the company of patriots, is putting on badly some plays, mostly crude ones, from their national history . . . . The company of Patriots has a large building at the Horse Market which they always fill. The low price of tickets, the presence of so many pretty girls of the bourgeoise, and various other similar causes gives the hope that it will hold out for a long time yet.30

Members of the Bohemian Estates were similarly disgruntled by the success of the Czech company. They regarded the Bouda was an offensive looking building, and argued that the presence of so many people at the theater interfered with the more important business of the horse market.31 Attendance at the Bouda declined steadily, and in August 1789 the building was demolished.32

29 Teuber, 1:171

30 Prudden, Czech Stage, 13–14. Tyrell, Czech Opera, 17–18.

31 Prudden, Czech Stage, 14.

32 Ibid.

55 Determined to continue their work, the vaterländische Gesellschaft was re- established in 1789. The company leased an abandoned cloister and converted it into a comfortable theater, paying 1800 florins for the necessary renovations.33 The new facility had 34 loges and adequate space for a full Singspiel orchestra.34 Baron Sweert-Spork, a member of the Bohemian Estates who championed their efforts, agreed to hold the lease on behalf of the company. Because he held an interest in its financial solvency, he appointed the Regisseur of the German troupe at the Nationaltheater, Herr Mihule, to direct the business affairs of the vaterländische Gesellschaft. Under Mihule’s leadership the company presented both German and Czech works at the Hibernium. They also made regular summer tours to Karlsbad.35 Table 3.2 lists the main personnel of the vaterländische Gesellschaft in 1791.

33 Teuber, 1: 306. A full account of these events of Czech theater and opera history is recorded in Teuber, 2: 295–96.

34 This facility was operated as the Hibernium Theater from 1789 to 1808. It still stands and is located only a short walk from the Nostitz theater in Prague’s Old Town District (Stare Mesto). Known today as the House of the Hibernians (Dum U Hybernu), it is located at the edge of Republic Square in New Town (Novým Meste), directly across from “Powder Gate” (Prašná brána ), the historical entrance to Old Town. The site dates from the year 1355, during the reign of Charles IV, when St. Ambrosius Church and monastery was erected on that location commemorating his coronation at Milan’s St. Ambrosius Church. For several centuries the monastery was occupied by various religious orders. From 1640 it was occupied by the Hibernians, who planted potatoes in its courtyard. At that time the complex was known as the Church of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary. The Catholic community was dissolved in 1786.

35 Teuber, 2: 297.

56 Table 3.2

Personnel of the vaterländische Gesellschaft, 179136

TITLE/FUNCTION NAME37

Director Mihule

Actresses/Singers Juwe, Milde, Merunka, Nelke, Pelling, Reinwarth, Rosenheim, Schicketanz, Sewe, Stuna, Wagner, Wieser, and Zappe

Actors/Singers Diestler, Faßbach, Grube, Günther, Radleczek, Kuditsch, Mayober, Max, Merunka, Michaelis, Mihule, Möller, Schicketanz, Schmied, Steinmüller, Stuna, Swaboda, Tham, Wagner, Weiser, and Zappe

Balletmaster Sewe

Chorus master Bortlitz

Ballet rehearsal director Nawratil

Music Director Volanek

The vaterländische Gesellschaft flourished in its new facility during the early 1790s, producing popular Czech and German stage works with little German opposition to its nationalistic agenda. Company members occasionally appeared with the German company at the Nationaltheater, where the new general manager, Domenico Guardasoni

(1731–1806), admired their musical, dramatic, and comic talents.38 The quality of

36 Ib id.

37 Only last names are recorded in Teuber, 2: 297.

38 Guardasoni had been responsible for arranging the première at the Nostitz Theater of Mozart’s Don Giovanni (1787). He became the director of the Nostitz Theater in 1791, becoming responsible for all management decisions. That year (1791) he commissioned Mozart’s coronation opera, La clemenzo di Tito, an indication of his stature

57 productions at the Hibernium reached the notice of Emperor Leopold, who attended a performance on 16 September 1791, while in Prague for his coronation as King of Bohemia. In 1794 the vaterländische Gesellschaft presented the first Czech translation of Mozart’s Die Zauberflöte. Significant changes in leadership occurred at both the vaterländische Gesellschaft and the German company at the Nostitz Theater during the next three years, however. In 1796 Herr Grams, a former orchestra leader at the Nostitz Theater, replaced Mihule as company director of the vaterländische Gesellschaft. That same year, Guardasoni hired

Steinsberg to direct the German company at the Nostitz Theater.39 Steinsberg’s Czech patriotism, outspokenness, and creative talent were well established.

Steinsberg and the vaterländische Gesellschaft Leave Prague

As the new director of the German company at the Nostitz Theater, Steinsberg hired Karel Währ (b. 1745) out of retirement to serve as Regisseur. 40 Like Steinsberg,

Währ was a well-known member of Prague’s theatrical community. He was considered an exceptional comic talent in the improvisational tradition of Hanswurst and Bernadon, as was Steinsberg. Two decades earlier, he had served as the Director of Prague’s old Kotzen Theater (from 1780–1783), when it was among the city’s m ost important theatrical venues (prior to the opening of Count Nostitz’s Theater). Währ had also directed the first German company at the Nostitz Theater in 1783, the company that was fired the in 1784 for performing Czech-language stage works. In other words, Währ had

in Prague at the time. Tomislav Volek, “Guardasoni, Domenico,” Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 15 October 2004), http://www.grovemusic.com .

39 Teuber, 2: 319.

40 Born in St. Petersburg, Währ had worked with Haydn at Esterháza and also in Vienna and Salzburg before coming to Prague in 1780. His interest in joining Prague’s theatrical community is discussed in Teuber, 1: 351.

58 been a supporter of the founding members of the vaterländische Gesellschaft. The creative pairing of Währ and Steinsberg, both of whom were aligned with the nationalistic agenda of the vaterländische Gesellschaft, was viewed as a potentially problematic situation by some members of Prague’s ruling nobility. There was less German resistance to Czech patriots in 1796, however, and in the 1796–97 season, Währ’s stage direction earned splendid reviews for Steinsberg’s German company at the

Nationaltheater.41 However, the threatening advances of Napoleon’s Italian Campaign between 1796 and 1797 were simultaneously generating anxiety among the citizens of Prague.42 In response, Steinsberg persuaded Guardasoni to combine the Italian and German com panies from the Nostitz Theater with local Czech performers for a series of patriotic festivals during the 1796–97 season.43 Under Steinsberg’s direction a large contingency of actors, singers, and dancers from Prague presented German odes, cantatas, Singspiels, and spoken plays, as well as Czech folksongs, Singspiels and plays, all of which were dedicated to the memory of fallen Bohemian soldiers. Performances took place on 3 and 18 November 1796, and 12 February 1797. Later in 1797, Steinsberg staged an open-air performance of a military play that featured real cannon fire, inadvertently provoking defensive maneuvers from a nearby fortress.44 Steinsberg hired some of the vaterländische Gesellschaft to augment his German company at the Nostitz Theater. In 1796 (perhaps earlier) he also began collaborating with the vaterländische Gesellschaft orchestra leader Vincenc Tucek (1773–1821, or later) on the previously mentioned series of Czech-language Singspiels. The first was called

41 Teuber, 2: 328–29.

42 Between March 1796 and April 1797 Napoleon’s forces had weakened the Austrian army and positioned themselves to invade Vienna. An armistice was established at Leoben (April 1797), and the Treaty of Campo Formia was signed in October 1797. Robert A. Kamm, A History of the Hapsburg Empire, 1526–1918 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1974), 214–15.

43 Teuber 2: 328.

44 Wurzbach, “Steinsberg,” 157.

59 Hanns Klachel von Przelautsch, oder Das Rendezvous in der neuen Allee (Honza Kolonat z prelouce). It premiered at the Hibernium in 1796. Die zwei Klacheln von Przelautsch, the sequel to Honza Kolonat z prelouce, was premiered at the Hibernium the following year. The vaterländische Gesellschaft underwent another change in leadership in 1797, when Count Johann von Stentzsch, a Czech nobleman loyal to the Royal Bohemian Estates, was appointed as the new company director. Stentzsch subsequently combined the personnel of the vaterländische Gesellschaft, which regularly toured to Karlsbad in the summer months, with the personnel from a troupe at Karlsbad. The roster of company personnel in 1797 is listed in Table 3.3.

Table 3.3

Personnel of the United vaterländische Gesellschaft and the Karlsbad Company Following Stentzsch’s Tour, 179745

TITLE/FUNCTION NAME

Director Freiherr v. Stentzsch

Stage Director Hr. Krüger

Actors Bullinger, Denisle, Eberhard, Haklik, Herrmann, Kock, Leutner, Lindner, Müller, Pichler, Schantroch, Schubert, Swoboda, Tham, Weiß, Wieland, Quirenz, and Zappe.

Actresses Bauer, Bluth, Brunian, Denisle, Fleck, Krüger, Leutner, Herrmann, Lindner, Schantroch, Tham, and Zappe

45 Again, only last names are listed in this source. Teuber, 2: 319.

60 Table 3.3—continued

TITLE/FUNCTION NAME

Ballet master Barchielli

Dancers Cossani, Barghielli and Cossani

Music Director Granitz

Chorus master Wolanek (Volanek)

Stentzsch’s tenure as Director ended that same year, when he was assigned to arrange for the sale of Count Nostitz’s Theater to the Royal Bohemian Estates.46 Steinsberg replaced Stentzsch at the Hibernium Theater, while retaining his position with the German company at the Nostitz Theater. Consequently, he was in charge of Prague’s two most important German companies during the 1797–98 season. His activities at Prague came to an abrupt end soon afterward, however. On Easter 1798 Steinsberg’s contract at the Nostitz Theater expired and was not renewed. Stentzsch had arranged for a theater commission to be appointed by members of the Bohemian Estates, the entity scheduled to purchase the theater.47 Almost simultaneously, the vaterländische Gesellschaft lost its lease to the Hibernium Theater, as that facility was scheduled to come under the management of the new theater

46 Count Nostritz died in 1789. His will obligated his heir to sell the property to the Royal Bohemian Estates by the end of 1798. Details of that transaction, which affected Czech-language theater at Prague for several years, are described in Teuber, 2: 334–38.

47 See Teuber, 1: 335–40, for precise details copied directly from the archival record on the sale of the Nostitz theater and its subsequent management.

61 commission.48 In the summer of 1798 Steinsberg and the members of the vaterländische Gesellschaft, along with Währ, made their regular tour to the resort towns of Karlsbad and Teplitz.49 Steinsberg’s troupe is referred to as the “k. k. privilegierte deutsche Schauspielergesellschaft” from Karlsbad in Lorenz’s critical edition of the score fragments to Weber’s Das Waldmädchen. 50 This is similar to the company name that appears on the Chemnitz playbill: der Karlsbaderdeutschen Schauspieler-Gesellschaft. It is possible that the performances given during Steinsberg’s 1798 residency at Karlsbad earned his troupe a royal privilege. The names of the main personnel on that tour are listed in Table 3.4. Steinsberg’s company returned to Prague in the fall of 1798, at which point Währ retired.

Table 3.4

Personnel of Steinsberg’s Touring Company at Prague and Carlsbad, Summer 179851

TITLE/FUNCTION NAME

Director Carl Ritter v. Steinsberg

Stage Director Karl Währ

Actors Arnoldi, Berka, Bellinger, Denisle, Eberhard, Fischer, Grüber, Hörcher, Kadleczek, Kirmair, Köhler, Kurz, Michaelis, Piping, Reinicke, Scheidaner, Schreiber, Weißer

48 The privilege of the vaterländische Gesellschaft remained in effect after the troupe lost its lease to the Hibernium Theater. It was acquired by the Royal Theater of the Estates until 1804. Tyrell, Czech Opera, 18.

49 Teuber, 2: 339; Wurzbach, “Steinsberg,” 157.

50 Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII.

51 Teuber, 2. 340.

62 Table 3.4—continued

TITLE/FUNCTION NAME

Ballet master Jungheim

Solo Dancers: Heiß, Uhlich, Roller, Jungheim, and Spania

Actresses: Reinike, Denisle, Fischer, Glazer, Jungheim, Kurz, Michaelis, Reimarth, Scheidauer, Schrott, Tilly, Wießer, Zappe, Werbach

Principal Dancer Spania

Dancers Scher, Milde

Music Director Brautner

In 1798 the name of the Nostitz Theater was officially changed to the Royal Theater of the Estates (Königliches Ständestheater, the Ständisches Nationaltheater in Prag, or the Králowské stavovské divadlo in primary sources). Legal stipulations associated with the change of ownership were agreed upon. Primarily, these were business arrangements intended to ensure that any financial debts incurred by the commission to run the theater would be paid. In February 1799 Herr Stentzsch issued an official proclamation announcing that the new theater commission would oversee all theater companies in the city. 52 The commission’s authority commenced on 18 April 1799.53 Guardasoni was appointed by the commission to continue as the General Director (Pachter) of the Estates Theater. However, all decisions concerning such important

52 Teuber, 2: 335, f. n.

53 Teuber, 2: 335 f. n., and 338–39. The Commission of the Royal Theater of the Estates held a monopoly on all stage performances in Prague for the next sixty years, allowing its trustees and intendants to determine the language and content of all professional performances of stage works in Prague. Tyrell, Czech Opera,16–18.

63 matters as censorship, authorization of repertoire, oversight of stage direction, enforcing the conditions of artists’ contracts and the conditions by which artists were engaged, were to be determined solely by the new theater commission. Guardasoni was advisory to the commission. Steinsberg and the members of the vaterländische Gesellschaft left Prague and went to Vienna in 1799. Evidence of a residency by any touring company at Vienna in 1799 is slim or non-existent. Yet Vienna’s popular theaters would have offered many opportunities for members of Steinsberg’s company to be assimilated into various local productions. Vienna’s several commercial theaters were small enterprises with slim budgets. Their repertoire was consistent with that of Steinsberg’s troupe, comprising lighter German stage works, including spoken plays in the popular conversational style of the day, tragedies, comic farces, magic operas, fairy-tale operas, historical works, Ritter-drama (historical fantasies set in early times), ballets, pantomimes, and even jugglers and instrumental soloists from time to time. Among the most active facilities were the Theater an der Wien, where many actors and singers from Prague participated with Emmanuel Schickaneder’s troupe; the Theater auf der Wieden, in the Wieden suburb of Vienna; and two other suburban theaters—the Leopoldstadt and the Josefstadt. Compilations of repertoire and personnel can be derived by perusing extant periodicals, playbills, and theater calendars. Archival documents, including records of income or payroll, can provide additional information. Such items do not necessarily contain a complete account of all productions and participants. Thus, the activities of Steinsberg and his company, and even the length of time they remained in Vienna, remains unspecified. It seems likely that Steinsberg’s journey to Vienna was related to a production of Hans Klachel, der Bräutigam von Kakran (1797) presented at Vienna’s Leopoldstadt Theater on 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, and 21 January, and 3 February 1799, since that Singspiel had originally been written for the vaterländische Gesellschaft. 54 It paired Steinsberg’s libretto

54 Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung , vol. 3 (Brünn: K. K. Priv. Mährischen Lehnbank, 1799), 44–45. The Viennese premiere on 15 January 1799 was a benefit for

64 with music by Prague composer Vincenc Tucek (1773–1821).55 Jan Vondrácek’s 1926 study of the history of Czech theater, Prehledmé Dejiny Ceského Divadla, states that Hans Klachel oder das Rendevouz in der neuen Allee (1796), the first of Steinsberg’s farcical spoofs featuring the Hans Klachl character, was popular at the Leopoldstadt Theater, although it does not specify dates or company information. Karl Marinelli (1745–1803), who held the lease to the Leopoldstadt Theater in 1799, would probably have been responsible for selecting repertoire and performers at that venue. The title of Steinsberg’s Singspiel provides a revealing glimpse of Viennese popular theater culture at the end of the eighteenth century, a world that Steinsberg someone named Herr Baumann. (Kakran, Savar, is a village in modern-day Bangladesh, famous for the traditional pottery of its indigenous inhabitants.) Hereafter, Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung , vol. 3 (1799).

55 In 1801 Vincenc Tomáš Václav Tucek (1773–1821?) became the music director at the Leopoldstadt Theater, a position he held until 1809. Thus, in 1804–05, when Weber’s Das Waldmädchen was presented at the Leopoldstadt (as Das Mädchen aus Spessarter Wald) Tucek would have been the music director, working closely with theater manager Wenzel Müller. Tucek shared the nationalistic sentiments of Steinsberg and the vaterländische Gesellschaft. His father, Jan Tucek, was a musical colleague of the first patriotic Czechs to produce Czech-language stage works at Prague. Vincenc Tucek first sang at the Hibernium Theater in December 1793. The following year he sang the role of Tamino in the first Czech-language performance of Die Zauberflöte at the Hibernium. From 1794 to 1796 he was the harpsichordist for the vaterländische Gesellschaft. He composed about six Singspiels for that company. His first three operas, Die Prager Bräuer (1795), Hanns Klachl von Przelautsch, oder Das Rendezvous in der neuen Allee (Honza Kolonat z prelouce) and Die zwei Klacheln von Przelautsch (also called Die beiden Dacheln, or Hans Klachel, Der Bräutigam von Kakran, 1797) were written for Steinsberg’s company. In 1796–97 Tucek was also employed at the Nostitz Theater, working closely with Steinsberg. In 1798 Tucek became Kapellmeister to Peter Biron, formerly the Duke of Courland, and staged a production of Don Giovanni at the castle theatre at Náchod (located in eastern Bohemia, and from 1795 under Russia rule). He went to Breslau in 1800 and to Vienna in March 1801. Peter Branscomb, “Vincenc (Tomáš Václav) Tucek [Tuczek, (Franz) Vinzenz (Ferrerius)],” in Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 23 February 2004), http://www.grovemusic.com, and Adolf Scherl, “Tucek, Vincenc Tomáš Václav,” in Národní Divadlo a jeho predchudci: Slovnik um elcu divadel Vlastenského, Stavovského, Prozatímniho a Národníiho (Prague: Academia Praha, 1988), 534.

65 appears to have known quite well. From 1785 a popular periodical called Briefe eines Eipeldauers an seinen Herrn Vetter in Kakran über d´Wienstadt (Letters from one Eipeldauer to his cousin in Kakran about Vienna) was circulated in Vienna and elsewhere.56 Written in a stylized and folksy vernacular, it consisted of fictional letters about current local events, offering a satirical picture of Viennese mannerisms, witticisms, and customs from the point of view of a farmer named Eipeldauer. A simple peasant character, Eipeldauer was comparable to the Hans Klachl- and other Hanswurst-type characters still common in the Viennese popular theater tradition, even though such characters had been banned years earlier. The title of Steinsberg’s 1797 sequel, Hans Klachl, The Bridegroom from Kakran, demonstrates that he was familiar with Richter’s periodical, and helps account for the popularity of this Singspiel at Vienna in 1799. Additional performances were given at the Leopoldstadt on 1 and 10 March; 2, 19, and 30 April; 10

June; 8 July; 7 September; 22 October; and 11 November 1799.57 From Vienna, Steinsberg’s company traveled back to Karlsband and Teplitz for their usual summer residencies. Weber and his father met Steinsberg for the first time at Karlsbad in 1799. Next, they resided at Augsburg from September to December 1799.58 They may have gone from there to Vienna, and possibly to Karlsbad after that, although their whereabouts from January to July 1800 are unclear.59 In August 1800 S teinsberg

56 Viennese writer Joseph Richter (1749–1813) was the author. The magazine was printed by the Viennese firm of Christoph Peter Rehm from 1785 until Richter’s death in 1813.

57 Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung , vol. 3 (1799): 51, 77, 101, 102, 108, and 153.

58 Details of their performances at Augsburg are preserved in A. L. Dahlstedt, Theater-Journal derjenigen Schauspiele und Opern, welche in Augsburg von der Karl Ritter von Steinsbergischen Gesellschaft deutscherSchauspieler vom 12. September bis 31. Dezember 1799 ausgeführt wurden (Augsburg: n. p., 1800). Hereafter, Dahlstedt, Augsburg.

59 Wurzbach, and Mikovec record only that Steinsberg traveled to Vienna in 1799. Wurzbach, “Steinsberg,” 38:158–59. See also, F. B. Mikovec, “Zur Geschichte des Prager Theaters: von Steinsberg bis Liebich,” Bohemia 33, 1860, 2:153, hereafter, Mikovec, “Prager Theater;” and Scherl, “Guolfinger von Steinsberg,” 126.

66 and his company began a three-month residency at Freiberg. Promising city officials that the subscription series would culminate with the premiere of his newest opera, a work not yet completed, Steinsberg persuaded Carl Maria von Weber to compose the score to Das Waldmädchen. 60

The Freiberg (Saxony) Residency, August–November 1800

From Weber’s perspective, as a still unknown composer in his early teens, the chance to collaborate with someone of Steinsberg’s stature was a remarkable opportunity. Knowing that the opera would be premiered by one of the finest touring companies in the region, and that Steinsberg himself would direct the performance, Weber accepted the offer. Steinsberg’s primary interest in collaborating with Weber was his pressing need for a new opera score within three months. Steinsberg might also have been intrigued by the composer’s youthfulness, for Weber’s age was prominently mentioned in this announcement in Freiberg’s local paper, the Gnädigst bewilligte Freyberger gemeinnützige Nachrichten für das chursachsische Erzgebirge: Monday, 24 November 1800: Das Waldmädchen, a Romantic -comic opera in two acts by Ritter Karl von Steinsberg, set to music and dedicated with deepest respect to her royal highness Maria Amalia Augusta, Princess of Saxony, by Carl Maria B(aron) von Weber, thirteen years old, a pupil of Haydn’s.61

60 Stebbins, Weber, 27; Max Maria states that Steinsberg pressed the young musician to commit to writing the score because he had already promised, in exchange for a concession to the theater, that his troupe would present a season of new and extraordinarily enjoyable and original comedies, tragedies, ballets, and operas. MMW, 53.

61 Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII. Translation, mine. Maria Amalia Augusta was born in Mannheim on 10 May 1752. On 29 Jan 1769 she married King Friedrich August I of Saxony at Dresden, becoming the Princess of Saxony. She died at Dresden on 5 May 1827. Jirí Louda and Michael MacLagan, Lines of Succession: Heraldry of the Royal Families of Europe, 2nd ed. (London: Little, Brown and Company, 1999), tables 97 and 102.

67 Weber was neither a Baron, nor had he been a pupil of Joseph Haydn, as one might infer from the wording of the announcement. He was simply unaware that his father had acquired the courtly moniker as a stage name in the 1750s. (It will be recalled that his teacher at Salzburg had been Michael Haydn, Joseph’s younger brother.) During the three-month residency in Freiberg, Steinsberg produced at least forty- two stage works.62 Among them were several of he had written himself: Die Rückkehr ins Vaterhaus; Die Grafen Helfenfels; Die gute Laune; Bonaparte in Ägypten and Liebe der

Untertanen.63 Table 3.5 lists the repertoire that Steinsberg’s troupe performed at Freiberg.

Table 3.5

Repertoire Presented by Steinsberg’s Company at Freiberg (Saxony), 24 August to 25 November 180064

AUTHOR TITLE GENRE

Kotzebue Das Epigramm Schauspiel

Ziegler Jolantha Trauerspiel

Haibel Tiroler Wastel Opera

Steinsberg Die Gute Laune Lustspiel

Kotzebue Johanna von Montfaucon Schauspiel

Ziegler Waffenschmied Lustspiel

62 Max Maria von Weber says there were fifty-five works produced. MMW, 55.

63 Walter Hermann, “Geschichte der Schauspielkunst in Freiberg,” in Schriften für Theaterwissenschaft, 2: 489–744 (Berlin: n. p., 1960), 650–51. Hereafter, Hermann, Freiberg.

64 Hermann, Freiberg, 2: 650–51.

68 Table 3.5—continued

AUTHOR TITLE GENRE

Hensler Rinaldo Rinaldini Schauspiel

Kauer Donauweibchen Opera

Friedel Illumination im Fischbehälter Lustspiel

Gotter Der schwarze mann Lustspiel

Kotzebue Der Gefangene Lustspiel

Woytischek Holzhändler Opera

Crenzin Der graue Mann Schauspiel

Crenzin Der Prüfstein Schauspiel

Kotzebue Die beiden Klingsberg Lustspiel

Kaibel Scharfschützen in Tirol Opera

Kotzebue Kluge Frau im Walde Schauspiel

Kotzebue Die Korsen Schauspiel

Schikeneder Philippine Welser Schauspiel

W. Müller Travestierter Aeneas Opera

Steinsberg Bonaparte in Ägypten Schauspiel

Soden Anna Boleyn Trauerspiel

Kotzebue Wildfang Lustspiel

Kotzebue Die Verwandten Lustspiel

Iffland Selbstbeherrschung Schauspiel

Steinsberg Rückkerhr ins Vaterhaus Schauspiel

69 Table 3.5—continued

AUTHOR TITLE GENRE

Ziegler Mathilde von Giesbach Schauspiel

Steinsberg Liebe der Untertanen Lustspiel

Paneck Christl. Judenbraut Opera

Hagemann Leichtsinn und ein guten Herz Lustspiel

Iffland Der Spieler Schauspiel

Paesiello Eingebildete Philosophen Opera

Babo Otto von Wittelsbach Trauerspiel

Eckartshausen Arthello Lustspiel

Teuber Karl von Eichenhorst Opera

Ziegler Inkognito Lustspiel

Steinsberg Die Grafen Helfenfels Schauspiel

Steinsberg Graue Laune Lustspiel

Harrer65 Die Getäuschten Lustspiel

Kotzebue Die Unglücklichen Lustspiel

Rautenstrauch Jurist und Bauer Lustspiel

C. M. von Weber Das stumme Waldmädchen66 Opera (premiere)

65 Harrer was probably the actor who premiered the role of Rechtor in Weber’s Das Waldmädchen.

66 Hermann uses this title.

70 Steinsberg’s choice of repertoire ranged from internationally known spoken plays on popular themes (by Kotzebue and Iffland, for example), to his own stage works and works by members of his company. His choices were consistent with the variety of German operas, comic and tragic spoken plays, and ballets commonly performed in the popular theaters of Vienna, Prague, Augsburg, Freiberg, Leipzig, and elsewhere by traveling companies at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Weber completed his score to Das Waldmädchen in late October or early

November, in time for the opera’s scheduled premiere on 24 November 1800. Afterward, S teinsberg’s company left Freiberg to prepare for a new residency at

Chemnitz. Weber and his father accompanied them.67 An advertisement appeared in the Chemnitzer Anzeiger on 27 November 1800 listing the works in the Chemnitz subscription: 27 November: Das Epigramm (Kotzebue);

28 November: Die gute Laune (Steinsberg), and a ballet by Jungheim ;68

29 November: Klara von Hohenneichen;69 1 December: Der Gefangene, by Kotzebue, and the ballet Der Sieg der Liebe; 3 December: Selbstbeherrschung, by Iffland; and,

5 December: Das stumme Waldmädchen, by Steinsberg and Weber. 70

67 Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” IX.

68 Jungheim was one of the solo dancers in Steinsberg’s company when it toured Teplitz and Karlsbad in 1798. Teuber, 2: 340.

69 A stage work by Christian Heinrich Spiess, 1755–99.

70 Chemnitzer Anzeiger (1800), No. 44. See also, Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” III.

71 While in Chemnitz, Weber’s father wrote to Joseph Kirms, Intendant at Weimar, asking that his son’s new opera be performed in that theater. He enclosed a playbill from the Chemnitz production of Das stumme Waldmädchen.71

71 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz: Weberiana V. 5, D. 128, which is the Chemnitz playbill, is reprinted in Ernst Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar (Leipzig, 1863), 2: 26 f. n. (hereafter, Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar), and is discussed with regard to this opera in Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII. A translation of the playbill appears on page 86–87 of the present study.

72

CHAPTER 4

WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800)

Performances of Weber’s Early Opera

Thirteen-year-old Carl Maria von Weber composed the score to the two-act opera Das Waldmädchen from mid-August to mid-November 1800. This stage work holds a seminal position in the composer’s creative oeuvre as his first professionally produced opera and as his earliest successful attempt to compose in the genre that would bring him his greatest artistic triumphs.1 The opera was premiered at the Buttermarkt Theater in Freiberg on 24 November 1800, as the final event in a three-month-long residency by a traveling theater company of approximately 30 actors, singers, and dancers. The troupe was managed by Karl Guolfinger Ritter von Steinsberg (1756/57–1806). Almost immediately after the opera’s premiere Steinsberg moved his company from Freiberg to the nearby city of Chemnitz to begin a new residency. It began with a second performance of the new opera on 5 December 1800. For that occasion the title of the work was modified from Das Waldmädchen to Das stumme Mädchen, effectively emphasizing the muteness of the title character. Steinsberg had considerable artistic control over the opera at both Freiberg and Chemnitz, for not only did he write the libretto and manage the company that was to premiere it, but he also served as stage

1 According to Weber, the score to his first opera Die Macht der Liebe und das Weins (1798–99) burned in a fire shortly after he completed it (at age 11). It was never performed. John Warrack, Carl Maria von Weber (London: Macmillan, 1968), 33. Hereafter, Warrack, Weber.

73 director (regisseur) and sang the principal tenor role for those performances. An extant playbill from the 5 December Chemnitz performance lists the names of the cast members from the second performance. 2 Presumably, this same cast had premiered the work at Freiberg in late November. The playbill reads:

Das stumme Waldmädchen

Eine romantische-komische Oper in swey Aufzügen von Ritter von Steinsberg, in Musik gesetzt von Herrn Karl Maria B. von Weber, 13 Jahre alt, einem Zögling von Haydn.

Fürst Arbander Hr. Gromann Mathilde, seine Tochter Mad. Saifert Prinz Sigmund von Mathusien R. von Steinsberg Fürst Hartor Hr. Aßmann Ritter Wensky Hr. Loeser Rechter, ein Waldmann Hr. v. Harrer Silwana, das Waldmädchen Mad. Spania Kunigunde, Mathildens Kammerfrau Mad. Loeser Konrad Witzlingo, Fürst Hartors Stallmeister Hr. Krüger Krieps, Prinz Sigmunds Jagdknappe Hr. Seidel

Geharnischte Ritter, Jäger, Damen beym Turnier und Fackeltanz, Viele Knappen und Reisige.

The opera was performed several times. In 1818 Weber wrote a brief autobiographical sketch, in which he claimed that in addition to the Freiberg and Chemnitz productions, Das Waldmädchen had also been performed at Vienna, Prague (in Czech), and St. Petersburg: I set Ritter von Steinberg’s Das Waldmädchen, and the opera was performed in November 1800. It was later given further afield than I could have wished (fourteen performances in Vienna, translated into Czech for Prague and successful in St. Petersburg), since it is a very

2 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz: Weberiana V. 5, D. 128, hereafter, Chemnitz playbill. Reprinted in Pasqué, Goethes Theaterleitung in Weimar, II: 26 f.n. (hereafter, Pasqué) and Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII.

74 immature work with no more than occasional glimpses of inventiveness. In fact, Act 2 was written in ten days—one of the many regrettable consequences of the effect on a young mind of those impressive stories told of the great masters, whose example always stimulates imitation.3

Weber’s 1818 assessment of his score as “a very immature work” corresponds closely to the published opinion by the music critic who in 1801 first reviewed the opera at Freiberg, likening it to “a blossom that promises better and riper fruit.”4 Weber’s claim of a performance in Prague has never been verified, but Das Waldmädchen was produced at Vienna’s Leopoldstadt Theater in 1804 at least nine time under Wenzel Müller’s direction. For those performances the opera was renamed once

3 Warrack, Weber: Writings, 250–51. For the original German text see Kaiser, Sämtliche Schriften, 127. Although Warrack questions the accuracy of this document as a whole, stating, “Its faults of memory, omissions and special pleading (for instance, on behalf of his father) make it an unreliable biographical source,” the composer’s comments about the reception of Das Waldmädchen are essential to the present study.

4 In its entirety, the review states: “Die Fabel des Stückes ist nicht übel erfunden, sie ist interessant und abenteuerlich, ohne ungereimt zu sein, nur die Ausführung läßt manches zu wünschen übrig. Ueberhaupt aber schienen die Erwartungen des Publikums von dieser Oper zu sehr gespannt worden zu sein, als daß sie hätten befriedigt werden können, und zum Theil hatte man vielleicht ungünstige Vorurtheile mit zur Stelle gebracht; genug! Die Oper gefiel weit weniger, als man gehofft hatte, obgleich manche ungleich schlechter erfundene Singspiele hier Glück machten. Auch die Musik erhielt nicht ganz den Beifall, den sie verdient, wenn man billige Rücksichten nimmt. Freilich darf man sie mehr nur als Blüthen betrachten, die erst in der Folge schönere und reifere Früchte versprechen. (In Chemnitz hat diese Oper ausgezeichneten Beifall erhalten.)” “The story on which the work is based is not a bad one; it is fascinating and bizarre, without being illogical, only the realization left much to be desired. In general, however, the public had eagerly anticipated this opera and expected to be pleased, although some perhaps were prejudiced against it, having brought this attitude with them. Enough! The opera succeeded less than one would have had hoped for, although many considerably worse Singspiels have had good luck here. And the music was not as satisfying as it might have been, if one evaluates it fairly. Indeed, one can consider it a mere blossom that promises better and riper fruit. (In Chemnitz the opera was excellently received.)” Freyberger gemeinnützige Nachrichten für das chursächsische Erzgebirge, 2: (January 1801), 11; and Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII; translation, mine.

75 again. It is listed in Müller’s diary of theater productions as Das Mädchen im Spessarterwald, referencing the hilly and forested region known as the Spessart that extends from northwestern Bavaria to southern Hesse.5 According to his diary, Müller presented the opera in three acts instead of its original two-act form . Müller’s version premiered at Vienna on 4 December 1804. Additional performances took place at the Leopoldstadt Theater on 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 14, and 29 December 1804, and also on 8 June 1805

(see Figures 4.1 and 4.2).6 A notation on a playbill from the Leopoldstadt production of Das Mädchen in Spessarterwald, written by Friedrich Wilhelm Jähns (1809–1888), states that an additional performance was given on 6 June 1805. The note cites information from the archives of the Carlstheater.7 The 6 June 1805 date does not appear in Müller’s record. The premiere of this opera at the Leopoldstadt Theater is listed in the chronology of Viennese theater productions published in 1807, Chronologisches Verzeichniß Wien,

1794–1807.8 That source refers to the opera as: “Das Mädchen im Spessarerwalde [sic].

5 Stadts- und Landsbibliothek, Vienna, Tagebuch über das Theater in der Leopoldstadt (1781–1830), Sign. 51926 JB.

6 Ibid.

7 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Weberiana V, 5, 129). See also, Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” IX. Jähns was referring to the former archives of the Leopoldstadt Theater, established in 1781 by Karl Marinelli (1745–1803) and demolished in 1847 by its new owner Carl Carl. The facility was replaced later that same year by the Carlstheater.

8 Chronologisches Verzeichniss aller Schauspiele, deutschen und italienischen Opern, Pantomimen und Ballette welche seit dem Monath April 1794 bis wieder dahin 1807 nämlich durch volle 13 Jahre sowohl in den k. k. Hoftheatern als auch den k. k. privil. Schauspielhäusern, vormahles auf der Wieden und an der Wien und in der Leopoldstadt aufgeführet worden sind. Mit den Namen der Dichter und Musik-komposituere. Nebst dem ausweise aller Individuen, die während dieser Zeit in den 4 Theatern, theils in Gast-theils in Debüts-Rollen aufgetreten sind; und noch anderer auf diese Theater Beziehung nehmenden Veränderungen. (Vienna: Johann Baptist Wallishauser, 1807), 142–43. Hereafter, Chronologisches Verzeichniß Wien, 1794– 1807. Národní muzeum v Praze Archiv, Holzmann-Bohatta IV., 10061, Radenín 1685a.

76

Figure 4.1

Wenzel Müller’s diary entry for December 1804, Stadts- und Landsbibliothek, Vienna, Tagebuch über das Theater in Der Leopoldstadt (1781–1830), Sign. 51926 JB.

77

Figure 4.2

Wenzel Müller’s diary entry for June 1805. Stadts- und Landsbibliothek, Vienna, Tagebuch über das Theater in Der Leopoldstadt (1781–1830), Sign. 51926 JB.

78 Eine heroische-komische Oper in 2 Aufzügen, die Musik vom Kapellmeister Müller. Den 4. Dezember.” Although it credits Müller as the composer, Müller’s diary entry clearly attributes the score to Weber. A table in the book tallies the stage works performed for the first time at the Leopolstadt Theater between 1794 and 1807, establishing the number of opera titles produced in comparison to the number of spoken plays and danced works.9 These figures indicate the typical types of stage works produced at this venue. Within the span of the thirteen year period it reflects there were a total of 299 differently titled productions. Of those, 176 were spoken plays, 109 were operas or Singspiels, and only 14 were ballets or pantomimes.10 In 1804, when Müller’s production of Weber’s Da s Waldmädchen was introduced to Viennese audiences for the first time, a total of 29 spoken stage works, 17 operas, and 1 ballet/pantomime was presented at the Leopoldstadt Theater (46 individual stage works). For almost two centuries no evidence was found to uphold Weber’s claim that his early opera had been performed at St. Petersburg. In 2000, however, Russian musicologist Natalia Gubkina discovered a complete score to Das Waldmädchen, along with a full set of orchestra parts, in the archives of the central music library of the

Mariinsk y State Theater.11 She subsequently located a published notice from the Nordisches Archiv stating that Das Waldmädchen was performed at a benefit performance for a singer named Johann Hübsch.12

9 This source tallies the first performance of each title at each venue only, not the total number of performances at each venue. Chronologisches Verzeichniß Wien, 1794– 1807, 153.

10 The ballets or pantomimes were produced between 1804 and 1807. Ibid .

11 Mariinsky State Classical Theater of Opera and Ballet, Central Music Library, RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373. Gubkina, “Webers Waldmädchen,” 57–59. I am grateful to Frank Heidlberger for informing me of her discovery early in my research.

12 Nordisches Archiv, Vol. 2 (St. Petersburg, 1804), 62. The brief newspaper announcement states only that Das Waldmädchen was premiered at a benefit performance for singer Johann Hübsch in February 1804 and found to be very dull: “Das Waldmädchen zum Benefiz des Hrn. Hübsch ist sehr fade befunden.” According to

79 Prior to 2000 Das Waldmädchen received little scholarly attention. According to

Gubkina, few bothered to continue searching for a score, because searches by Jähns’s and Hans-Joachim Moser (1889–1967) had been unsuccessful.13 Gubkina found Weber’s score while compiling a list of German theater personnel from the St. Petersburg opera. Her subsequent research has shown that Steinsberg, along with several members of his company, had traveled from Vienna to St. Petersburg in November 1802 at the invitation of Joseph Miré, administrator at St. Petersburg’s German Private Theater. Steinsberg had been invited by Miré to becom e the new artistic director of the city’s German theater company.14 Steinsberg probably brought the score to Das Waldmädchen with him at that time. Steinsberg did not direct the opera, however, for he moved from St. Petersburg to

Moscow in 1803.15 Aside from the Freiberg and Chemnitz productions, Weber was not present for any of the other performances of his opera at St. Petersburg, at Vienna, or at the performance he asserted had taken place at Prague.16 Nor is there any evidence that Weber learned of those performances until after they had occurred, a lacuna that leaves modern scholars to wonder, much as Weber himself seems to have wondered in 1818, why such an immature stage work achieved so much stage time. Table 4.1 presents the documented performances of this early opera, as well as the Prague performances that Weber referred to in his autobiographical sketch.

Gubkina, that performance took place at the theater of the Kušelevschen House. Gubkina, “Notizen,” 35.

13 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 32.

14 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 35.

15 Scherl, “Steinsberg,” 126–27.

16 Weber was employed as Director of German Opera in Breslau for two years, beginning 11 July 1804. He lived in Vienna in early 1804, when the opera was performed at St. Petersburg. Tusa, “Weber,” 138. The performance of his opera at Prague in Czech is discussed in Chapter 7 of the present study.

80 Table 4.1

Reported Performances of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen (J. Anh. 1)

DATE VENUE TITLE/OCCASION SOURCE

24 November Buttermarkt Das Waldmädchen, Score fragments, 1800 Theater, produced by newspaper Freiberg (Saxony) Steinsberg (in 2 acts) announcements and reviews, letters, Weber’s autobiographical sketch

5 December Theater at Das stumme Score fragments, 1800 Chemnitz Waldmädchen, newspaper produced by announcements and Steinsberg (in 2 acts) reviews, letters, Weber’s autobiographical sketch, playbill

February Kušelevschen- Das Waldmädchen, at a Complete score and set 1804 Theater, benefit performance for of orchestra parts; St. Petersburg singer Johann Hübsch newspaper announcement

5, 6, 7, 9, 10, Theater an der Das Mädchen im Playbill, Müller’s diary, 14, and 29 Leopoldstadt, Spesarterwald, and theater records December, Vienna; produced by Wenzel 1804; 6, 8 Müller (in 3 acts) June 180517

17 Jähn’s notation on Deutsche Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Weberiana V, 5. 129 (based on Carlstheater records he reviewed).

81 Table 4.1—continued

DATE VENUE TITLE/OCCASION SOURCE

Unverified Theater/Company Title not known Performed in Czech, unknown, according to Weber’s Prague autobiographical sketch

Weber’s Continued Interest in Das Waldmädchen

The title character in Weber’s opera Das Waldmädchen exhibits the distinctively un-operatic trait of muteness. Indeed, the mysterious forest maiden confounds the other characters because she neither speaks nor sings.18 Although title roles of this type were typical in the pantomime-ballet genre during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, mute roles for important characters in an opera, beyond the occasional use of stock characters associated with either the Kurz-Bernadon/Hanswurst/Kasparl or the commedia dell‘arte traditions, were extremely rare.19

18 According to Gubkina the St. Petersburg score and set of orchestra parts does not include the dialogue text that would have been spoken between the musical numbers of the opera, making it impossible to conclude with certainty if Silwana eventually uses her voice. Gubkina, “Notizen,” 38. Mute characters in spoken or sung stage works appears to have been in vogue around the time that Steinsberg produced his libretto to Das Waldmädchen. Titles of the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth- century works with this unusual type of role include: Stummes Mädchen, Georg Colmann’s 1770 Lustspiel based on Ben Jonson’s 1609 comedy, Epicoene, or, The silent woman; Ludwig Tieck’s version of the same work: Epicoene oder Das Stumme Mädchen (1800 ); Kotzebue’s Der Taubstumme (1800) and Die kluge Frau im Walde, oder der stumme Ritter (1801). Auber’s well known La Muette de Portici (1828) was a considerably later example of this kind of role in an opera.

19 Poštolka and Hickman, “Wranitzky.” A helpful explanation of commedia dell’arte characters in the operas of the popular Viennese composer Paul Wranitzsky appears in Solomon St. Laurent, 156.

82 The use of a pantomime character in the title role of an opera required particularly expressive orchestral music to convey the character’s feelings in each of her scenes.20 That sort of artistic challenge may have fueled Weber’s continued interest in the libretto to Das Waldmädchen long after he completed his early opera in 1800. Other reasons, too, may account for his subsequent interest in this story as the basis for a second opera. This particular character drew Weber’s creative attention for a considerable period of time, for in November 1807, upon being challenged by his friend Franz Danzi to produce a new stage work, Weber asked poet Franz Karl Hiemer (1768–1822) to write a new libretto based on Steinsberg’s libretto to Das Waldmädchen.21 Two years later he completed his fifth opera, which he named Silvana (c. 1808–10). It also featured a title role that was danced, not sung. The new Waldmädchen opera was premiered at a concert production in Frankfurt in 1810. Weber subsequently revised his score for a fully staged production of Silvana at Berlin in 1812. He revised it a third time in 1817, when he decided to produce the opera at Dresden shortly after assuming the post of Director of the newly formed German National Opera. His second Waldmädchen opera did very well, providing Weber with his single most performed opera until 1821, when Der Freischütz premiered at Berlin. For comparative purposes, a complete list of Weber’s music for the operatic stage is shown in Table 4.2.

20 This character is identified as Silwana in the playbill from the Chemnitz performance (see transcription above) and in the St. Petersburg score. Gubkina, “Notizen,” 35.

21 In the autobiographical sketch, Weber also stated, “I wrote my opera Silvana on Hiemer’s new version of my earlier Waldmädchen.” Weber, Writings on Music, 254.

83 Table 4.2

Weber’s Music for the Stage22

TITLE AND COMPOSER’S DATES LIBRETTIST LOCATION/DATE OF DESIGNATION PREMIERE

Die Macht der Liebe und Singspiel 1798–99 Unknown des Weins, J. Anh. 6 (lost, never performed)

Das Waldmädchen, J. Romantische- August to Karl Ritter von Steinsberg Anh. 1 komische Oper, 2 November Freiberg (Saxony), 24 acts 1800 November 1800

Peter Schmoll und seine Singspiel 1801–02 J. Türk[e], Nachbarn, J. 8 after C. G. Cramer Augsburg, March 1803

Rübezahl (incomplete), 1804–05 Johann Gottlieb Rhode, J.44-6 after J. K. A. Musäus, Volksmärchen der Deutschen

Silvana , J. 87 Romantische 1808–10; Franz Karl Hiemer, based Frankfurt, heroisch- revised on Steinsberg’s Das 16 September 1810 komische Oper, 1812; Waldmädchen 3 acts revised 1817

Abu Hassan, J. 106 Singspiel, 1 act 1810–11 Franz Karl Hiemer, after Munich, Residenz, The Thousand and One 4 June 1811 Nights

22 Clive Brown, “Weber, Carl Maria (Friedrich Ernst) von,” in Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 30 May 2002), http://www.grovemusic.com .

84 Table 4.2—continued

TITLE AND COMPOSER’S DATES LIBRETTIST LOCATION/DATE OF DESIGNATION PREMIERE

Der Freischütz, J. 277 Romantische 1817–21 Johann Friedrich Kind, Berlin, Oper, 3 acts after J. A. Apel and F. Schauspielhaus, Laun, Gespensterbuch 18 June 1821

Die drei Pintos, Anh. 5 Komische Opera, 1820–21 Theodor Hell, after C. (incomplete) 3 Seidel, Der Brautkampf

Euryanthe, J. 291 Grosse heroisch- 1822–23 Helmina von Chezy, after Vienna, Kärntnertor, romantische L’Histoire du très noble et 25 Oct 1823 Oper, 3 acts chevalireux prince Gérard

Oberon, J. 306 Romantische 1825–26 R. Planché, after C. M. London, Covent Oper, 3 acts Wieland Garden, 12 April 1826

85

CHAPTER 5

HYPOTHETICAL SYNOPSIS OF WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800)

Access to the complete score and orchestra parts for Weber’s early opera Das Waldmädchen has been tightly controlled by Russian authorities since its discovery in

2000, preventing this author from personally examining the documents. Consequently, Gubkina’s published description provides the only authoritative information about the content and condition of these documents. 1 Details provided in Gubkina’s article, along with other readily available secondary sources, allow the following synopsis of the characters and events depicted in the opera’s two acts.2

The Chemnitz playbill provides the names of each of the characters in the opera.3 The same names appear in the St. Petersburg score, but with two variant spellings for Witzlingo: Wirzlingo and Wizlinger.4 The named roles, along with brief descriptions of their interrelationships, appear in Table 5.1.

1 Repeated letters and e-mails to the Mariinsky Theater Library, its director Maria Scherbakova, and other scholars who might have access to this document, including Gubkina, have all gone unanswered. The following discussion relies on information from Gubkina, “Notizen.”

2 Pasqué, II: 26; Lorenz, “Waldmädchen.” See also H. J. Moser, ed., Carl Maria von Weber: Musikalische Werke, erste kritische Gesamtausgabe, ii/2, ed. Willibald Kaehler (Augsburg: Dr. Benno Filser, 1928), 252–53.

3 The complete text of the playbill appears in Chapter 3 of this document.

4 That character is identified as “Witzlingo” in Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VIII, which relied on the Chemnitz playbill for that information.

86 Table 5.1

Dramatis personae in Das Waldmädchen (1800)5

ROLE VOICE DESCRIPTION

Fürst Arbander baritone

Mathilde soprano Arbander’s daughter

Printz Sigmund von Mathusien6 tenor Engaged to Mathilde

Fürst Hertor tenor7 Mathilde’s secret love, and the son of Arbander’s sworn Enemy

Ritter Wensky unknown8

Rechter spoken role a forester

Silwana (dancer) a mute forest maiden

Kunigunde soprano Mathilde’s Chambermaid

Konrad Wizlingo baritone Fürst Hertor’s stable Master

Krips 9 baritone Sigmund’s servant

5 Italics indicate roles derived from the St. Petersburg score and orthographically verified by Gubkina.

6 Steinsberg sang this role at both Freiberg and Chemnitz.

7 “Hartor” in Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VIII.

8 Gubkina’s incipits do not include music for this character.

9 “Krieps” in Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VIII.

87 The Chemnitz playbill also lists “women at the tournament and torch dance, many squires and knights” (Damen beym Turnier und Fackeltanz , viele Knappen und Reisige), but the St. Petersburg score lists only “hunters and local people” (Jäger und Volk) as supernumeraries. 10 This discrepancy might be attributed to the different functions of the two documents, i.e., the purpose of the playbill was to entice audiences to attend performances, while the purpose of the score was to notate the composition and guide a conductor. Steinsberg, as company manager, likely provided the text for the playbill, with the goal of achieving a profitable residency. Weber might have been inclined to designate the actions of the supernumeraries more briefly on a score.11 The aristocratic titles of several of the characters (Fürst, Printz, etc.), along with the particular wedding customs portrayed throughout the opera (a hunt, a tournament, a torch dance, etc.), all of which are typical of historical fantasies, suggest an earlier period in German history. Das Waldmädchen culminates with a tournament and torch dance, ritual celebratory events from medieval times that are still practiced in some German regions. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries tournaments and torch dances were popular in Prague, Vienna, Munich, Salzburg, and Dresden. 12 They marked important political occasions, such as the weddings of German heads of state. The tournament itself was a fully choreographed procession of noblemen and noblewomen on horseback, accompanied by music. The torch dance, a spectacular fire- lit procession and dance in three parts and scored for military band, typically followed

10 Pasqué, II: 26, f.n., Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VIII; Gubkina, “Notizen,” 38.

11 This assumes only that the St. Petersburg score is either in Weber’s own hand or possibly a copy that was based on the original score from the Freiberg and Chemnitz productions. Steinsberg’s com pany consisted of approximately 30 singers, actors, and dancers, an indication that the number of supernumeraries for the productions at Freiberg and Chemnitz would have been relatively modest.

12 Ilka Peter, Der Salzburger Fackeltanz: zur Geschichte eines Tanzes (Salzburg: Salzburger Druckerei, 1979), 7–16.

88 the tournament, commencing in the evening hours. Its music is comprised of a loud first and third section, with a soft trio as the second section. Scholars have long assumed that the events depicted in Das Waldmädchen are the same as those portrayed in Silvana , primarily because we know that librettist F. C. Hiemer simply rework ed Steinsberg’s original libretto to Das Waldmädchen at Weber’s request. Gubkina’s description of the St. Petersburg score supports that assertion.13 A comparison of the roles and voice types found in Silvana with those found in Das Waldmädchen, for example, reveals a few minor differences in some characters’ names. The role of Adelhart (bass) in Silvana corresponds to the role of Fürst Arbander (baritone) in Das Waldmädchen. Similarly, the role of Mechtilde (soprano) corresponds to the role of

Mathilde (soprano); Count Rudolf (tenor) corresponds to the role of Printz Sigmund von Mathusien (tenor); Krips (bass) corresponds to Krips (baritone); Albert (tenor) corresponds to the role of Ritter Wensky (tenor); and Silwana herself (danced role), quite obviously, corresponds to the original role of Silwana (danced role). In light of the similarities between the two sets of characters, along with the fact that Weber even re- used a few of the musical numbers from Das Waldmädchen when he composed a new score for Silvana , at least general congruence between the plots of the two operas has been assumed in the following synopsis. The story events depicted in the two operas are not presented in the same order, however. Indeed, Silvana is in three acts, while Das Waldmädchen was written in only two acts. Text incipits for each musical number were taken from Gubkina’s description of the St. Petersburg score and helped to inform the ordering of events depicted in the synopsis. Additional information was gleaned from the settings and events depicted in the score to Silvana .

13 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 44.

89 Act 1

Scene 1. A remote forest setting, near the opening of a cave. A party of huntsmen enters the stage from all directions. Hunting horns sound as the opening chorus begins, No. 1, “Jaget hin und jaget her, durch die Berge kreutz und quer” (“Hunt here and hunt there, crisscrossing through the mountains”).14 The festive entourage is celebrating the impending marriage of Printz Sigmund von Mathusien (tenor) to Mathilde (soprano), daughter of Fürst Arbander (bass), an important nobleman. The hunters disperse, but Sigmund’s servant, Krips (baritone), who is secretly afraid of animals, remains behind. Krips sings a humorous aria, No. 2, “Ein Mensch der viel Kuerage hat ist auch gewiß nicht dumm” (“A man who has much courage is of course not stupid).15 Krips postures as though he is a brave hunter in the following instrumental No. 3, “Marcia.” His imaginings end abruptly when his master returns and points out that a strange creature is emerging from the cave. It is a woman, curiously attired in furs and leaves. Startled by the presence of the men, she retreats into the cave. Sigmund instructs his servant to bring the woman to him , No. 4, Duet: “Nimm deine Pfeil und geh hinein, bring mir das Mädchen raus” (“Take your arrow and go inside, bring the young woman out to me”). Krips, however, convinced that the creature is a large bear, not a woman, protests. Eventually, he reluctantly complies. As Krips approaches the opening of the cave, he implores himself to be brave, No. 5, “Ein

14 In Silvana this scene includes a quartet of onstage horns. Although there are only two horn parts for the St. Petersburg score, Gubkina notes that in this number “the sound colors of the forest are depicted by the horns, including the typical horn entrances.” Gubkina, “Notizen,” 43.

15 Steinsberg adds an interesting and comical linguistic element to the libretto with the word Kuerage. It appears to be a Germanized spelling for the French word courage. Avoiding the German word Mut, he has instead imposed German linguistic characteristics on the French word courage (i.e., the French c was replaced by a German k, and the French ou was replaced by the German ue ). The French word courage was commonly used by Germans at this time, but since transliteration was not possible it was spelled the French way. The misspelling is intentional, for although no German

90 Bärenhäuter nimmt reiß aus und zahlt das Fersengeld” (“A bearskinner takes leave and takes to his heels”). Seeing for himself that the creature is indeed a woman, he proudly brings Silwana to Sigmund. The woman is mute and communicates only with gestures. Sigmund is baffled by her behavior, wondering if perhaps she is a forest nymph. He soon finds her timid and gentle ways quite fascinating. Knowing that he must return to Arbander’s village to marry Mathilde, yet unwilling to leave the young woman, he devises a plan. As the hunting party reassembles, he spikes Silwana’s drink with a sleeping potion, then serenades her to sleep, No. 6, Printz and Chor der Jäger: “Holdes Mädchen der Natur scheu Dich nicht und trinke nur” (“Lovely maiden of nature, don’t be fearful, only drink”). Unconscious, Silwana is then carried off toward Sigmund’s estate as the scene concludes.

Scene 2. Arbander’s village. Wedding preparations are underway.

Arbander gently reminds his daughter, Mathilde, that it is her duty to obey him and marry Printz Sigmund, even though she does not love him, No. 7, “Handle stets nach meinem Willen, dies befiehlt der Vater dir” (“Always act according to my wishes, this your father commands you”). Arbander is not aware that Mathilde is secretly in love with Printz Hertor, the son of his sworn enemy. Arbander reveals that his other daughter, Ottilie, was kidnapped by his enemy (Hertor’s father), and that Mathilde’s marriage to Printz Sigmund is now the only way to restore the family’s fortune. Mathilde’s chambermaid Kunigunde, aware of her mistress’s torn feelings, light- heartedly tells Mathilde that her marriage to Sigmund will never work out as long as she is in love with someone else, No. 8, “Wer Weiber hüten will, der muß gar früh aufstehn.” (“Whoever wants to keep an eye on wives must surely get up early”). During an ensuing quartet Mathilde’s mood brightens as Kunigunde teases her, No. 9, Mathilde, Kunigunde, Hertor, and Wirlingo: “Ist es möglich dass ich glaube, ist es Hertor den ich

spelling for the French ge sound exists, the first syllable could certainly have been spelled Ku, not Kue.

91 seh” (“Could that possibly be Hertor I see?”). Krips arrives and greets his friend Wirlingo, Hertor’s stable master, confiding that he, in turn, has a secret crush on Kunigunde, No. 10, “Ha nun bin ich desparad, nur gemach Herr Kamerad (“Ha, now I am made desperate, my comrade,”). A tournament is held. Hertor is present, but he must flee and find a place to hide from Arbander, who despises him . Mathilde laments her unhappy future in the act’s closing aria, No. 11, “Hör o Himmel, hör die Klagen” (“Hear, o heavens, hear the cries”), as the first act ends.

Act 2

Scene 1. The remote forest setting, near Silwana’s cave.

Caught in a violent thunderstorm , Hertor and Wirlingo seek shelter, No. 12, “Schrecklich tobt der Stürme sausen, ängstlich ist des Donners Brausen” (“The roaring gale whistles terribly, the thunder’s roar is frightening“). They find Silwana’s cave and go inside. Unexpectedly, they meet Rechter, an older forester who has secretly been caring for Silwana for many years. A dialogue ensues and Rechter tells the men Silwana’s true identity; Silwana is the kidnapped Ottilie (No. 13, Zwischen Musik).

Scene 2. Inside Prinz Sigmund’s quarters.

Silwana awakens. Sigmund declares his love to her, asking if she also loves him, No. 14, “Sprich o Mädchen, liebst du mich eben so als wie ich Dich?” (“Speak, o maiden, do you love me as much as I love you?”). Instead of speaking, she dances and gestures affirmatively. Overjoyed, Sigmund tells Krips to deliver a message to Arbander: his marriage to Mathilde will not take place. With obvious dread Krips takes his leave and goes to deliver the scandalous message, No. 15, “Die Lieb ist blind, izt seh’ ichs ein, hat nicht ein Gran Verstand” (“Love is blind, now I see, without a grain of intelligence”).

92 Scene 3. Inside Arbander’s estate.

Mathilde, still mourning her dutiful fate, responds poignantly to a written appeal from her father. Reluctantly, she agrees to obey him and marry Printz Sigmund, No. 16, “Ich will durch mein ganzes Leben ihn erfüllen, meinen Schwur” (“I will for my entire life fulfill my oath”). Krips arrives with the news that Sigmund refuses to go through with the marriage. Furious, Arbander and Mathilde join with Krips in a comical trio of outrage, No. 17, “Diese Frechheit, dieser Trug, diese Schandthat, diese Lug” (“This impertinence, this deception! This disgrace, this lie!”). Believing that some strange woman from the forest has deliberately sabotaged the long-planned marriage, Arbander declares his revenge and sentences Silwana to death.

Scene 4. At a public square; a crowd has assembled in anticipation of Silwana’s execution.

Powerless to save Silwana, Sigmund is overcome with sorrow. Rechter arrives, calling out Silwana’s name. He pleads for help finding her, explaining that he has secretly cared for her since she was a tiny child. Upon realizing that Silwana has been sentenced to die, Rechter explains that the maiden’s real name is not Silwana, and that she is not mute but is merely honoring a vow of silence that she has kept since childhood at his urging. Arbander realizes that Silwana is his long-lost daughter, Otillie. Overjoyed, Arbander embraces Silwana/Otillie. He releases Sigmund from the marriage promise to Mathilde and grants permission for Silwana to marry Hertor, since Otillie has been returned alive and all is now forgiven. Enraptured at witnessing such a turn of events, Krips sings a comical duet with Kunigunde, No. 18, “So komm du mein Liebchen, o komm denn mein Schatz, und gebe dem Krips gen ein zärtlichen Schmatz” (“So come my little love, oh come then my darling, and give your Krips a sweet little kiss!”). The entire company joins in an elaborate procession, torch dance, and final chorus (No. 19, Marcia ; No. 20, Der Fakel -Tanz ; and No. 21, Schlußchor) “Heil dem Edlen Ehepaar, Wonne, Segen, Glück begleite” (“Praise to the noble wedding couple! May pleasure, blessings, and good fortune accompany them”), as the opera concludes.

93

CHAPTER 6

PRIMARY SOURCES FOR WEBER’S DAS WALDMÄDCHEN (1800)

The music to Das Waldmädchen is preserved in two score fragments

(Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Weberiana I:1), hereafter referred to as the fragments, and a complete score and set of orchestra parts in St. Petersburg (Gosudarstvenny akademichesky Mariinsky teatr Central'naya muzykalnaya biblioteka, RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373), hereafter referred to as the St. Petersburg score. Reasoning that the designation Da s Waldmädchen on the cover of the first volume of the St. Petersburg score corresponds with the title of the opera as it premiered at Freiberg in 1800, Gubkina asserts that the St. Petersburg score probably represents the original Freiberg-Chemnitz version of the opera.1 This assertion is problematic, however, because the date 1801 also appears on the cover of volume 1. It is possible that the date was added to the Freib erg score in 1801. Or perhaps the St. Petersburg score is a copy (and possibly to som e extent a revision) of the Freiberg original. Weber himself, having little known income in 1801, might have made his own copy or copies of the score. Clearly, the previously mentioned fragments indicate that the score was copied at some point. Moreover, in a series of letters to Joseph Kirms, Intendant of the court theater at Weimar, Weber’s father explicitly stated that the score to Das Waldmädchen was copied when he wrote, on 28 December 1800:

1 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 38. Gubkina notes that a critical edition of the St. Petersburg score is forthcoming. It is sure to provide more comprehensive information about this source and Weber’s developing compositional process.

94 The score of my son’s opera has already been sent out to be copied and will be delivered together with the book as soon as possible, and because for me the point is more to bring fame to this young man than to present personal gain, it will be done with the greatest care, and, as for cost, if it brings nothing more than the copying charge I shall be content, but recommend that you have it performed, Your Excellency, as I also beseech you to engage my well-behaved and extraordinarily calm child . . . ”2

In another letter, dated 24 April 1801, Franz Anton states that a copy of the score to the first act of Das Waldmädchen, along with the book (presumably Steinsberg’s complete text) had already been sent to Weimar: Since I already sent the score to the first act of “Waldmädchen” to your excellency on 21 February on the post wagon from Freiberg, along with the book also, but have not yet had the honor of an answer from you or Herrn Kapellmeister Kranz by virtue of which I might learn whether it was found acceptable and the second act should also be sent, or whether it was found disagreeable and should be returned; so I humbly request that you please honor me with an answer in the near future, as I have decided to go to Chemnitz soon, and then to return to Munich after fourteen days there. With highest esteem and com plete devotion, I await word from Your Excellency.3

2 “Die Partitur meines Sohnes Oper ist bereits zum copiren übergeben und wird sobald möglich nebst dem Buche dazu übersandt werden, und da mir mehr um die Bekanntmachung dieses jungen Menschen als um Gewinnst gegenwärtig zu thun ist, so wird er auch mit dem geringsten Douceur, und wenn es auch nicht mehr als die copial Gebühren träfe, schon zufrieden seyn, Ich empfehle die Aufführung derselben Euer Wohlgeboren bestens, so wie ich inständigst bitte, für das engagement meines so brav und ganz außerordentlich ruhigen Kind . . . ” Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar, 32.

3 “Da ich die Partitur des ersten Aktes des “Waldmädchen” bereits unterm 21. Februar a. c. mit dem Postwagen von Freyberg an Euer Wohlgeboren nebst dem Buche dazu abgesandt habe, bis dato wieder von Denenselben, wieder von dem Hrn. Kapellmeister Kranz mit einer nachrichtlichen Antwort beehrt worden, vermöge welcher ich erfahren hätte, ob solche acceptiret und der zweite Akt auch überschickt oder sie als nicht angenommen retour erhalten sollte; also bitte gehorsamst, mich mit einer beliebigen Antwort um so mehr baldigst anhero nachher Chemnitz zu beehren, als ich in Zeit von 14 Tagen nachher München zu retourniren entschlossen bin, mit vorzüglichster Hochachtung harrende Euer Wohlgeboren ganz ergebenster Diener F. A. B. v. Weber.” Pasqué, “Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar,” 33.

95 On 17 May 1801 he wrote to Kirms again, this time from Chemnitz:

Your Excellency must have completely forgotten that I wrote on 24 April for an answer concerning the opera Das Waldmädchen. I am concerned at this point at having received no answer at all since 14 February, or even to have the slightest news regarding the first act and book of the aforementioned opera. And since tomorrow I will leave here and travel to Munich, so respectfully I ask that you honor me with an answer in Munich. With every conceivable esteem and complete loyalty, yours, F. A. B. v. Weber."4

Apparently, then, a copy of Act 1 was sent to Kirms on 21 February 1801, but Kirms never acknowledged it. It can therefore be assumed that the copy of the second act mentioned in Franz Anton’s letter of 24 April was never sent to Weimar. It may have remained in the Webers’ possession when they moved to Munich on 18 May 1801. More information is needed to determine how, when, and where these materials were next distributed, but it remains relatively certain that as of 17 May 1801 there were at least two scores to Das Waldmädchen: the original Freiberg score, book, and parts, with corrections and revisions, and a copy of the first act and book to Das Waldmädchen at Weimar. A possible dispersion of manuscripts to Das Waldmädchen is as follows:

Original Freiberg Score Score, book, and parts, with corrections and revisions

Copy 1 Score and book, possibly dated 1801 Act 1 and book sent to Kirms at Weimar, 21 February 1801 Act 2 remained with Weber and his father on 17 May 1801.

4 “Euer Wohlgeboren müssen mich ganz vergessen haben, da ich auf mein unterm 24 April an dieselben erlassenes, eine Antwort wegen der Oper das Waldmädchen betreffend bis hierhin mit gar keiner Antwort so wenig als auch, die bereits unterm 14 Februar an dieselben abgesandten ersten Akt nebst Buch dieser besagten Opera die geringste Nachricht erhalten habe, und da ich morgen von hier nachher München reise, so bitte gehorsamst, mich mit einer Antwort nachher München gütigst zu beehren. Mit aller erdenklicher Hochachtung Dero ganz gehorsamster, Deiner F. A. B. v. Weber." Pasqué, “Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar,” 33.

96 Score Fragments, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Weberiana I:1

The fragments themselves are adjacent leaves from an autograph score. They contain music from Act 2 Scene 2 of the opera, specifically the middle section and end of Mathilde’s aria No. 16, “Ich will durch mein ganzes Leben ihn erfüllen, meinen Schwur” (“I will for my entire life fulfill my oath”), and the beginning and middle section of the “rage” trio by Mathilde, Arbander, and Krips, No. 17, “Diese Frechheit, dieser Trug, diese Schandthat, diese Lug” (“This impertinence, this deception! This disgrace, this lie!”).5 The fragments are in small upright format, written in ink, an d preserved on fairly thin but sturdy paper that measures 26 x 21.5 cm.6 Their authenticity is undisputed, for the handwriting matches two letters that Weber wrote to his teacher

Johann Peter Heuschkel in 1797 and 1798.7 In addition, several aspects of the musical notation correspond to the score of Weber’s third opera, Peter Schmoll und seine Nachbarn, (J. 8, 1803), including the representation of dynamics piano and forte as po and fo, respectively.8 Corrections, also in Weber’s hand, appear throughout the fragments

(some in pencil), and there are also a few corrections in a different, unidentified hand.9 Transcriptions of the fragments were published in the 1926 critical edition of Weber’s early operas edited by Alfred Lorenz.10

5 Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” X.

6 Eveline Bartlitz, Carl Maria von Weber: Autographenverzeichnis (Berlin: Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, 1986), 14. Hereafter, Bartlitz, Autographenverzeichnis.

7 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Mus ep. C. M. v. Weber 8 and 9.

8 Bartlitz, Autographenverzeichnis, 14.

9 Lorenz speculates that these corrections may have been made by Weber’s father, although a positive identification of the second hand has not been established. Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII.

10 Lorenz, “Waldmadchen.”

97 The fragments do not include the beginning of the soprano aria No. 16, which Gubkina identifies in the St. Petersburg score as No. 16, Recitativo con Aria , Mathilde. In both sources this number is in D major and in common time. Gubkina provides only the following text incipit for the opening line: “Ich will durch mein ganzes Leben ihn erfüllen, meinen Schwur.” The text from the fragment of No. 16, along with an English translation, follows: schrecken der Natur, horror of nature, nevertheless I werd’ ich dennoch nicht erbeben. will not shudder.

Hartorn kann ich nicht verlassen, Hartor I cannot forget, mag geschehen, was da will, come what may, wär der Todt auch selbst mein Ziel. even were death itself my goal, Hartorn kann ich nich (sic) verlassen.* Hartor I cannot forget.

Keinem Menschen soll’s gelingen, No one will succeed mich zu dieser Eh’ zu zwingen, in forcing me to marry, mag geschehen, was da will, whatever happens, wär der Todt auch selbst mein Ziel. even were death itself my goal.

Ich will durch mein ganzes Leben* I will for my entire life Ihn erfüllen, meinen Schwur, fulfill my oath, mag geschehen, was da will, whatever happens, Wär der Todt auch selbst mein Ziel, even were death itself my goal. Ja, wär der Todt auch selbst mein Ziel. Yes, even were death itself my Wollt’ ich lieber gleich erblassen.* goal. I would rather pine right away. (* long melismatic passages)

The text from the fragment of the beginning of the trio, No. 17 (Arbander, Krips, Mathilde), corresponds with Gubkina’s incipit of No. 17 Terzetto (Mathilde, Arbander, Krips) in the St. Petersburg score. In both sources, this number is in D major and alla breve. The complete text from the fragment, along with an English translation, follows:

98 Arbander: Arbander: Diese Frechheit, dieser Trug, This impertinence, this deception, diese Schandthat, diese Lug this disgrace, this lie, fühlt mein Herz mit Wuth und Groll. fills my heart with rage and anger.

Krips: Krips: Hui! Der Fürst ist grimmig toll. Yikes! The Prince is frighteningly mad!

Mathilde: Mathilde: Zürnet nicht, schenkt Gnade mir, Don’t be angry, show mercy, Ich kann wahrlich nichts dafür. I can indeed do nothing about it.

(tutti, Mathilde-Arbander-Krips) (tutti, Mathilde-Arbander-Krips) Mathilde: Mathilde: Zürnet nicht, schenkt Gnade mir, Don’t be angry, show mercy, Ich kann wahrlich nichts dafür, I can indeed do nothing about it. Schenkt Gnade mir, Show me mercy, Ich kann währlich nichts dafür. I can indeed do nothing about it.

Arbander: Arbander: Diese Frechheit, dieser Trug, This impertinence, this deception, Diese schandthat, diese Lug, this disgrace, this lie, füllt mein Herz mit Wuth und Groll. fills my heart with rage and anger. Krips: Krips: Hui! Der Fürst ist grimmig toll. Yikes! The Prince is frighteningly mad.

(Solo) (Solo) Arbander: Arbander: Wer hat diesen Brief gebracht? Who brought this message?

(Solo) (Solo) Krips: Krips: Ich bin tod, wenn ihr es sagt, I am dead when this is told,

(Arbander-Krips, together) (Arbander-Krips, together) Arbander: Arbander: Wer hat diesen Brief gebracht? Who has brought this message? Krips: Krips: Ich bin tod, wenn ihr es sagt, I am dead when this is told,

99 (Solo) (Solo) Mathilde: Mathilde: Fragt das nicht, ich bitt’ euch drum . Don’t ask that, I beg you!

(Solo) (Solo) Krips: Krips: Stille, still! Seid lieber Stumm! Quiet, quiet! Rather be silent!

(Solo) (Solo) Arbander: Arbander: Sag mir gleich den Kupler an, Tell me the go-between daß ich ihn bestrafen kann. so I can punish him . Hängen lass’ ich diesen Schuft. I’ll have the cad hanged.

(Arbander-Krips, together) (Arbander-Krips, together) Arbander: Arbander: Hängen lass; ich diesen Schuft! I’ll have the cad hanged! Krips: Krips: Ja, da hätt’ ich frische Luft. Yes, there I’d have fresh air.

(Solo) (Solo) Krips: (to Mathilde) Krips: (to Mathilde) Fräulein, ach, ich bitte euch, Miss, oh I beg you, Macht mir jetzt kein’ dummen Streich! Don’t make me the victim of a stupid prank now!

(Solo) (Solo) Mathilde: (to Arbander) Mathilde: (to Arbander) Vater, schenkt mir diese Frage Father, give me (excuse me from) this question Und ich will in dieser Lage And I will in this situation Mich nach eurem Willen fügen give myself to your will Und mein treues Herz besiegen, and conquer my true heart,

(Mathilde-Krips, together) (Mathilde-Krips, together) Mathilde: Mathilde: Meine Hand dem Prinzen geben, My hand to the Prince I’ll give, Dem Prinzen ge-. . . (end of fragment) to the Prince I’ll gi. . . (end of fragment) Krips: Krips: Gott sey Dank, ich bleib’ am Leben, God be thanked, I remain alive, Ja, ich bleib’ am le. . . (end of fragment) Yes, I remain. . . (end of fragment)

100 The St. Petersburg Score and Orchestra Parts, Gosudarstvenny akademichesky Mariinsky teatr Central'naya muzykalnaya biblioteka, RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373

According to Gubkina, the St. Petersburg score and orchestra parts are well preserved, with only slight damage at the edges of the leaves.11 The score, in two volumes, contains the overture and 21 numbers. Example 6.3, at the end of this chapter, provides incipits for each number in Das Waldmädchen, RF-Sprob, Sign. I, 1. W.373. Both score volumes are in oblong format and measure approximately 21.5 x 27.5 cm. The last 10–15 leaves of the first volume have some noticeable bleed-through, probably caused by invading moisture (slight on leaves 355–70, heavier on leaves 372–82). All of the text is readable, however. Volume 1 contains the Overture and Act 1 (Nos. 1–11), and comprises 382 numbered pages (390 pages total) bound between blue paper covers. Volume 2 contains Act 2 and comprises 214 pages bound in a lighter blue cover. The orchestra parts form a separate bundle of twenty individual paper-covered parts with the leaves wrapped together and fully enclosed in strong blue paper. Gubkina asserts that the characteristics of the handwriting support the possibility that it is Weber’s original score from Freiberg, but she does not specifically identify the single hand in which most of the manuscript is written. The handwriting alternates between darker and lighter shades of the same ink. There are corrections to several numbers (in a different hand or hands), indicating that this is a working copy, not an untouched fair copy. It is not clear when, where, or by whom the corrections were made. Page creases and re-pagination indicate that the score was used for at least one performance. The title page reads, “Das Wald Mädchen / Eine / Komische Oper / in / Zwey Aufzügen / von / Ritter von Steinsberg / in Musik gesetzt / von / Carl Marie von

Weber.”12 The pages of volume 1 are numbered in both ink and pencil, with the

11 RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373, as described in Gubkina, “Notizen.”

12 Underlining indicates larger handwriting. Slashes indicate line breaks.

101 numeral 1 appearing in ink on the upper right-hand corner of the title page. The overture begins on page 3. The pagination continues in pencil from page 2 through page 72, with the following exceptions in ink: pages 3, 17–19, 21, and 23–24. The remaining page numbers (73–382) are in ink. Between pages 132 and 133 there are eight unnumbered pages (four leaves), upon which are written No. 5, Krip’s aria, “Ein Bärenhäuter nimmt reiß aus und zahlt das Fersengeld” (“A bearskinner takes leave and takes to his heels”). Five different paper types are found within the two score volumes. Paper type 1 is thick and light-colored, with a particularly rough and porous surface. It has ten vertically laid staves per page, at intervals of 2.75 cm. The watermark for paper type 1 is a fleur de lis that measures approximately 8.5 cm long and about 4 cm wide and includes the maker’s mark “SK” and sometimes a ligature joining “S” with “T” and “K” (2.5 x 3 cm high). The watermark can be made out on the top or bottom of some of the leaves. Paper type 2 is darker-colored and has no discernable watermark . Paper type 3 is similar in thickness to type 1, but it has 8 horizontal staves per page (2.75 cm apart) and no discernable watermark . Paper type 4 is darker and smoother than type 1, with 8 oblong staves per page (measuring 2.45 cm) and an unreadable watermark with an unclear figure. Paper type 5 appears to have been used principally for insertions or to reorder certain sections of music. Its leaves are smaller than the other types and are found in two distinct sizes; one measures 20.3 (20.8) x 26.5 cm; the second measures 21.2 x 27.2 (27.6) cm. The rougher texture of paper type 5 is also easily distinguished from the smoother texture of type 4. Its irregularly spaced staves are in vertical format, and it has an unreadable watermark. The arrangement of musical numbers in volume 1 may have been significantly altered, for it seems originally to have contained twelve numbers. No. 9 was changed to No. 8, No. 10 was changed to No. 9, No. 11 was changed to No. 10, and No. 12 was changed to No. 11. The renumbering may have been caused by the removal of an entire number, or it may simply reflect a writing error. As previously noted, No. 5 (Aria , Krips,

“Ein Bärenhäuter nimmt reiß aus und zahlt das Fersengeld”) appears to have been

102 inserted between pages 132 and 133 (between Nos. 4 and 6). The pagination between the end of No. 4 (from page 132) and the beginning of No. 6 (page 133) is continuous, and not one of the subsequent page numbers beyond page 132 has been altered. Clearly, the aria was not written down in the sequential order that its placement between Nos. 4 and 6 suggests, since it is a different paper type with unnumbered pages.13 With the insertion of the four unnumbered leaves of No. 5, volume 1 comprises 390 pages, 382 of which are numbered sequentially. Paper type 1 is used for the first 150 leaves of music (300 numbered pages), which includes the title page, all of the overture, Nos. 1–4 and Nos. 6–10, and two sections of No. 11. Pages 301–326, which comprise a portion of No. 11, are on paper type 2. The final 56 pages of volume 1 (pages 327–382), comprising the last portion of No. 11, are on paper type 3, as is No. 5. The use of paper type 3 for the last portion of No. 11 and all of No. 5 suggests that the composition of No. 5 was concurrent with or at least close in time to the final revisions to No. 11. The chronological order of the revisions to No. 11 on paper types 2 and 3 is unclear, but since the pagination of those pages is continuous one can safely conclude that the pagination in ink was completed before the insertion (probably a replacement) of No. 5, but after the revisions to No. 11. Table 6.1 summarizes the contents of volume 1 of the St. Petersburg score, as described by Gubkina, including page numbers, paper types, tempi, keys, meters, character designations, titles, and text incipits for each number. Parentheses are used to indicate numbers that were re-numbered, inserted, or replaced, as described above.

13 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 39.

103 Table 6.1

Arrangement, Pagination, and Paper Types in Volume 1 of the St. Petersburg score to Das Waldmädchen (RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373)

PAGE NUMBERS CONTENTS PAPER TYPE TEMPO, KEY, METER, TEXT

Act 1 1 Title Page 3– Overtura 1 Adagio, D major, C time

No. 1 1 Allegro, F major, 3/8 time Introduction “Jaget hin und jaget her; Choro, Jäger Durch die Berge kreutz und quer”

No. 2 1 Allegro maestoso, D major, Aria , Krips C time “Ein Mensch er viel Kuerage hat ist auch gewiß nicht dumm”

No. 3 1 C major, 2/4 Marcia

–132 No. 4 1 Moderato, C major, alla breve; Duetto, [Printz] “Nimm deine Pfeil Printz, Krips und geh hinein, bring mir das Mädchen raus” unnumbered (No. 5) 3 Andante, F major, 2/4; insertion Aria , Krips “Ein Bärenhäuter nimmt reißaus und Zahlt das Fersengeld”

133– No. 6 1 Allegro – Sempre piano, Prinz, Chor C major, 3/8; Bb m ajor der Jäger at chorus entry

104 Table 6.1—continued

PAGE NUMBERS CONTENTS PAPER TYPE TEMPO, KEY, METER, TEXT

No. 7 1 Allegro maestoso, Eb major, Aria , Arbander C time “Handle stets nach meinem Willen dies befiehlt der Vater dir”

No. 8 (9) 1 Andante, G major, C time; Aria , Kunigunde “Wer Weiber hüten will, der muß gar früh aufstehn”

No. 9 (10) 1 Vivace, Bb major, C time; Quartetto, [Mathilde] “Ist es möglich Mathilde, Kunigunde, dass ichs glaube ist es Hertor Hertor, Wirlingo den ich seh”

No. 10 (11) 1 Vivace, C major, alla breve; Duetto, [Krips] “Ha nun bin ich Wirlingo, Krips desparad” [Wirlingo] “Nur gemach Herr Kamerad”

–300 No. 11 (12) 1 Amoroso, A major, 6/8; Finale. “Hör o Himmel, Hör die Klagen” Aria , Mathilde 301–326 2 327–382 3

Volume 2 has no title page. Its pagination is in ink throughout, with the numeral 1 appearing on the first page (which is the beginning of No. 12). Paper types 1, 4, and 5 are intermingled within this volume. Type 1 is used for most of No. 12 (from the beginning of the volume to page 16), for all of No. 17 (pages 125–154), and for all of Nos. 20–21 (to the end of the opera, pages 175–214). Type 4, a darker and smoother paper in oblong format with 8 horizontal staves per page (measuring 2.45 cm), comprises the end of No. 12 (pages 17–62), two sections of No. 16 (65–74, 77–124), and all of Nos. 18–19 (pages 155–174). Paper type 5 (vertical format) was used only for pages 63/64 and 75/76,

105 which are insertions to No. 14, Printz’s aria, “Sprich o Mädchen – liebst Du mich ebenso als wie ich Dich?” Table 6.2 summarizes the contents and organization of volume 2 of the St. Petersburg score.

Table 6.2

Arrangement, Pagination and Paper Types in Volume 2 of the St. Petersburg score to Das Waldmädchen (RF-Sprob, Sign. I.1.W.373)

PAGE NUMBERS CONTENTS PAPER TYPE TEMPO, KEY, METER, TEXT

Act 2 1–16; No. 12 1 Allegro, c minor, alla breve; 17– Duetto, 4 “Schrecklich tobt der Stürme Hertor, saußen, angstlich ist de Donners Wizlingo Braußen”

No. 13 4 Andante, D major, 2/4; Zwischen Musik

62– No. 14 4 Andantino -Sempre dolce, 63/64 insertion Aria , Printz 5 C major, 3/4; “Sprich o (original 65–68 (4) Mädchen, liebst du mich pinned together) 4 ebenso als wie ich Dich?” 75/76 insertion 5 (original 73–76 (4) pinned together) –76

77– No. 15 4 Moderato, E major, 2/4; Aria , Krips “Die Lieb ist blind, izt seh’ ichs ein, hat nicht ein gran Verstand”

106 Table 6.2 (Continued)

PAGE NUMBERS CONTENTS PAPER TYPE TEMPO, KEY, METER, TEXT

–124 No. 16 4 A major, C time Recitativo con “Ich will durch mein ganzen Aria , Leben Ihn erfüllen, meinen Mathilde Schwur”

125–154 No. 17 1 Allegro vivace, D major, alle Terzetto, breve; “Die-se Frechheit, Mathilde, dieser Trug, diese Arbander, Schandthat, diese Lug” Krips

155– No. 18 4 Allegretto, C major, 6/8; Duetto, Krips, “So komm du mein Liebchen, Kunigunde o komm denn mein Schatz, und gebe dem Krips’gen ein zärtlichen Schmatz”

–174 No. 19 4 C major, 2/4; Marcia

175– No. 20 1 Larghetto, F major, ¾; Der Fakel -Tanz

–214 No. 21 1 Allegro, D major, 2/4; Schlußchor “Heil dem Edlen Ehepaar, Wonne, Segen, Glück begleite”

There are three major revisions to Act 2. The largest are Nos. 18 and 19 (Duet, Krips and Kunigunde, and Marcia ), on smoother paper type 4 in oblong format, which were inserted between No. 17 and Nos. 20–21 (on paper Type 1, in vertical format). The current No. 18 and No. 19 were originally located in the middle of the second act (as Nos. 15 and 16). They were subsequently moved to their current position and renumbered. As a result, the middle of the second act focuses on the sentiments of

107 Mathilde, whose two consecutive numbers (No. 16, Recitative con Aria , and No. 17, Terzetto, Mathilde, Arbander, and Krips) fall between two contrasting comic numbers (No. 15, Aria , Krips, and No. 18, Duetto, Krips, Kunigunde). The repagination of Nos. 18 and 19 produced the current pagination of pages 155–174; those ten leaves were designated originally as pages 77–96. The second and third major revisions were made to No. 14, Aria, Printz (“Sprich o Mädchen, liebst du mich ebenso als wie ich Dich?”), an equally important lyrical point in the opera. It appears that the revisions in this number were related to the challenge of creating a meaningful dialogue between the Prince, who sings, and Silvana, who communicates her feelings through mime and gestures. Her actions are accompanied by a solo oboe. According to Gubkina, Weber incorporated remembrance motives into this number. The insertion of a single leave in paper type 5, as page 63/64 , follows a cut from pages 65–68 (type 4), which are pinned together. Paper type 5 was also used for the inserted leaf 75/76, which follows the cut created when the original pages 73–76 (type 4) were pinned together. The dimensions of the first inserted leaf (type 5) are 20.3 (20.8) x 26.5 cm. The second inserted leaf (type 5) measures 21.2 x 27.2 (27.6) cm. The inserted leaves were trimmed around their edges to fit within the borders of the existing pages of the volume, matching the established vertical format of No. 14. The cuts and insertions to No. 14 occurred after Nos. 18 and 19 were reordered, but before they were renumbered. The original arrangement of numbers in Act 2 was: Duetto (Hertor, Witzlingo), Zwischen-Musik, Aria (Krips), Duetto (Krips, Kunigunde), Marcia , Aria (Printz), Aria (Mathilde), Terzetto, Fackel -Tanz , Schlußchor. The revised order is: Duetto (Hertor, Witzlingo), Zwischen-Musik, Aria (Printz), Aria (Krips), Aria (Mathilde), Terzetto (Mathilde, Arbander, Krips, Duetto (Krips, Kunigunde), Marcia , Fackel -Tanz, Schlußchor.

The large cuts within pages 62 to 76 required additional musical revisions to No. 14, especially on pages 62 and 74. Two of these revisions were written on slips of paper cut from the original libretto text, which was written on light-colored very well- maintained paper with nearly black ink in a fully different hand. The revisions were

108 then tacked on to pages 62 and 74, over the original measures they replaced. The paper slips were secured with four pins of different lengths (from 2.6 to 3.3 cm). As a result, it is possible to compare the earlier version with the newer version. The first revision (page 62) replaces the last four beats on the page (measure 99), as shown in Example 6.1. A second slip of paper replaces the third of five measures on page 74 (at a point in the aria that is analogous to the first tacked-on revision), enlarging the aria by three measures. The slip of paper has a fragment of a watermark, possibly the lower portion of the coat of arms, but it is not sufficient to identify the paper’s maker. Old and new versions of that revision are shown in Example 6.2.

Earlier reading Revised reading

Example 6.1

Earlier and Revised Readings of the St. Petersburg Score to Weber’s Das Waldmädchen, Act 2, No. 14 (Aria, Printz), Measure 9914

14 The ¾ time signature appears in Gubkina, “Notizen,” 41–42.

109 Earlier reading Revised reading

Example 6.2

Earlier and Revised Readings of the St. Petersburg Score to Weber’s Das Waldmädchen, Act 2, No. 14 (Aria, Printz), Measures 156–58

The St. Petersburg score of Waldmädchen was kept together with its accompany- ing orchestra parts, providing rare insights about Weber’s orchestral scoring at this early period of his musical development. The set of handwritten orchestra parts was preserved in the same good condition as the score. The bundle of twenty separate parts is wrapped completely in a strong blue paper cover. The orchestra comprises parts for first and second violins, divided (Violino primo No. 1 and No. 2; Violino secondo No. 1 and No. 2); violas (Viole), cello—bass, divided (Violoncello—Basso No. 1; Basso No. 2); two flutes (Flauto primo; Flauto secondo); two oboes (Oboe primo; Oboe secondo); two clarinets (Clarinetto primo; Clarinetto secondo); an undesignated number of bassoons (Fagotti); two

110 horns (Corno primo; Corno secondo); two trumpets (Clarino primo; Clarino secondo); timpani (Timpano); and additional unpitched percussion (Tamburo—two separate untitled parts packaged together). The folder of orchestra parts also includes a string-tied bundle of 9 individual leaves. These appear to be rejected fragments from various individual parts to the Finale to the opera (Violino Primo, Violino Secondo, Viola , Flauti, Basso, Fagotto, Corni, among others). Other fragments and enclosures are found with the individual parts. Descriptions of each individual part follow: Violino Primo No. 1: Title page, 70 pages; enclosure of 2 pages (No. 15); enclosure of 2 pages, (Aria , No. 9); (Aria , No. 9½)15

Violino Primo No. 2: Title page, 70 pages; enclosure of 2 pages (No. 15); enclosure of 2 pages (Aria , No. 9)

Violino Secondo No. 1: Title, 74 pages, three undesignated enclosures of 2 pages each

Violino Secondo No. 2: Title, 74 pages, two undesignated enclosures of 2 pages each

Viole: Title, 62 pages, two undesignated enclosures of two pages each

Violoncello – Basso No. 1: Title, 62 pages, two undesignated enclosures of 2 pages each

Basso No. 2: Title, 60 pages, 2 untitled enclosures of 2 pages each

Flauto Primo: Title, 34 pages, enclosure of 2 pages (within an Aria )

Flauto Secondo: Title, 30 pages, enclosure of 2 pages (within an Aria ) and an enclosure inside consisting of a title and 3 pages (No. 13)

Oboe primo: Title, 52 pages, 1 page enclosure (within an Aria )

Oboe Secondo: Title, 50 pages, 1 page enclosure (within an Aria )

Clarinetto Primo: Title, 3 pages (no enclosure)

15 This appears to be Kunigunde’s Aria (No. 8, Aria , Kunigunde, “Wer Weiber hüten will”), which Weber originally thought of as No 9.

111 Clarinetto Secondo: Title, 3 pages, 1 page undesignated enclosure

Fagotti: Title, 46 page (no enclosure)

Corno Primo: Title, 50 pages, 2 enclosures (one is in E, No. 4)

Corno Secondo: Title, 50 pages, undesignated enclosures

Clarino primo: Title, 30 pages (no enclosure)

Clarino Secondo: Title, 30 pages (no enclosure)

Timpano: Title, 28 pages, enclosure of 1 page

Tamburo: 2 untitled parts, 3 pages each

The size of each orchestra part, along with the instrumentation indicated in the score, provides an overall sense of the composer’s orchestral palette. Weber appears to have taken considerable care to group violins, woodwinds, and brasses. The sound colors of the forest are depicted by the horns, including the typical horn entrances in the hunting choruses of No. 1, Introduction; No. 3, Marcia ; No. 6, Prinz Chor der Jäger; and others). Additionally, the oboe has many prominent solos (No. 9, Quartetto, Mathilde, Kunigunde, Hertor, and Wizlingo; No. 11, Aria , Mathilde; and No. 20, Fackel -Tanz; and the Mathilde’s Aria in Finale No. 11, among others). The oboe is strongly associated with the role of Silwana in No. 14, Aria , Printz. The oboe is also heard prominently throughout the opera, in various duets, intermittently with the trumpets, clarinets, or flutes, and doubling melodies in unison with the violins, as occurs in No. 2, Aria , Krips; No. 5, Aria , Krips; and No. 18, Duetto, Krips, Kunigunde). The bassoon is used as a traditional bass voice, and also as a melodic instrument for the Adagio theme of both the overture and No. 13, Zwischen Musik. The trumpet’s emerging melodic function is clear in No. 11, Finale. Similarly, the piccolo (indicated on the Flauto primo part) has an important melodic theme in No. 13, Zwischen Musik. Incipits of the numbers in Weber’s opera Das Waldmädchen, RF-Sprob, Sign. I, 1.

W.373 are shown in Figure 6.3. These are Gubkina’s transcriptions from the St.

112 Petersburg score.16 Unless otherwise indicated, all examples are scores for violins and oboe.

Act 1

A. Overtura

B. No. 1, Introduction, Choro Jäger

Example 6.3

Gubkina’s Incipits to the St. Petersburg Score of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen

16 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 46–49.

113 Example 6.3—continued

C. No. 2, Aria , Krips

D. No. 3, Marcia

E. No. 4, Duetto, Printz, Krips

114 Example 6.3—continued

Andante

F. No. 5, Aria , Krips

G. No. 6, Printz, Chor der Jäger

H. No. 7, Aria , Arbander

115

Example 6.3—continued

Andante

I. No. 8, Aria , Kunigunde

J. No. 9, Quartetto, Mathilde, Kunigunde, Hertor, Wirlingo

K. No. 10, Duetto, Wirlingo Krips

116 Example 6.3—continued

L. No. 11, Finale. Aria , Mathilde

Act 2

M. No. 12, Duetto, Hertor, Wizlingo

N. No. 13, Zwischen Musik

117 Example 6.3—continued

Andantino-sempre dolce

O. No. 14, Aria , Printz

P. No. 15, Aria , Krips

Q. No. 16, Recitativo con Aria , Mathilde

118 Example 6.3—continued

R. No. 17, Terzetto, Mathilde, Arbander, Krips

S. No. 18, Duetto, Krips, Kunigunde

T. No. 19, Marcia

119 Example 6.3—continued

U. No. 20, Der Fakel -Tanz

V. No. 21, Schlußchor.

Wranitzky’s Ballet and Weber’s Opera: Comparing Scores

The plot similarities between Steinsberg’s setting of Das Waldmädchen and Wranitzky’s ballet Das Waldmädchen are clear. Both works share the same title and depict a mute forest maiden who is discovered by a Prince during a hunting expedition. Because Steinsberg was familiar with the ballet, knew its plot, and had even produced Uhlich’s version of it prior to writing his libretto, it can be assumed that Steinsberg’s libretto portrays the same story events and characters as Wranitzky’s ballet. Consequently, Weber’s opera score should have at least a few musical numbers that depict the same events and occur in the same order as their counterparts in Wranitzky’s ballet score. If that is the case, such similarly ordered and dramatic musical elements

120 can be said to represent conventions of German musical theater that were common to both pantomime ballet and German opera at that time. The musical numbers in Wranitzky’s ballet score to Das Waldmädchen are listed in

Table 6.3.

Table 6.3

Organization of Musical Numbers in Wranitzky’s Ballet Das Waldmädchen (1796)

NUMBER KEY TEMPO METER OTHER

Sinfonia DM Vivace-Polonaise- 2/2–3/4–2/2 Primo Tempo No. 1 GM Allegretto 2/4 No. 2 DM Maestoso- 3/4– Allegro ma non troppo 6/8 Hunt-like No. 3 B?M Allegretto 3/8 p/staccato No. 4 FM Andante-Allegro ? –6/8 No. 5 DM (no indication) 2/4 attacca No. 6 B?M Allegro 6/8 No. 7 E?M Allegretto 2/4 No. 8 GM Allegretto 2/4 dotted rhythms No. 9 CM Poco adagio-Allegro 2/4–6/8 No. 10 AM Andantino 3/4 No. 11 EM 2/4 No. 12 AM Andantino 3/4 No. 13 AM Allegro 2/4 No. 14 DM Larghetto ? No. 15 AM Allegretto 2/4 No. 16 CM Larghetto ? No. 17 GM Larghetto 6/8 No. 18 CM Allegretto 2/4 No. 19 GM Larghetto 6/8–2/4 segue subito at meter change, then series of fermatas in 2/4 meter No. 20 FM un poco Allegro 3/8 No. 21 DM Maestoso 3/4

121 Table 6.3—continued

NUMBER KEY TEMPO METER OTHER

No. 22 FM Cosacca, 2/4 allegro non troppo No. 23 E?M–B?M– Andantino 2/4 Tense, loud, cm rhythmically active, wide melodic range No. 24 E?M Allegro 6/8 No. 25 DM Pas de Deux, Andantino ? No. 26 B?M Polonaise- 3/4 Original polonaise Andantino No. 27 CM Allegretto 2/4 No. 28 g min.– Adagio non troppo- ? – Introduction GM Polonaise 3/4 w/dotted rhythms; new polonaise No. 29 B?M Polonaise 3/4 melody; Original No. 30 FM Mazur 3/8 polonaise No. 31 CM Allegro vivace 2/4 Contretanz

Most of the musical numbers in Wranitzky’s score serve as a simple accompaniment to the dancers, whose actions, expressions, and gestures convey story events to the audience. Contrast between numbers is created by changing the meter, tempo, key, and instrumentation for each scene. Consequently, several keys are heard in the course of the score. The ballet includes numbers in C major, as well as the sharp keys of G Major, D major, A major, and E major (1–4 sharps), and the flat keys of F major, Bb Major, and Eb major (1–3 flats). Minor keys are heard in No. 23 (c minor) and No. 28 (g min or). Although not represented in the table, fermatas are frequently inserted within or between musical numbers to signal to the audience that a change is about to occur. These elements are all typical of any ballet score and are necessitated to some extent by the requirements of a danced stage work. Wranitzky occasionally employs the orchestra for exclusively dramatic purposes, however, choosing meter, tempo, key, and instrumentation, as well as formal elements,

122 for their ability to convey a particular mood or setting, or to express some aspect of the plot. Meter, tempo, key, instrumentation, and formal elements can also be used to depict the feelings of a character or characters, or to convey information about the story to the audience directly by providing specific sounds or events that otherwise could not be represented on stage. In Wranitzky’s score the first dramatic element of this type is the key of D major in the opening Sinfonia. As an instrumental movement with no dancers or actors, the Sinfonia is the first expressive utterance heard by the audience. The composer’s choice of key, therefore, is important. The playbill from the premiere of Wranitzky’s ballet establishes that the story takes place in a forest during a hunt, when a Polish prince and his servant discover a wild maiden. The concept of affective key characteristics espoused by Christian Friedrich Daniel Schubart in 1806 explains how Wranitzky might have selected the best key for his Sinfonia: Every key is either coloured (sic) or uncoloured. Innocence and simplicity are expressed by uncoloured keys. Tender and melancholy feelings [are espressed] by flat keys; wild and strong passions by sharp keys.17

With only two sharps, the key of D major was regarded as a “less colored” key, not entirely innocent and simple (as C major would represent), but only slightly more complicated in character. Keys with a greater number of sharps or flats—the more colored keys—were used to depict more intense, complex, or anxiety-laden emotions or circumstances. The choice of a sharp key and not a flat key is also significant. The

17 “Jeder Ton ist entweder gefärbt oder nicht gefärbt. Unschuld und Einfalt drückt man mit ungefärbten Tönen; Sanfte, melancholische Gefühle mit B-Tönen; wilde und starke Leidenschaften mit Kreuztönen.” Christian Friedrich Daniel Schubart, “Charakteristik der Töne: Aus meiner Äesthetik der Tonkunst,” Ideen zu einer Ästhetik der Tonkunst, ed. Ludwig Schubart (Vienna: Degen, 1806); reprint edited by P. A. Merbach (Leipzig: Wolkenwander-Verlag, 1924), 261. Translation in Rita Steblin, A History of Key Characteristics in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1983), 121. Hereafter, Steblin, A History of Key Characteristics.

123 association of “wild and strong passions” with sharp keys corresponds is suitable for the opening music of a stage work about a wild child of nature. The ternary form of Wranitzky’s Sinfonia frames the characteristic rhythms of a Polish national dance in 3/4 meter. The middle Polonaise section is preceded by an opening A section (70 measures) in 2/4 meter in a fast tempo that stops abruptly with a fermata (and the instructions siegue Polonois’e). The rhythmic interruption of the fermata signals to the audience that a change is about to take place, a standard device for ballets. Typically, fermatas interrupt a scene to signal the entrance of a new character or characters. Because there are no dancers on stage during the Sinfonia, however, the dramatic function of this fermata is to direct the audience’s attention to the music that will follow, calling attention to the slower, triple-meter polonaise melody. 18 The fanfare- like rhythms of the polonaise melody represent the Polish Prince. Wranitzky draws upon this association several times in his score. The polonaise melody returns in No. 26 and No. 29, toward the end of the opera, at which point dancers on stage were prob ably dancing a polonaise. Wranitzkys reason for introducing this melody in the Sinfonia would have been to help establish the nationality of one of the main characters. At the conclusion of the polonaise section of the Sinfonia, which comprises only 32 m easures (an 8 measure phrase that is repeated, followed by a sixteen measure section), the A section returns in 2/4 meter and vivace, to round off the opening number. Notably, the entire movement is in the key of D major. The musical numbers in Weber’s opera score to Das Waldmädchen are listed in

Table 6.4.

18 The polonaise is a festive processional couple dance in triple meter with short repeated sections. It originated as a Polish folk dance with a sung accompaniment, and was subsequently adopted by the courts. A more stylized instrumental version became popular in the eighteenth century, featuring a moderate tempo, triple meter, a lack of upbeats, and the repetition of rhythmic figures, and was used as an accompaniment to courtly dance. Don Michael Randel, ed., The New Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1986), 644. Hereafter, Randel.

124 Table 6.4

Organization of Musical Numbers in the St. Petersburg Score to Weber’s Opera Das Waldmädchen (1800)

NUMBER KEY TEMPO METER CHARACTER(S)

Act 1 Overtura DM Adagio C (Instrumental) No. 1 Introduction FM Allegro 3/8 Choro Jäger No. 2 Aria DM Allegro maestoso C Krips No. 3 Marcia CM 2/4 (Instrumental) No. 4 Duetto CM Moderato ? Printz, Krips No. 5 Aria FM Andante 2/4 Krips No. 6 CM/B? Allegro-sempre piano 3/8 Prinz, Chor der Jäger No. 7 Aria E?M Allegro maestoso C Arbander No. 8 Aria GM Andante C Kunigunde No. 9 Quartetto B?M Vivace C Mathilde, Kunigunde, Hartor, Witzlingo No. 10 Duetto CM Vivace Witzlingo, Krips No. 11 Finale-Aria AM Amoroso 6/8 Mathilde

Act 2 No. 12 Duetto cm Allegro ? Hartor, Witzlingo No. 13 Zwischen DM Andante 2/4 (Instrumental) Musik No. 14 Aria CM Andantino 3/4 Prinz No. 15 Aria EM Moderato 2/4 Krips No. 16 Recitative AM C Mathilde con Aria No. 17 Terzetto DM Allegro vivace ? Mathilde, Arbander, Krips No. 18 Duetto CM Allegretto 6/8 Krips, Kunigunde No. 19 Marcia CM 2/4 (Instrumental) No. 20 Der Fakel - FM Larghetto 3/4 (Instrumental) Tanz No. 21 Schlußchor DM Allegro 2/4 (Tutti)

125 An opera overture, like the Sinfonia of a pantomime-ballet, establishes the mood, setting, and characters of the story that is to follow. The first scene of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen takes place in a remote forest setting, near the opening of a cave. Like

Wranitzky, Weber chose the key of D major for his opening music. (Weber would continue to employ this association of D major with forest and hunt scenes for his operas, Silvana and Der Freischütz 19) His overture begins with a D major chord repeated three times. Wranitzky’s score moves to G major for No. 1, Allegretto, which is 19 measures long and too brief to accompany a dance. Rather, this short number seems better suited to a more practical function, to accompany a lighting change or perhaps the raising of a curtain. The use of this key shifts the tonality of the score away from D major, but to a closely related key. This tonal contrast helps emphasize the return to D major for No. 2, Maestoso-Allegro ma non troppo. Along with the return to D major, the meter shifts from 2/4 to 3/4 for the opening Maestoso section. This is probably the first danced number in the ballet. The second section of Wranitzky’s No. 2 is in 6/8 meter, Allegro ma non troppo.

Here the orchestral score brings the sound of a hunt to the audience’s ears, informing them that the forest setting on the stage is populated by a band of hunters. In the most practical sense, horn calls (Jagdmusik) were a means of communicating during a hunt.

Triadic melodies in 6/8 meter were commonly used to convey the spirit of the hunt.20 In Weber’s opera score No. 1, Introduction, Choro Jäger, corresponds with the hunt-like music from Wranitzky’s ballet, No. 2, Maestoso-Allegro ma non troppo. Weber’s

19 Kirk Ditzler, “The motif of the forest in Weber's Silvana and Der Freischuetz,” The Opera Journal 31 (1998), 39–40.

20 Eighteenth-century examples of similar hunt-like music include the hunting scene in George Frederic Handel’s opera Giulio Cesare (1725), Carl Stamitz’s Symphony in D (“La chasse,” 1772), and J. S. Bach’s Cantata, “Was mir behagt, ist nur die muntre Jagd!” (Hunting Cantata), BWV 208. A scene from Haydn’s oratorio Die Jahreszeiten (1801) is a nearly contemporary example of this expressive practice. Horace Fitzpatrick and Peter Downey, “Jagdmusik,” Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 20 March 2005), http://www.grovemusic.com .

126 hunting chorus is in the key of F major, not D major (like Wranitzky’s hunt music), but Weber returns to the key of D major for the first solo number, No. 2, Aria , Krips (“Ein Mensch er viel Kuerage hat ist auch gewiß nicht dumm.”) Like the previously mentioned sections in D major, the music for No. 23, Andantino , stands apart from the rest of the music in Wranitzky’s score. Here, it is not the key or the meter, or the invocation of a national dance, but the violent nature of the music that is the obviously dramatic element. The music for this number is loud and rhythmically active, with forte dotted sixteenth-note scale-like passages in the first violin that race up and down the melodic range of the instrument. The harmony shifts restlessly after 31 measures in E? major to B? major. It then modulates to the key of c minor for the rest of the number. This is one the longest numbers in the ballet (183 measures). The music clearly expresses something threatening, ominous, or violent, although it is not possible to identify its precise significance without knowing more about the ballet’s story. The opening number to the second act of Weber’s opera, No. 12., Duetto, Hartor, Witzlingo, “Schrecklich tobt der Stürme sausen, ängstlich ist des Donners Brausen”

(“The roaring gale whistles terribly, the thunder’s roar is frightening“) seems analogous to No. 23 of Wranitzky’s ballet. Both numbers occur toward the middle of each stage work. Wranitzky’s storm -like music precedes a Pas de Deux between the Polish Prince and the forest maiden. Viennese pantomime-ballets typically ended with a tutti finale, in which the entire cast of dancers was assembled together on the stage. Plot events leading up to this finale had to be ordered in such a way that each of the characters returned to the stage gradually, through several numbers preceding the finale. To begin this progression it was necessary for most of the dancers to exit the stage at an earlier point. This could be accomplished by a scene change, or by a simple exit of the corps, leaving only one or two dancers in front of the audience. Usually, the best dancers—the soloists—would then be featured in a succession of solo or duo numbers that showcased their technique. Subsequent numbers, in quick succession, would then involve more and more dancers,

127 until finally, everyone was on stage. The music that typically accompanied the final dance scene in a pantomime ballet of this period was a Contretanz . Wranitzky’s score ends in this fashion, with No. 31, Allegro vivace, Contretanz . This number is also the final component of an interesting series of dances that begins with No. 25, a Pas de Deux in D major. Only two dancers would have occupied the stage for No. 25 (presumably, the Prince and the forest maiden). The subsequent numbers leading to the final Contretanz , in order, include No. 26, the recapitulation of the original polonaise melody. A polonaise is a procession-like dance for couples, which would have allowed new pairs of dancers to join the original couple on stage. Next follows a simple Allegretto (C major, 2/4 meter) which lasts 83 measures, leading up to an Adagio (No. 28) in g minor with dotted rhythms. The action on stage cannot be determined at this point. No. 28 shifts abruptly into G major, however, when it introduces a new polonaise melody—probably danced by even more couples. Two more Polish dances follow, No. 29, which is the original Polonaise melody once again, and No. 30, a Mazur.21 The Mazur, or mazurka, is a particularly interesting choice, for this Polish national dance is usually performed by four, eight, or twelve couples. Thus, the progression of music from No. 25 to No. 29, would have required more and more characters to return to the stage in preparation for the final Contretanz. In addition, the alternation of meters, keys, and tempi (from slow to fast) would have generated a sense of anticipation and forward momentum that culminated in the closing dance scene. No. 25, the Pas de Deux (again in D major) is Andantino and in duple meter (alla breve). This scene probably featured the two principal male and female characters, i.e., the Prince and the forest maiden. The number is 101 measure long, with short repeated sections between measures 2–11 and 23–30 ending pianissimo. This is followed by the original polonaise melody (No. 26) in 3/4 meter (B? major at a similarly moderate tempo that lasts more than 100 measures. No. 27,

21 Mazur is the Polish word for Mazurka , a Polish folk dance in triple time from the province of Mazovia, near Warsaw. These dances were usually danced by four, eight, or twelve couples, with movements that were highly improvisational. Randel, 477.

128 Allegretto, is in 2/4 meter and C major—the uncolored key of innocence and simplicity.

This number is 83 measures long. Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31 form a sequence of briefer dance numbers. No. 28 begins with a slow (Adagio non troppo) 9-measure introduction in g minor, which features dotted rhythms alla breve, but shifts abruptly to a new polonaise melody (3/4 meter in G m ajor—37 measures). Next comes the original polonaise melody (No. 29, 3/4 meter in B? major—21 measures), and that number segues directly to No. 30, Mazur (in F major, 3/8 meter—21 measures). The final Contretanz (No. 31), in C m ajor, is in 2/4 meter and comprises 63 measures to end the ballet. A similar sequence can be observed in Weber’s score. A stormy aria (No. 12) begins Act 2. The Prince’s aria, No. 14 (“Sprich o Mädchen, liebst du mich?”), during which Silwana gestures in silent response to the Prince’s declarations of love, is analogous to the Pas de Deux in Wranitzky’s ballet. Next are two more solo arias (No. 15, Aria Krips, and No. 16, Recitative con Aria , Mathilde) and a trio (No. 17, Terzetto,

Mathilde, Arbander, Krips), all of which culminate with the revelation of Silwana’s identity. This series of solo and ensemble numbers featuring the main characters of the opera is similar to the sequence of dance numbers (Nos. 26 through 29) in Wranitzky’s ballet that probably featured each of the solo dancers in some way. Krips’s duet with Kunigunde (No. 18) is followed by a comic march (No. 20), which leads directly into the final sequence of ensemble numbers and closing chorus. Gubkina’s incipits provide only a small fraction of Weber’s score, making it impossible to determine if any polonaise or mazurka melodies are included among the musical numbers of Weber’s opera. Nevertheless, the Prince’s Polish nobility becomes apparent through the final Fackeltanz , is a torch dance procession associated with important weddings or other state occasions. Weber’s opera premiered in Saxony, during the unsettling years of the Napoleonic wars. In the previous century the Elector of Saxony had also been the King of Poland. After 1797, however, because Saxony’s army fought on the side of Napoleon at the Battle of Leipzig and lost, substantial territories of Saxony were ceded to Prussia. The presentation of a traditional Fakeltanz would have been an obvious symbol of Polish nationalism to Weber’s audiences at

129 Freiberg and Chemnitz. Additionally, the number functions much the same way as Wranitzky’s polonaise/Mazur sequence, bringing Weber’s entire cast of singers back onto the stage for the Schlußchor that ends the opera. Both scores appear to follow the same plot and employ many of the same musical convention, establishing a close link between pantomime-ballet and early German Romantic opera. Both stage works begin in the slightly colored key of D major, a key that is subsequently linked to forest scenes and the hunt. Each has a hunting scene early on, almost immediately after the opening music. Both works also employ traditional folk dances or melodies to reflect the national identity of the Prince. About half-way through each score, each work features instrumental music in a minor key— apparently storm music, typical in stage works at the time. The scores each continue with a scene between the Prince and the forest maiden, followed by a series of solo or ensemble numbers that feature each of the main characters of the opera. Finally, each concludes with a final procession that brings the entire cast back to the stage. Weber might have had access to Wranitzky’s ballet score, but one cannot be sure that he did. Nevertheless, it is clear that he was familiar with the musical conventions used by Wranitzky for the ballet. Weber continued to develop his own applications of similar expressive musical gestures throughout his career as an opera composer. His second setting of the Waldmädchen story as Silvana , for example, includes many of these same elem ents. In that score the key of D major is associated with hunt music and forest scenes, vivid storm music is set in a minor key, and folk dances lead to a final chorus. Weber even reused his entire overture from Das Waldmädchen as the overture to Silvana , illustrating the seminal importance of this early stage work on his developing concept of German opera.

130

CHAPTER 7

THE CHEMNITZ CAST AND THE PERFORMANCE AT PRAGUE

The Chemnitz Cast

The list of cities visited by members of Steinsberg’s company correlates closely to the performance history of both Wranitzky’s ballet and Weber’s early opera. Steinsberg’s company had multiple residencies between early 1799 and 24 August 1800, when they arrived at Freiberg. They were at Karlsbad from May to August 1799, which was their regular summer season at that city. As already noted, Weber and his father first met Steinsberg at Karlsbad that summer. On 12 September the company began a new residency at Augsburg, and they remained there until the end of the year.1 Uhlich’s version of Wranitzky’s ballet was performed during that residency at Augsburg. All company members’ names are preserved in A. L. Dahlstedt’s account of that residency. Although only last names are provided, this source establishes that most of the members of the cast of Das Waldmädchen at Chemnitz in 1800 had been in residence with

Steinsberg at Augsburg in 1799. In addition to Steinsberg, the company was comprised of the following male performers: Braunmüller, Ernst, Haag, Hartmann, Hübner, Jungheim, Kees, Löser (who would sing the role of Ritter Wensky in Weber’s Das Waldmädchen), Muck, Müller, Anton Schicketanz, Seebuch, Seidl (he would later play the part of Krips at Chemnitz), Spania, Truatwett, Uhlich, Wagner, Wieser, and Zilhart. The female performers are listed as: Braunmüller, Dywe, Ernst, Haag, Löser (who would sing the role of Kunigunde in Weber’s Das Waldmädchen), Muck, Müller, Seidl, Spania

1 Dahlstedt, Augsburg, previously cited.

131 (who would dance the role of Silwana), Uhlich, and Wieser. An erratum on the last page mentions that one company member’s name was omitted from the list of personnel: Herr von Harrer (who would play the role of Rechter).2 There is little extant information about these individuals. However, the names of at least a few appear in other sources. As with Steinsberg, the inconsistent spelling of names and the use of stage names tends to frustrate historical inquiry. Madame Loeser (Kunigunde), as her name appears in the Chemnitz playbill, was probably also known as Therese Leiser (née Perekop, 1771–1846).3 The spelling “Leiser” was used in Goethe’s Theater-Kalendar of 1794, where she is listed as a member of the German company of the

Nationaltheater (which was the Nostitz Theater at Prague).4 The name is spelled “Löser” in a letter from Franz Anton to Joseph Kirms at Weimar, written 10 December 1800 (in reference to Herr Löser, the spouse of this actress).5 During the winter season 1793–94, while the Seconda company was away from Prague, this troupe also performed both German and Czech works at Prague’s Thunovské divadlo (Thun’s theater), also known as the Kleinseitner Theater), which was sponsored by Count Thun at the Raymann house in Malá Strana (in English, the Lesser Town district, on the left bank of the Vltava

River, and south of Prague’s Castle District).6 Teuber also notes that Therese Leiser was

2 Another notable name appearing in this account is “Herr Sennefelder [sic],” who on 9 December made a guest appearance in the role of the father in Wenzel Müller’s Das neue Sonntagskind. Dahlstedt, Augsburg, 21. Alois Senefelder was the former actor, playwright, and lithographer from Munich to whom Weber was apprenticed from 1798 to 1800. It is not known if Alois Senefelder was at Augsburg for this production, or if the guest actor was merely someone with the same last name.

3 Teuber 2: 312, f. n.

4 Ibid. She was with the company during the winter season of 1793–94.

5 Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar, 2: 28.

6 Teuber 2: 312. From 1803, the Thunovské divadlo (also Kleinseitner Theater) was known as the Malostranské divadlo. From 1803 to 1811 it was the only troupe in Prague that continued to perform Czech-language stage works. Their facility at that time was the refectorium of former Dominican cloister in the Church of St. Maria Magdalena.

132 a member of the German company of the Nostitz Theater from as early as 1790. He references her maiden name instead of her married name on one of his lists, stating that “Madamoiselle Perekop” was an actress capable of performing in spoken plays as the principal love interest, good at naïve roles and Verkleiderollen (disguised roles), who also sings.7 Therese was likely Czech, capable of working in both German or Czech productions. Later in his history, Teuber singles her out as the “pearl of the company,” stating that she played principal love interest roles in spoken plays, comedies and tragedies, and also sang principal roles in operas.8 She appears to have been quite talented and in demand in the mid-1790s, for on 18 February 1795 she was employed at Vienna’s Burgtheater, although there is no indication of that she remained at that venue for any length of time.9 Her affiliation with theater companies in Prague and Vienna makes it likely that she worked with Steinsberg’s troupe at Augsburg from September to December of 1799, and later at Freiberg and Chemnitz from August to December 1800. Notably, Therese Leiser was married to Franz W. Leiser (b. 1759), who specialized in military roles. He could have been the Herr Loeser who played the role of Ritter Wensky in Das Waldmädchen, and the

Löser that Franz Anton mentioned in his letter to Kirms. Herr Krüger, the actor who portrayed Conrad Witzlingo, was probably Karl Friedrich Krüger (1765–1814), hereafter Karl Krüger. Many aspects of his biography are unclear, but there is convincing evidence that he had worked at both Weimar and

Alena Jacobcová and Jitka Ludvová, “Deutschsprachiges Theater in Prag: Spielstätten und Quellen, “ in Deutschsprachiges Theater in Prag, Alena Jacobcová, Jitka Ludvová, and Václav Maidl, ed. (Divadelní Ustav: Prague, 2001), 499. Hereafter, Jacobcová and Ludvová, “Prague Theater Companies.”

7 Teuber, 2: 255.

8 Teuber, 2: 255.

9 Teuber, 2: 312.

133 Prague before joining Steinsberg’s company.10 Karl Krüger was born in Berlin, where he made his stage debut in 1785.11 He studied mime with J. J. Engel and stage direction with K. T. Döbbelin before joining theater companies in Hanover (1788–89), Amsterdam

(1789–91), and Weimar (beginning on 12 May 1791), where he remained until 1795.12 Franz Anton probably knew Karl Krüger at Weimar in 1794, when Genovefa von Weber had also been employed at the Weimar Hoftheater. Daughter Jeannette von Weber, and her husband, actor Vincenz Weyrauch, had also been employed there since the early 1790s, so it is likely that they also knew Karl Krüger. Franz Anton specifically mentioned that Herr Krüger had performed in Carl Maria’s new opera when he wrote to

Joseph Kirms (Intendant at the Weimar Hoftheater) on 10 December 1800.13 He explained that Krüger had experienced success at Prague. He also specified that Krüger was not the “Directeur Krüger” who earlier in 1800 had brought an inferior troupe to

Freiberg and Teplitz.14 This affiliation with Weimar’s theater community in the 1790s

10 Ludwig Eisenberg, “Karl Friedrich Krüger,” in Grosses Biographisches Lexikon der Deutschen Bühne im XIX. Jahrhundert (Leipzig: Paul List, 1903), 554–55. Hereafter, Eisenberg. This seems the most likely identification. However, Krüger is a common surname that appears in several sources, often without a first name.

11 Eisenberg, 554.

12 Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar, 2: 30.

13 Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar, 2: 28.

14 According to Max Maria von Weber, someone named Krüger had been the director of a troupe in residence at Freiberg’s Buttermarkt Theater from 17 January to 18 May 1800. Apparently the director had programmed overly ambitious works, such as Mozart’s Don Giovanni (as Don Juan) and Die Zauberflöte, Winter’s Des unterbrochenen Opferfest, and also Hamlet, all of which were beyond the scope of his company’s dramatic, musical, and technical capacity. Rather than heroic or inspiring, the performances were laughable productions, causing city officials to terminate the contract with Krüger’s company. MMW, 54. Mention must also be made that the name Krüger (with no first name) appears on Teuber’s roster of the German company that performed in Prague at both the Nostitz Theater and Kleinseitner Theater (or Thunovské divadlo) during the winter season of 1793–94. Teuber, 2: 312. That Krüger is described as

134 lends support to the conclusion that Karl Friedrich Krüger sang the role of Witzlingo in Weber’s Das Waldmädchen at Chemnitz in 1800. Eisenberg states that Karl Krüger went to Amsterdam to direct a theater company in 1795, but did he not remain in Holland for long. Instead he took an engagement at Prague, where in 1798 was hired to direct a touring company. 15 Karl Krüger’s whereabouts between 1798 and 1800 are unclear. He may have been touring with Stentzsch’s troupe, or perhaps was working with other colleagues in the area, including Steinsberg.16 The only thing certain, thanks to Franz Anton’s letter, is that he was not the inept director of the troupe that was in Freiberg during the spring of 1800.17 an actor who played love interest (Liebhaber) and character roles in spoken plays, and also sang.

15 “ . . . . nach Amsterdam lenkte ihm 1795 auf kurze Zeit abermals nach Holland, er blieb jedoch nicht lange, nahm Engagement in Prag, übernahm 1798 die Leitung einer reisenden Schauspielergesellschaft. . . .” Eisenberg, 554; Teuber, 2: 319. Teuber identifies someone named Krüger (again, no first name) as the stage director of Stentzsch’s combined touring company (with members from both Prague and Karlsbad), but the year was 1797. Teuber, 2: 319. See Table 3.3. It will be remembered that Steinsberg officially became the director of the vaterländische Gesellschaft at the Hibernium in 1797– 98, when Stentzsch began negotiating the sale of the Nostitz Theater to the Royal Bohemian Estates in 1797. A confusing situation developed because Stentzsch did not fully relinquish his post to Steinsberg, and Steinsberg maintained his post as the director of the German company at the Nostitz Theater. Stentzsch managed a traveling troupe of members from both the Hibernium and the Karlsbad theaters during the 1797–98 season, and hired a stage director named Krüger, probably Karl Friedrich Krüger, to work with that company. In 1798, after Steinsberg’s contract at the Nostitz Theater ended and was not renewed, Steinsberg took members of the vaterländische Gesellschaft to Karlsbad, where they were in residence from May to August 1798. Steinsberg’s stage director during that residency was Karl Währ. Refer to Table 3.4. Teuber, 2: 321, f. n.

16 Eisenberg states that in 1800 Karl Krüger traveled to Leipzig to direct a theater there, but financial difficulties forced him to leave in 1801. He went to Brünn next, where after only six months he was invited to join the German company at Vienna’s Burgtheater. In 1802 he married Karoline Spengler (née Giranek, b. 1753), an actress from Prague who was employed at the Burgtheater from 1802 to 1822. She was the widow of Franz Spengler, the former director of Prague’s Thunovské divadlo from 1793 to 1794, and the German company at the Nostitz Theater from 1793 to 1796. Eischenburg, 554; Jacobcová and Ludvová, “Prague’s Theater Companies,” 496.

135 Dahlstedt’s chronicle of the residency at Augsburg in 1799 provides additional information about Steinsberg’s other company members who were not directly involved with Weber’s new opera in 1800. The details of their careers help establish a link between Steinsberg’s libretto and Wranitzky’s ballet. Dancers Jungheim and Uhlich, who were in Steinsberg’s company at Augsburg, had worked at Prague’s Nostitz Theater in 1796. Their colleagues there included Madame Spania, who would eventually dance the role of Silwana in Weber’s new opera, and a fourth dancer named Heiß. Madame Spania, Heiß, Jungheim, and Uhlich had all been traveling with Steinsberg’s troupe since May 1798. Jungheim, Uhlich, and Heiß were also choreographers, and it is in this capacity that Uhlich played a particularly significant role at Augsburg, and possibly at the venues they visited prior to that residency. Specifically, Dahlstedt’s chronicle notes that Steinsberg’s company performed Uhlich’s new version of the ballet Das Waldmädchen in that city on 16 September 1799.18

Additional performances took place on 24 September, and 2, 5, 16, and 24 December, 1799. This makes it clear that although Steinsberg was in Karlsbad when Brunetti’s version of Das Waldmädchen premiered at Prague on 28 May 1798, he was familiar with the ballet, knew its plot, and had produced at least one version of the ballet prior to writing his libretto to Das Waldmädchen. For artistic reasons alone Steinsberg could have borrowed the plot from the ballet Das Waldmädchen as the basis for his new opera libretto. He might also have needed to address a more practical concern, especially if his productions of the ballet had been popular with audiences. If the ballet required a large cast of dancers, for example,

17 Herr Aßmann, who sang the role of Fürst Hartor, is also mentioned in Franz Anton’s letter to Kirms on 10 December 1800. Pasqué, Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar, 2: 28. His former affiliation with Prague’s theater community, if any, is unknown. Similarly, I was unable to find any information about Herr Gromann, who sang the role of Fürst Arbander.

18 Dahlstedt, 12, 20–22.

136 Steinsberg would have needed a sizeable ballet corps. When he had left Prague with the vaterändische Gesellschaft in 1799, the entire corps of dancers from the German company of the Estates Theater had gone with him . However, Steinsberg’s dancers had gradually begun returning to the Estates Theater in 1799.19 The movements of Steinsberg’s company members can be tracked by comparing the personnel listed in Dahlstedt’s chronicle with personnel rosters from Prague in 1800. Heiß had already returned to the Estates Theater before Steinsberg’s residency at Augsburg in 1799. Uhlich returned to Prague shortly afterward, for he is listed as a “Grotesk-dancer” on the roster of the Estates Theater in 1800.20 Having lost at least two principal male dancers by 1800, Steinsberg had to reconsider his company’s repertoire, relying less on ballet, perhaps, and more on spoken plays and opera. By using the plot of Das Waldmädchen as the basis for a new opera libretto, he could continue to produce a stage work depicting the popular and mysterious forest maiden. But to do so would require a score. Six months after the Augsburg residency ended, Steinsberg promised Freiberg’s city officials that his newest opera libretto would be presented in their city for the first time. Perhaps to ensure that audiences would be drawn to the performance, he kept the original title of the ballet and named the new opera Das Waldmädchen.

A Performance at Prague in Czech

Weber’s early opera can now be studied within this fuller historical context. It was a sequel, a stage work that had been inspired by the popularity of Wranitzky’s original Viennese ballet. As in the ballet, its title character is a strange young woman who cannot speak, whose identity is shrouded in mystery, and whose bizarre actions both confound and enchant the other characters. This character and plot apparently

19 Teuber, 2: 351.

20 Ibid. Heiß had been with Steinsberg’s troupe at Karlsbad in 1798. Teuber, 2: 340.

137 intrigued Weber sufficiently to become the subject of another operatic version (Silvana ) eight years later. Given the public’s continuing interest in the topic of feral childen, it is not possible to overstate the lengthy reception of Wranitzky’s original ballet.21 Naturally, Weber, like Steinsberg, would have hoped to capitalize on the popularity of this topic when, using Steinsberg’s libretto, he collaborated with poet F. K. Hiemer to produce another version of the Waldmädchen story. The fact that there were several versions of the ballet Das Waldmädchen before

Steinsberg incorporated its plot into an opera libretto would not have been unusual at the time, for in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries librettists and theater directors commonly revised popular stage works to suit the requirements of a particular stage and to appeal to the taste of the public. 22 Weber’s decision to compose a second opera (Silvana ) based on the characters, events, and settings of Das Waldmädchen, even reusing some of the music for his earlier version, merely reflects that practice. Occasionally titles were also changed in subsequent productions, but not always. The title of the opera when it premiered at Freiberg was Das Waldmädchen, but the title was Das stumme Waldmädchen for the second performance at Chemnitz. Both the title and substantial portions of the score were modified for Wenzel Müller’s three-act version of Weber’s opera, Das Mädchen in Spessarterwald, at the Leopoldstadt Theater in 1804–5. And the extensive revisions to the St. Petersburg score, too, can be attributed to the practice of modifying a popular work to suit local needs. Given these methods, which were used by Czech troupes as well as German companies, there is no reason to doubt that Das Waldmädchen was translated into Czech for performances at Prague, as Weber claimed. But did such a performance actually take place? If so, in what theater? It could not have been directed by Steinsberg, for in

21 The Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung records that Stentzsch’s touring group was in Mannheim in January and February 1799, and that a ballet called Das Waldmädchen was among the repertoire they performed. Das Waldmädchen was presented on 10 and 29 January.

22 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 44.

138 November 1802 he went to St. Petersburg and became the stage director at that city’s

German theater company.23 He remained in Russia for the rest of his life.24 Other members of his company at Freiberg and Chemnitz probably did return home, however. Between 1803 and 1806 there was a renaissance of Czech theater productions in

Prague.25 This was possible because the original privilege that had been awarded to the vaterländische Gesellschaft in 1786 was still owned by Antonín Zappe (c. 1748-23

November 1824), a founding member of the patriotic troupe. During Steinsberg’s absence Zappe had continued to work with the Kleinseitner Theater (Malostranské divadlo), the company that had employed Therese Leiser, and possibly her husband and Karl

Krüger also, during the 1793-94 season.26 With the authority of Zappe’s concession, the director of the Malostranské divadlo, named Zohrer, was able to lease a former Dominican cloister at the Church of St. Mary Magdalene in the Mala Straná district. That facility was converted into a small theater. The troupe readied itself to present a series of

Czech-language works from fall 1803 to Easter 1804.27 Only one month into their new season, however, Steinsberg’s former colleague at the Nostitz Theater, impresario Domenico Guardisoni, began negotiating with the Malostranské divadlo about the possibility of presenting Czech stage works at the Estates Theater instead.28 Guardasoni

23 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 35.

24 Gubkina, “Notizen,” 36.

25 Arthur Prudden Coleman, Kotzebue and the Czech Stage (Schenectady: Electric City Press, 1936), 15.

26 Teuber, 2: 255, 369. Adolf Scherl, “Zappe, Antonín,” in Národní Divadlo a jeho predchudci: Slovník um elcu divadel Vlastenského, Stavovského, Prozatímního, a Národního, Vladimír Procházka, ed. (Prague: Ceskoslovenská Akademie Ved, 1988), 589. As stated previously, Joseph II had awarded this concession to Zappe and his Czech-born colleagues F. Höpfler, F. X. Sewe (or Seve), and V. Anton, in 1786.

27 Teuber, 2: 369.

28 Teuber, 2: 369–70.

139 knew the capabilities of the Czech-born actors, singers, and dancers, many of whom had worked with his successful German company in the 1790s.29 He indicated to Prague’s Theater Commission that Czech-language productions could provide a new source of revenue for the somewhat beleaguered Estates Theater. His efforts were successful. On 23 December 1803 the Theater Commission purchased Zappe’s privilege in exchange for the promise of pension rights and an agreement to employ members of the Malostranské divadlo and the Estates Theater on a regular basis.30 A royal decree was issued on 5 March 1805, proclaiming that the Malostranské divadlo would be the new Volkstheater of the Estates Theater. Once again the public could enjoy Czech stage works at the Estates Theater on Sunday afternoons and holidays. An extant register of receipts from the Estates Theater is preserved in the newly reordered Central State Archives at Prague.31 This document was the Kassabuch, or cashier’s accounting records, of the Estates Theater from 1804 to 1806, including the titles and amounts earned at each performance of the Malostranské divadlo at that venue. Of particular interest are two performances of the Singspiel Nemá dívka (Stummes Mädchen or Mute Maiden) that took place on Sunday, 9 March 1806, and Sunday, 13 April 1806.32 There is little reason to doubt that this was the Czech version of Das Waldmädchen that

Weber wrote about in his autobiographical sketch of 1818.

29 Czech theater scholars consistently agree that Domenico Guardasoni supported efforts to continue presenting Czech-language works in the early nineteenth century and that he negotiated with Prague’s Theater Commission on behalf of the Czech-born performers.

30 The commission also agreed to give Zappe a pension in exchange for his own lost income. Teuber, 2: 370, f. n.

31 “Auszug aus dem . . . Kassabuch über Empfang und Ausgaben bei den . . . böhmischen Spektakeln im Altstädt. Nationaltheater pro Ao 804, 805, 806,” Fond RZ 1196.5 Rukopis, Státním archive v Praze. For a transcription of this source, see Miroslav Laiske, Pražská dramaturgie: Ceská divadelní predstavení v Praze do otevrení Prozatímního divadla DÍL [1] 1762 /?/ - 1843 (Prague: Ústav pro Ceskou a Svetavou Literaturu Csav, 1974), 86-87.

32 Adolf Scherl directed me to this source.

140

SUMMARY

Little was known about Weber’s early opera Das Waldmädchen (1800) when this study began, except that it was an unusual opera with a mute title character, written when Weber was only thirteen years old. Most of the score to Das Waldmädchen, like the score to Weber’s first juvenile opera Die Macht der Liebe und des Weins (1798–99), was believed to have disappeared in the early nineteenth century, possibly by the composer’s own hand. Only two score fragments of the music to Das Waldmädchen, Weber’s first publicly-performed stage work, were known to have survived. There was no indication why the thirteen-year-old boy had composed the score, nor was there reliable information in English sources about Weber’s librettist Steinsberg. Little to nothing was known of the caliber of the cast that first performed the opera, including any of their former accomplishments or any subsequent activities. Weber scholars generally referred to Das Waldmädchen rather simply as an immature work that inspired Silva na (J. 87), Weber’s second version of the Waldmädchen story. By all accounts Weber’s music to Das Waldmädchen was unremarkable. A review written in January 1801 concluded that the score was “no more than a blossom that promises fairer and riper fruit.”1 Nevertheless, Weber’s opera was produced at least nine times by theater director Wenzel Müller at Vienna’s Leopoldstadt Theater in 1804– 05. Weber was not in Vienna at the time, nor is there any record of correspondence between Weber and Müller prior to the Viennese production, so Müller’s interest in his opera cannot be attributed the composer’s efforts to promote it. Müller must have been drawn to the work for some other reason. This investigation of the performance history of this work was further complicated by a remark in Weber’s autobiographical sketch of

1 Freyberger gemeinnützige Nachrichten für das chursächsische Erzgebirge, No. 2 (January 1801), 11; and Lorenz, “Waldmädchen,” VII.

141 1818, claiming that Das Waldmädchen was also performed at St. Petersburg and at

Prague, in Czech. Those claim s were long regarded with reasonable skepticism, because there was no evidence connecting Das Waldmädchen to either St. Petersburg or Prague.

Moreover, the autobiographical sketch itself was regarded as an unreliable and incomplete source. Much of that skepticism disappeared in 2000, however, when Russian musicologist Natalia Gubkina discovered a complete score and set of orchestra parts to Das Waldmädchen at St. Petersburg, confirming Weber’s claim of a performance at that city. Because those documents have not yet been made accessible to other scholars, and also because a critical edition of the score to Das Waldmädchen is forthcoming, this study has focused instead on other unexplored aspects of Weber’s early opera, including Weber’s collaboration with Steinsberg and his claim that Das Waldmädchen was perform ed at Prague in Czech. The findings indicate that any perceived unreliability of Weber’s autobiographical sketch should be reconsidered. Through the careful study of theater calendars and archival records at Prague and Vienna, along with several nineteenth- century periodicals, lexica, and historical chronicles, Steinsberg’s professional stature as a theater director has finally been established, along with his Czech nationality, and his considerable experience as a librettist and playwright. The members of the original cast of Da s Waldmädchen have also been more precisely identified. Like Steinsberg, they also had strong connections to the theatrical communities of Prague and Vienna, and may have promoted the opera in those cities. Information in previous chapters demonstrates that the performance history of this early opera was directly related to the movements of Steinsberg and the members of his theater company. The peculiar muteness of the opera’s title character was a characteristic stemming from the pantomime-ballet on which Steinsberg’s libretto was based. Steinsberg was probably inspired to write his libretto by the success of Wranitzky’s popular Viennese ballet Das Waldmädchen, a work with which he was familiar. Using incipits from Gubkina’s description of the St. Petersburg score to Weber’s Das

142 Waldmädchen, along with a Violin 1 part to Wranitzky’s ballet score, the numbers in

Weber’s opera could be compared to the numbers in the ballet. A few significant dramatic similarities were found. After establishing that Web er’s musical background prior to 1800 was limited by a lack of continuous formal training, but supported by his knowledge of popular German theater, this study reasons that Weber had to rely primarily on his understanding of well-known conventions of the German popular stage, some guidance from Steinsberg, and perhaps even Wranitzky’s well-known ballet music, when he hurriedly composed his score to Das Waldmädchen. Ongoing public interest in mute characters, coupled with the availability of Weber’s score—probably through former members of Steinsberg’s troupe, may have resulted in Müller’s production of Weber’s Das Waldmädchen in 1804, as well as the performance at Prague in Czech that Weber mentioned in his autobiographical sketch. These possibilities should be considered further in the future. The link between Steinsberg and Prague has been firmly established, in large part by consulting the extensive bibliographic and archival work of Czech scholar Adolf Scherl. When Steinsberg arrived at Freiberg in 1800, he was not merely a local theater director, as he is described in most twentieth-century German and English sources. Rather, he was an influential member of Prague’s vibrant theatrical community. For decades he had earned his living as a popular playwright, an expert in German theater and stage direction, a capable company manager, and a talented com edian, actor, and singer. (A list of his stage works and publications is found in Table 3.1.) Steinsberg was born in Bohemia. From 1796 to 1798 he had been the director of the German company at Prague’s important Nostitz Theater. This was the same post that Wenzel Müller later occupied in 1807–13 and that Weber held from 1813 to 1816. From 1797 to 1798 Steinsberg had also been the director of an important Czech theater company, the vaterländische Gesellschaft. For many years members of that company had worked at the city’s two most important theaters. One of these was the Hibernium Theater, where they had been established as the vaterländisches Theater since 1789. At that venue they usually produced Czech-language stage works for Czech-born audiences in a city that

143 had been subjugated by Hapsburg rule since 1526. This was the talented company that presented the first Czech-language productions of Mozart’s Die Zauberflöte and Don Giovanni. Although members of the company had been performing Czech-language plays and operas in Prague since the 1760s, political shifts during the reign of Francis I (1793–1806), directly related to the ongoing Napoleonic wars, had caused some members of the Bohemian Estates to regard the presentation of Czech-language stage works as a threat to political control of the city. The vaterländische Gesellschaft members, like Steinsberg, had also recently been displaced from Prague. Steinsberg lost both of his directing positions when the Bohemian Estates collectively purchased the Nostitz Theater and established a powerful commission to manage their new enterprise. Given authority for all theatrical work in the city, the commission opted not to renew his contract when it expired on Easter Sunday 1798. The commission also revoked the lease to the Hibernium Theater, the venue of the vaterländische Gesellschaft. Suddenly at liberty, Steinsberg and his Czech- born colleagues responded by organizing a touring company of about 36 actors, singers, and dancers. In 1799 they traveled to Vienna. Steinsberg managed their business affairs and organized additional residencies at other cities, including Karlsbad (a city they had regularly visited in the summers for many years), Augsburg, and Freiberg. This was the company for whom Weber’s score to Das Waldmädchen was composed, an important detail not previously established in Weber scholarship. As stated above, Weber’s opera Das Waldmädchen was based on Wranitzky’s popular Viennese ballet Das Waldmädchen. Steinsberg’s company typically presented many different kinds of stage works, including spoken plays, German opera, and ballet. Steinsberg himself also programmed many of his own stage works. The link to Wranitzky’s ballet was found by examining a chronicle of Steinsberg’s residency at Augsburg from September to December 1799. Among the works he produced was a “new version” of a ballet called Das Waldmädchen, by a dancer in his company named Uhlich. This was a version of Wranitzky’s pantomime-ballet Das Waldmädchen, which had premiered at Vienna’s Kärntnerthortheater on 23 September 1796. Paul Wranitzky

144 (Paul Wranitzky) was a prominent composer and violinist at Vienna’s Imperial Court theaters. The original ballet plot had been conceived and choreographed by Joseph Trafieri, an Italian-born solo dancer in the Viennese court ballet company. Das Waldmädchen had become Wranitzky’s most popular stage work, due in part to its provocative title character, a mute forest maiden. Indeed, it seems likely that the many versions of the ballet, the many performances of Weber’s early opera, and even Weber’s second setting of the Waldmädchen story as Silvana , should all be attributed to considerable and ongoing public interest in such a character. An extant playbill from the first performance of Wranitzky’s original ballet alludes to this by stating that the ballet was inspired by reports of feral children. The playbill also cites three particularly well-known cases. Upon further study, it became clear that the topic had drawn the interest of the general public for decades. Table 2.1 is an extensive list of journalistic reports, poetry, and scientific, religious, moralistic, fictional, dramatic, and philosophical writings that deal with this same topic, demonstrating that toward the end of the eighteenth century the European public had an intense interest in feral children. Interestingly, muteness is among the typical characteristics of feral children, a natural result of extreme isolation. Another characteristic is the inability to respond to simple commands. Feral children may display an animal-like gait, often involving all four limbs, and prefer a diet of raw food, including animal flesh. The reports note that if clothed when captured, the children typically wear crude garments fashioned from animal furs and plants. Some children exhibit particularly keen sight and aural skill, and they were delighted by the sound of music. Most tend to react swiftly and unpredictably to even slight movements, sounds, or odors. All of these odd behaviors and characteristics could be entertainingly and silently portrayed on the stage by an actor or a dancer, with the aid of costumes and makeup, choreographed gestures, dances, and music, and the subject was especially well-suited for the pantomime ballet genre. Moreover, the notion of seeing a mute forest maiden depicted on stage clearly

145 appealed to the theater-going public in Vienna and elsewhere, contributing to the lengthy performance history of Wranitzky’s ballet and its various spin-offs. The relationship of this stage work to public interest in feral children is underscored by the fact that, in addition to the cases cited on the original playbill, several other feral children had been found during the second half of the eighteenth century. Of those, one case was nearly concurrent with the reception of Weber’s opera. A “brownish, naked boy” had been captured near Lacaune, France, in spring of 1798 after having been observed in the forests of the region for several years.2 His escape only days after being captured prompted speculation among those with an awareness of the matter about his condition and whereabouts. The boy was recaptured two years later, on 9 January 1800, near Saint-Sernin (also known as Aveyron), at which time he was named Victor. His name was the same as the title character of a popular fictional story written in 1796 by French author François Guillaume Ducray-Duminil. Notably, Ducray-Duminil’s story and Wranitzky’s ballet were both written in 1796. In 1797, Ducray-Duminil’s Victor, ou l’enfant de la forêt was transformed into a melodramatic play by the popular French theater innovator René Guilbert de Pixérécourt. Again, these works, like Wranitzky’s ballet and Weber’s opera, underscore the public’s interest in the topic of feral children, establishing that topic as one suitable for treatment in a theatrical work. Steinsberg’s opera version, like the other versions of the ballet, reflects the then common practice of basing new stage works on previously successful stage works. Steinsberg knew Wranitzky’s popular ballet, having produced Uhlich’s version of Das Waldmädchen in 1799. By 1800, when he presented his new libretto to Weber at Freiberg,

Wranitzky’s ballet had been drawing Viennese audiences for more than four years. Beethoven had published a set of variations on a dance melody from that score. Transcriptions of music from the ballet were widely available for purchase, and new versions of Das Waldmädchen (the ballet) had been presented at theaters outside of

2 Shattuck, Victor, 64.

146 Vienna (Prague, Augsburg, Mannheim ). A chronology of ballet productions related to Wranitzky’s Das Waldmädchen is found in Appendix B of this document. In addition to establishing the cultural context from which Weber’s early opera was derived, this study also explored the opera’s performance history. The name of Weber’s opera was modified repeatedly, a practice that might reflect attempts by local producers to engage local audiences. Steinsberg modified the opera’s title in 1800, describing the title character as stumme for the performance at Chemnitz. German stage works with mute characters seem to have been fashionable in 1800, for at least three stumme plays were written that year by leading authors of the German stage (Tieck and Kotzebue). Steinsberg even produced Kotzebue’s Die kluge Frau im Walde, oder der stumme Ritter (published 1801) at Freiberg in 1800. (See Table 3.5). When Wenzel Müller produced a version of Weber’s opera at the Leopoldstadt Theater in 1804–05, it was called Das Mädchen im Spessarterwald, referencing a well- known German forest that would have been familiar to Viennese audiences. As for Weber’s claim of a performance at Prague in Czech, records from the Estates Theater show that on 9 March 1806 and 13 April 1806 a Czech theater company presented a Singspiel called Nemá dívka. The composer’s name is not recorded. The German translation of that title is Stummes Mädchen, however, quite similar to Steinsberg’s Das stumme Waldmädchen, which also emphasized the muteness of the title character. One can be relatively certain that Nemá dívka was a Czech translation of Weber’s early opera and not a translation of Tieck’s spoken play Epicoene oder Das Stumme Mädchen, for the stage work in question was a Singspiel, not a spoken play. This study has also investigated Weber’s musical training and knowledge of German music for the stage prior to 1800. Although he had no formal music lessons until 1796, Weber had been raised in the company of composers, instrumentalists, and singers as they engaged in theatrical music making an d the various practical tasks associated with professional theater production. From his numerous tours with his family’s theater company, he had become familiar with the popular theater works of the late eighteenth century, including spoken plays by Kotzebue and Iffland, Singspiels by

147 Mozart, Haydn, Dittersdorf, Müller, Umlauff, Neefe, and others, and German translations of popular French or Italian comic operas. Consequently, Weber was thoroughly familiar with the theatrical and musical conventions of contemporary German theater in the late eighteenth century. Naturally, his knowledge of these conventions would have informed the music he wrote for Das Waldmädchen in 1800. A list of German operas that may have been produced by the Weber Family Theater Com pany is found in Table 1.1. A lengthier list of German operas that premiered between 1786 and 1796 is found in Appendix A. Collectively, these types of stage works represented to Weber the dramatic and musical norms of the genre. The conventions of this repertoire provided him with the basis for his developing concept of German opera. Notably, the German theater repertoire known to Weber was comparable to the works typically programmed by Steinsberg, for Steinsberg was regarded as an expert on the stage works of Kotzebue and Iffland, as well as other popular German stage works. Weber’s familiarity with the musical conventions of the German popular stage probably helped him more than any other aspect of his musical background as he composed the score to Das Waldmädchen. He had to produce his score quickly, within approximately three month’s time, resulting in a situation that was not conducive to experimentation or originality, especially for an inexperienced composer. Consequently, Weber likely drew from his already broad knowledge of the conventions of the popular German stage, assimilating into his score whatever characteristic typologies best supported the characters and events in Steinsberg’s libretto. That practice was not unusual at the time and is reflected by the variety of hybridized designations now associated with German stage works from this time: Schauspiel mit Gesang, Oper, Operetta, romantische-komische Oper, Melodrama, romantische-heroisch-komische Oper, grosse romantische Oper, grosse militärische Oper Zauberoper, Singspiel, komische Singspiel , Liederspiel, Feenmärchen, and Märchenspiel, to name only a few. Das Waldmädchen, designated by Weber as a romantisch-komische Oper, stems directly from this milieu. Weber was indeed a novice opera composer in 1800. He had not begun his formal musical studies until 1796, when his mother’s illness forced his family to stop

148 touring. Consequently, he had only four years of lessons in theory and composition from an assortment of different teachers when he began composing his score to Das Waldmädchen. At Hildburghausen, he had studied piano and composition with Johann

Heuschkel. After his family moved to Salzburg in 1798 he took music lessons from Michael Haydn, Salzburg’s court composer and organist. Weber’s first published music dates from this period, attesting to his budding talents as a composer; it was merely a set of six fughettas published in open score, however. Toward the end of 1798 Weber and his father moved to Munich. In that city he took singing lessons with the excellent opera singer and vocal pedagogue Giovanni Valesi (Johann Walleshauser), since his father believed it essential to learn sound vocal technique if one aspired to compose operas. He also continued taking piano and com position lessons with Johann Kalcher, a pupil of Munich theorist Joseph Grätz, who had himself been a pupil of Joseph Haydn. Weber’s father clearly intended for his youngest son to be trained in the same musical lineage as his older sons, and both Fridolin and Edmund Weber had studied composition with Joseph Haydn, Michael Haydn’s older brother. Weber developed well in this environment. Under Kalcher’s guidance he composed piano sonatas, sets of variations, string trios, and songs, along with several more ambitious compositions for voice and orchestra. These included a Mass and his first dramatic work, a Singspiel called Die Macht der Liebe und des Weins (1798–99, lost). Weber’s compositions written before

August 1800 are listed in Table 1.2. While at Munich, Weber was also apprenticed to Czech-born actor and playwright Alois Senefelder, an acquaintance of his father. Franz Anton was eager for his son to learn Senefelder’s new printing method. In May 1799 Weber and his father left Munich temporarily for a summer tour featuring Carl Maria as a pianist and composer. The pair visited Stuttgart, Bamberg, Hildburghausen (their former home), Freiberg, Prague, and Karlsbad, where Karl Franz Guolfinger, Ritter von Steinsberg and his troupe were in residence. The Webers returned to Munich early in 1800, briefly resuming their affiliation with Senefelder. While the Webers had been touring, Senefelder and his partner, Franz Geissner, were awarded a fifteen-year patent for

149 lithographic printing (in September 1799). The Webers quietly developed a plan to establish their own lithography firm beyond the reach of Senefelder’s patent. Three months later, the Webers moved to Freiberg, arriving in August 1800. On 24 August 1800 Steinsberg and his troupe also arrived at Freiberg to begin a three-month residency. About a month later Franz Anton advertised that he would be opening his own lithography works at Freiberg, but the business never opened. Instead, Carl Maria devoted his time busily composing a score for S teinsberg’s new libretto. Through his collaboration with Steinsberg, Weber probably hoped to strengthen his professional profile to a greater extent than he might have achieved by opening a lithography business. Clearly, Weber’s encounter with Steinsberg in 1800 influenced much of his subsequent career. Steinsberg provided the ambitious boy with a chance to have his new score performed by an important and highly respected company. He brought critical attention to Weber’s music by producing the opera himself at Freiberg and Chemnitz. Steinsberg also perform ed the leading tenor role of Prinz Sigmund von Mathusien on those occasions. As the opera’s producer, librettist, and leading male actor/singer, Steinsberg may have prompted, or at least requested, som e aspects of Weber’s score. Surely he would have helped to guide his young partner. After their collaboration in 1800 Steinsberg and the Webers parted ways. Steinsberg went on to direct important German theater companies at St. Petersburg (1802–03) and Moscow (1803–05). He died in Moscow in 1806. This more detailed knowledge about Steinsberg’s career helps to reframe the relationship between Weber and his librettist. The thirteen-year-old composer had indeed been fortunate to work with an internationally respected author, stage director, and actor/singer/comic. Through Steinsberg, Weber entered the world of professional theater, composing his score to Das Waldmädchen with the assurance that it would be performed by an experienced and talented cast at a prestigious venue, with Steinsberg performing the leading male role himself. That experience subsequently influenced Weber’s career for several years, partly because Steinsberg was so well known, widely traveled, and highly

150 respected by other theater professionals. After Steinsberg’s death, Weber revisited the Waldmädchen story, asking poet Franz Karl Hiemer to rewrite Steinsberg’s libretto, which became the opera Silvana in 1810. Notably, Weber reused some of the music from the score to Das Waldmädchen, relying again on established conventions.

German opera was a rather loosely defined genre in the early nineteenth century, not limited to a specific set of elements or definitions. Weber’s subsequent music for the theater reflects the evolving nature of German opera as he understood it, for when Franz Danzi encouraged him to write more music for the stage in 1807, Weber responded with three very different types of stage works, only one of which was an opera. The first was the melodrama-cantata Der erste Ton (J. 58), written in 1807. The second was incidental music for a production of Schiller's Turandot (J. 75), that was to be presented at the court theater of Stuttgart. The third was Weber’s self-described “romantische heroisch- komische Oper” Silvana , composed between July 1808 and February 1810. He revised Silvana for productions in 1810, 1812, and 1817. A list of all of his operatic works is found in Table 4.2. Steinsberg’s libretto challenged Weber to write descriptive music for the orchestra. The genre of pantomime ballet that was frequently produced by the same companies the produced popular German operas on the stages of Europe at the dawn of the nineteenth century may have provided Weber with some helpful ideas.3 Weber might have consulted Wranitzky’s score for examples of the music that had accompanied the mute title character in Uhlich’s 1799 version of the ballet, for example. Silwana’s scenes required dramatically expressive orchestral music that could help convey her feelings to the audience. Her orchestra-accompanied scenes had to be woven into Weber’s score to fit with the usual conventions of Singspiel, alternating spoken

3 Regarding the relationship between Wranitzky’s pantomime-ballet and Weber’s opera, an important precedent had been established prior to 1800. The vividly dramatic music of Gluck’s pantomime-ballet Don Juan, ou Le festin de pierre (Vienna, 1761) strongly influenced Mozart’s score to Il dissoluto punito, ossia Il Don Giovanni (K. 527, 1787). Jeremy Hayes, Bruce Alan Brown, Max Loppert, and Winton Dean, “Gluck, Christoph Willibald Ritter von,” in Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 3 April 2005), http://www.grovemusic.com .

151 dialogue, with arias, ensemble numbers, and occasional instrumental numbers. Although his score was only modestly successful, Weber fulfilled his Chemnitz critic’s promise of “better and riper fruit” nearly ten years later when he completed Silvana .

Opting to face again the challenges posed by Steinsberg’s original libretto, Weber forced himself to refine his use of orchestral music to enhance the dramatic effectiveness of his score, a characteristic he convincingly achieved in his mature operas, Der Freischütz (J. 277, c. 1817–21) and Euryanthe (J. 291, 1822–23), and Oberon (J. 306, 1825–26).

152

APPENDIX A

CHRONOLOGY OF GERMAN OPERAS PREMIERED OR COMPOSED BETWEEN 1787 AND 1796

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1787 Biberach, Feb. 2 Die Entführung aus dem J. K. Knecht Serail Kremsmünster, Feb. 4 Die gar zu strenge F. X. Süssmayr Kinderzucht Vienna, Apr. 12 Die Liebe im Narrenhaus K. Dittersdorf Vienna, Oct. 12 Im Finstern ist nicht gut J. B. Schenk tappen Berlin, Oct. 18 Das Fest der Schäfer O. C. E. Kospoth Vienna, Nov. 25 Die Illumination P. Kürzinger Mannheim, Mar. 4 Das tartarische Gesetz G. Benda Not performed Das Findelkind, oder G. Benda Unverhofft kömt oft

1788 Vienna, Jan. 7 Richard Löwenherz, König von Grétry, trans. by England Gottlieb Stephanie, the younger Berlin, Jan. 11 Andromeda J. F. Reichardt Biberach, Jan. 28 Der Erntekranz J. H. Knecht Berlin, Feb. 26 Der Kluge Jacob O. C. E. von Kospoth Regensburg, Apr. 18 Lorenz und Suschen B. Schack Regensburg, May 3 Der Krautschneider1 B. Schack Kremsmünster, Nicht mehr als sechs Schüsseln F. X. Süssmayr June 10 Stuttgart, June 13 Tamira J. R. Zumsteeg Biberach, Oct. 28 Der lahme Husar J. K. Knecht

1 Probably the same as Kaspar der Krautschneider, which premiered in Vienna on 21 April 1785.

153 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1788 Karlsruhe, Nov. 26 Adelheid von F. Teyber Veltheim Mannheim, Dec. 14 Der Eremit auf Formentera P. Ritter Berlin, n. d. Silene (German version of K. Dittersdorf Dittersdorf’s Democrito corretto, 1787) Berlin, n. d. Don Quixotte I. von Beecke Munich, n. d. Der Sylphe F. Danzi Breslau, n. d. Der blinde Ehemann J. C. Kaffka location unknown Der letzte Rausch J. Mederitsch (-Gallus)

1789 Biberach, Jan. 26 Der Schulz im Dorfe, oder der J. Knecht verliebte Herr Doktor Brno, Jan. n. d. Die Hochzeit des Figaro K. Dittersdorf Munich, Feb. 7 Der Triumph der Treue (after F. Danzi Wieland’s Oberon) Vienna, Feb. n. d. Im Dunkel ist nicht gut K. Dittersdorf munkeln Mayence, March 13 Don Juan (trans. by H. G. W. A. Mozart Schmieder, first German performance) Berlin, March 30 Jery und Bätely J. F. Reichardt Graz, Apr. n. d. Der Wundermann S. Spindler Kremsmünster, July 1 Die väterliche Rache F. X. Süssmayr Vienna, July 7 Hieronymus Knicker K. Dittersdorf Vienna, July 12 Der dumme Gärtner aus dem B. Schack2 and F. X. Gebirge, oder Die zween Gerl Anton*

2 Benedikt (Emmanuel) Schack was a talented tenor, flutist, actor, and composer of Bohemian origin. He joined Emmanuel Schikaneder’s traveling theater company in 1786 and made extensive tours of southern Germany and Austria with that company before it settled in Vienna in 1789. According to Peter Branscombe, Schack’s fame as a composer rests on his series of “Anton” Singspiels, all of which were written for and performed by Schikaneder’s company. The libretti to these works were written by Schikaneder, who also played the role of Anton. Each “Anton” Singspiel in the table is indicated with an asterisk. Schack com posed much of the music to the “Anton” Singspiels in collaboration with F. X. Gerl. Schack was also a close friend to Mozart,

154 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1789 Vienna, July 25 Jacob und Nannerl, oder Der B. Schack, angenehme Traum F. M Pechàcek and F. X. Gerl Charlottenburg, Claudine von Villa Bella J. F. Reichardt July 29 Munich, Aug.n. d. Der Quasimann F. Danzi Freihaus, Sept. 5 Fernando und Jariko, oder Die F. Teyber Indianer Vienna, Sept. 26 Die verdeckten Sachen B. Schack, F. X. Gerl and J. G. Lickl Budapest, Oct. 18 Die christliche Judenbraut J. B. Paneck Vienna, Nov. 7 Oberon, König der Elfen P. Wranitzky Vienna, Dec. 9 Das unvermuthete J. B. Schenke (unterbrochene) Seefest Brünn, n. d. Die Hochzeit des Figaro K. Dittersdorf Schleswig, n. d. Huon und Amande, after K. Hanke Wieland’s Oberon Breslau, n. d. Der Talisman, oder Der seltene J. C. Kaffka Spiegel

1790 Vienna, Jan. 6 Was macht der Anton im B. Schack, F. X. Gerl, Winter* and others Mannheim, Apr. 11 Der Sklavenhändler P. Winter Vienna, Apr. 17 Don Quixotte und Sancho F. X. Gerl Pansa Vienna, May 10 Der Fall ist noch weit seltner, B. Schack oder Die geplagten Ehemänner (German version of Martin y Soler’s Una cosa rara) Breslau, May 26 Das rothe Käppchen K. Dittersdorf

who composed the role of Tamino in Die Zauberflöte specifically for him. (It is presumed that Schack himself performed Tamino’s flute solos.) He was also the first German- language Don Gonsalvo (Don Ottavio) and Count Almaviva (Vienna, 1792). Peter Branscombe, “Schack, Benedikt (Emmanuel),” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2000), 22: 424–25.

155 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1790 Vienna, June 18 Der Frühling, oder Der Anton B. Schack, F. X. Gerl, ist noch nicht tot* and others Vienna,June 22 Der unschuldige Betrug, oder F. Kauer Auf dem Lande kennt man die Rache nicht Vienna, Aug. 18 Bastien und Bastienne F. Kauer Vienna, Sept. 9 Das Sonnenfest der Braminen W. Müller Vienna, Sept. 11 Der Stein der Weisen, oder Die J. B. Henneberg, Zauberinsel F. X. Gerl, B. Schack and W. A. Mozart Breslau, Nov. 4 Hokus-Pokus, oder Das K. Dittersdorf Gaukelspiel Vienna, Nov. 4? Das Singspiel ohne Titel J. B. Schenk Aschaffenburg, n. d. Die zerstörte Hirtenfeier I. von Beecke Mainz, n. d. Das Herz behält seine Rechte I. von Beecke Aschaffenburg, n. d. Nina, oder Wahnsinn aus I. von Beecke Liebe Mainz, n. d. Die Räthsel F. Kerpen Vienna, n. d. Bastien und Bastienne F. Kauer Berlin, n. d. Bella und Fernando, oder Die O. C. E. Kospoth Satyr Brno, n. d. Freitags Reisen S. Spindler Munich, n. d. Jery und Bäteli P. Winter Munich, n. d. Psyche P. Winter Munich, n. d. Scherz, List und Rache P. Winter

1791 Stuttgart, Jan. 10 Der Eremit auf Formentera D. F. Dieter Vienna, Jan. 12 Die Wiener Zeitung B. Schack and F. X. Gerl Königsberg, Jan. 16 Louise F. L. Benda Berlin, Feb. 3 Die dreifache Liebhaber P. Wranitzky Vienna, March 2 Der Schiffspatron, oder Der K. Dittersdorf neue Gutsherr (oder Gürge und Hannchen) Mainz, March 7 Sultan Wampum, oder Die C. D. Stegmann Wunsche

156 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1791 Frankfurt, May 1 Liebe und Versuchung (Cosí W. A. Mozart fan tutte, trans. by H. G. Schmieder and C. D. Stegmann) Vienna, June 4 Anton bei Hofe, oder Das B. Schack, F. X. Gerl, Namensfest* and others Vienna, June 8 Kaspar, der Fagottist W. Müller Vienna, July 9? Der Erntekranz J. B. Schenk (Ärndtekranz), oder Das Schnitterfest Frankfurt, Sept. 11 Der Spiegelritter I. Walter Vienna, Sept. 30 Die Zauberflöte W. A. Mozart Laxenburg, n. d. Ariadne und Bacchus M. T. von Paradis Not performed Lila J. F. Reichardt Brno, n. d. Amor und graue Haare S. Spindler Brno, n. d. Der Liebhaber im Schlafrock S. Spindler Lambach, not performed Der rauschige Hans F. X. Süssmayr Vienna, n. d. Walmir und Gertraud, oder P. Wranitzky Man kann es ja probieren

1792 Vienna, Apr. 24 Der redliche Landmann J. B. Henneberg Vienna, May 4 Moses, oder Der Auszug aus F. X. Süssmayr Ägypten Vienna, June 4 Die Serenade, oder Der F. Kauer gefoppte Alte Vienna, June 23 Das Schlaraffenland B. Schack, F. X. Gerl Vienna, July 7 Johanna von Weimar J. B. Henneberg Frankfurt, July 15 Heinrich der Löwe C. D. Stegmann Vienna, Sept. 9 Der Schuster-Feierabend, oder A. Volanek Kasperl, die fressende Schildwache (G. J. Ziegelhauser) Vienna, Sept. 15 Der Renegat, oder Anton in B. Schack, F. X. Gerl, der Türkei* and others Munich, Aug. 31 Die Thomasnacht F. S. Destouches Vienna, Oct. 6 Rudolf von Felsick P. Wranitzky

157 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1792 Vienna, Oct. 13 Der Strassensammler, oder J. Weigl Die Prüfung der Herzen, oder Ein gutes Herz ziert jeden Stand Vienna, Dec. 18 Die Antwort auf die Frage: B. Schack Was begehrt das Frauenzimmer Kassel,n. d. Titania G. C. Grosheim Vienna, n. d. Der Schulkandidat M. T. von Paradis Brno, n. d. Die vier Vormunder S. Spindler Prague, n. d. Die Maskarade im Serail, oder A. Volanek Die grosse Löwenjagd Mannheim, n. d. Die Weihe P. Winter

1793 Vienna, Jan. 12 Die Eisenkönigin J. B. Henneberg Vienna, Jan 27/28 Der eifersüchtige Bauer, oder B. Schack Der Schulmeister im Ofenloch Vienna, Feb. 21 Merkur, der Heiratsstifter, P. Wranitzky oder Der Geiz im Geldkasten Berlin, March n. d. Erwin und Elmire J. F. Reichardt Frankfurt, May 3 Das Fest der Winzer F. L. A. Kunzen Hamburg, Sept. 3 Der Mädchenmarkt zu Ninive O. C. E. Kospoth Vienna, Sept. 10 Der wohltätige Derwisch, oder B. Schack, F. X. Gerl, Die Schellenkappe (also as Die W. Müller, and Zaubertrommel ) J. B. Henneberg Vienna, Oct. 10 Das Neusonntagskind W. Müller Vienna, Oct. 14 Die Waldmänner J. B. Henneberg Prague, n. d. Der Schuster-Feierabend A. Volanek Vienna, n. d. Die Post-Station P. Wranitzky

1794 Vienna, Feb. 4 Das Fest der Lazoronen P. Wranitzky Vienna, March 11 Die Schwestern von Prag W. Müller Vienna, Apr. 8 Das Petermännchen J. Weigl Vienna, July 26 Die beiden Nannerln, oder Das B. Schack chinesische Feuerwerk zu Ehren der Nannerln Oels, Aug. 16 Das Gespenst mit der K. Dittersdorf Trommel Vienna, Oct. 21 Der blinde Ehemann J. M. Ruprecht

158 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1794 Mannheim, Nov. 4 Die lustigen Weiber von P. Ritter Windsor Vienna, Nov. 14 Der Spiegel von Arkadien F. X. Süssmayr Prague, Dec. 4 Victor und Heloise, oder Das F. X. Partsch Hexengericht Vienna, Dec. 7 Pyramus und Thisbe A. Eberl Flensburg, n. d. Doktor Fausts Liebgurtel K. Hanke Graz, n. d. Frage und Antwort, oder Ein B. Schack altes Haus [Weib] kann auch was Gutes stiften Vienna, n. d. Il Turco in Italia F. X. Süssmayr Augsburg, n. d. Der Schuster-Feierabend A. Volanek (K. F. Hensler)

1795 Vienna, Jan. 6? Das Häuschen im Walde, oder B. Schack Antons Reise nach seinem Geburtsort* Vienna, Jan. 24 Der Scherenschleifer J. B. Henneberg Oels, Feb. 4 Don Quixote der Zweyte K. Dittersdorf Vienna, May 9 Idris und Zenide F. K. Süssmayr Vienna, May 11 Die gute Mutter P. Wranitzky Oels, May 30 Gott Mars und der Hauptman F. X. Süssmayr von Bärenzahn, oder Der eiserne Mann, oder Der Wechsel Gott Mars Vienna, July 17 Achmet und Almanzine J. B. Schenk Vienna, Aug. 27 Die edle Rache F. X. Süssmayr Oels, Sept. 15 Der Schach von Schiras K. Dittersdorf Oels, Oct. 17 Zum Teufel, ein Hydraulikus K. Dittersdorf Oels, Oct. 29 Die befreyten Gwelfen K. Dittersdorf Vienna, n. d. Der Einzug in das J. Haibel Feindesquartier Vienna, n. d. Die natürlichen Wunder J. M. Ruprecht (attribution uncertain) Augsburg, n. d. Rudolph von Hochburg F. Teyber Vienna, n. d. Das maroccanische Reich P. Wranitzky

159 Appendix A—continued

YEAR LOCATION / DATE TITLE COMPOSER

1796 Hamburg, Feb 27 Der Triumph der Liebe, oder C. D. Stegmann Das kühne Abentheuer Vienna, Apr. 7 Das Faustrecht in Thüringen F. Kauer (Part 1) Vienna, May 14 Der tiroler Wastel J. Haibel Vienna, June 10 Der alte Überall und Nirgends W. Müller Oels, June 11 Ugolino K. Dittersdorf Vienna, June 14 Das unterbrochene Opferfest P. Winter Oels, June 25 Die lustigen Weiber von K. Dittersdorf Windsor Vienna, June 28 Das Faustrecht in Thüringen F. Kauer (Part 2) Vienna, Sept. 27 Die Freiwilligen F. X. Süssmayr Vienna, Oct. 25 Östreichs treue Brüder, oder J. Haibel Die Scharfschützen in Tirol, oder Der Landsturm Oels, Oct. 29 Der schöne Herbsttag K. Dittersdorf Vienna, Nov. 6 Der Dorfbarbier3 J. B. Schenk Frankfurt, n. d. Der Brautigam in der Klemme, J. André after Molieré’s Le mariage forcé Breslau, n.d. Achmet und Zenaide S. Spindler Vienna, n.d. Die zwölf schlafenden M. Stegmayer Jungfrauen

Margaret A. Griffel’s Operas in German: A Dictionary (New York: Greenwood

Press, 1990), Appendix 6: Chronology, 374–75, provided a starting point for Appendix 1. Subsequent additions were made after consulting: The Viking Opera Guide, Amanda

Holden, Nicholas Kenyon, and Stephen Walsh, eds. (London: Penguin Group, 1993);

3 There are conflicting dates listed in various sources for the premiere of Der Dorfbarbier. According to Peter Branscombe, box-office records from the Kärntnertortheater indicate that the first performance of this work took place on 6 November 1796.

160 Dorothea Link, The National Court Theatre in Mozart’s Vienna: Sources and Documents 1783–1792 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); Charles H. Parsons, The Mellen Opera Reference Index (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen, 1986), vols. 1–4; and W. E. Yates, Theatre in Vienna: A Critical History, 1776–1995 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). The following articles in The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1992) were also consulted: Thomas Baumann, “Bretzner, Christoph Friedrich,” 1: 600, and “Paul Weidmann,” 4: 1122–23; Peter Branscombe, “Haibel [Haibl, Heibel], (Johann Petrus) Jakob [Jacob],” 2: 596. Additional titles, dates, locations, and composer’s names were drawn from the following articles and works lists in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2000): Rudolf Angermüller and Teresa Hrdlick-Reichenberger, “Joseph Weigl,” 27: 215–17; Thomas Baumann and Zdenka Pilkova, “Georg (Anton [Jiri Antonín] Benda,” 3: 227–29; Peter Branscombe: “Gerl, Franz Xaver,” 9: 699–700, “Henneberg, Johann Baptist,” 11: 375, “Kauer, Ferdinand,” 13: 415– 17, “Mederitsch (-Gallus), Johann (Georg Anton),” 16: 217–18, “Ruprecht, (Josef) Martin,” 21:894–95, “Schack, Benedikt (Emmanuel), 22:424–25, “Schenk, Johann Baptist” 22: 475–77, “Seyfried, Ignaz (Xaver), Ritter von,” 23: 184, “Stegmayer, Matthäus,” 24: 324–25, “Umlauf [Umlauff], Ignaz,” 26: 67–8 ; George J. Buelow, “Paul Ignaz Kürzinger,” 14: 52–3; David Charlton and M. Elizabeth Bartlet, “Grétry, André-Ernest-Modeste,” 10: 385–95; Paul Corneilson and Peter M. Alexander, “Danzi, Franz (Ignaz),” 7:4–6; Margaret Grave and Jay Lane, “Dittersdorf, Carl Ditters von,” 7: 385–391; Michael Ladenburger, “Knecht, Justin Heinrich,” 13: 690–91; Adolf Layer and Fiona Little, “Beecke, (Notger) Ignaz (Franz) von,” 3: 67–69; Gunter Maier, “Zumsteeg [Zum Steeg], Johann Rudolf,” 27: 883–85; Andrew D. McCredie, “Stegmann, Carl David,” 24:323–24; Wolfgang Plath, “Johann [Jean] Andre,” 1:618–19; Milan Poštolka , “Partsch [Bartsch, Parc], Franz [Frantisek] Xaver,” 19: 176, and “Volanek [Wolanek, Wollaneck, Wollanek], Antonin (Josef Alois) [Anton], 26: 878; Milan Poštolka and Robert Hickman, “Wranitzky [Vranický, Wraniczky, Wranizky], Paul [Pavel],” 27:575–77; Klaus Rönnau, “Hanke [Hancke], Karl,” 10: 820, and “Spindler, (Franz) Stanislaus,” 24: 182–83; Klaus Rönnau

161 and Thomas Bauman, “Kaffka [Engelmann], Johann Christoph,” 13: 307–08; Linda Tyler and Caryl L. Clark, “Süssmayr [Süssmayer], Franz Xaver [Dolcevillico, Francesco Saverio], 24: 734–36; Hubert Unverricht, “Kerpen, Freiherr Hugo Franz Karl Alexander von [Hugo Friedrich],” 13:499, and “Kospoth, Otto Carl Erdmann,” 13:834–35; Roland Würtz, “Ferdinand Fränzl,” 9: 213; and Roland Würtz, Valerie Walden, and Robert Münster, “Peter Ritter,” 21:449–50. The appendix includes additional German stage works listed in Alfred Loewenberg, Annals of Opera: 1597 – 1940 (Totowa: Rowman and Littlefield, 1978). In cases where there are discrepancies among sources, only attributions from works lists in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, second edition, were included, unless otherwise stated.

162

APPENDIX B

PERFORMANCE HISTORY OF THE PANTOMIME-BALLET DAS WALDMÄDCHEN: 1796 TO 1801

A. Abbreviations and Source Materials

ADT3, 1799 Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung, Jahrgang 3 ( 1799). No. 2. Brünn: Mährischen Lehnbank, 1800.

TJA, 1799 A. L. Dahlstedt. Theater-Journal derjenigen Schauspiele und Opern, welche in /Augsburg von der Karl Ritter von Steinsbergischen Gesellschaft deutscher Schauspieler vom 12. September bis 31. Dezember 1799 ausgeführt wurden. Augsburg: n.p., 1800.

TL, 1798 Theater und Litteratur 9 (Prague, 14 June 1798).

BW, 12 Der böhmische Wandersmann, 1801. No. 12. BW, 14 Der böhmische Wandersmann, 1801. No. 14. BW, 19 Der böhmische Wandersmann, 1801, No. 19. BW, 20 Der böhmische Wandersmann, 1801. No. 20.

Playbill 773.042-D, Theaterzettel from the Theatersammlung, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek .

Hadamowsky Franz Hadamowsky. Die wiener Hoftheater (Staatstheater) 1776-1966: Verzeichnis der aufgeführten Stücke mit Bestandsnachweis und täglichen Spielplan. 2 vols. Vienna: Prachner, 1966. 2: 481.

163 B. Chronology of Productions

CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

Vienna Kärntnerthortheater 1796 23 September Der Strich durch die Rechnung, Lustspiel in 4 acts by J. F. Jünger. (Cast: Obrist of Gißig/ Hr. Stephanie d. jüngere; Henriette, his daughter/ Mlle. Stephanie; Charlotte, his niece/ Mad. Weissenthurn; Karl, his son/ Hr. Klungmann; Ussessor von Brand/ Dauer; Johann, Karls servant/ SchüßNettchen; chamber maid to the young ladies/ Mad. Stierle; Konrad, headwaiter at the inn/ Hr. Kopfmüller; Ewald, an old sergeant/ Rettich). Followed by (for the first time) a new comic ballet by Herr Joseph Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen. Contents: the pair of boys found in the woods of Lithuania, the wild one from Hannover, and the young girl found near Champagne provided the inspiration for this small ballet. The story follows: while enjoying a hunt away from his homeland a Polish prince, with the aid of his friend, discovers a wild maiden. [Playbill, Hadamowsky]1

25 September La pietra simpatica (Der sympathetische Stein), a comic Singspiel, (Cast: Alphonsina/ Mad. Codecasa; Laurette/ Mlle. Gasmann d. ält; Henriette/ Gasmann d. jüng.; Felio/ Hr. Baglioni; D. Soffio/ Ungrisani; D. Macario/ Saal; Conrad/ Vogel. Followed by (for the second time) a new comic ballet by Herr Joseph Trafieri Das Waldmädchen. Contents: The pair of boys found in the woods of Lithuania, the wild one from Hannover, and the young girl found near Champagne provided the inspiration for this small ballet. The story follows: while enjoying a hunt away

1 Paul Wranitzky is credited in all modern sources as the composer of the original score to this ballet, which was choreographed by Trafieri, a member of the court ballet in Vienna. See Milan Poštolka and Robert Hickman, “Wranitzky [Vranický, Wraniczky, Wranizky], Paul [Pavel],” Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy (Accessed 31 July 2004]), http://www.grovemusic.com.

164 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

(continued)

from his homeland a Polish prince, with the aid of his friend, discovers a wild maiden. [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg (or Burgtheater) 3 October La pietra simpatica (Der sympathetische Stein), a comic Singspiel. Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Joseph Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen. [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

4 October For the first time: Die Oesterreicher, Lustspiel in one act. Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky].

Kärntnerthortheater 11 October For the third time: Die Oesterreicher, Lustspiel in one act. Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky].

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 14 October The first act of the opera: Il Moro/Der Mohr. Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky].

Kärntnerthortheater 20 October Der Bettelstudent, oder: Das Donnerwetter. Lustspiel in 2 acts. (Cast: Hr. Bergopzoom, Mad. Schüß, Hr. Müller (Sohn), Mayer, Baumann, Mad. Rivolla. Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky].

165 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

23 Octob er Die unmögliche Sache, Lustspiel after the English The Crow (Cast: Hr. Brockmann, Mad. Stierle, Mlle Stephanie, Mad. Weissenthurn, Hr. Ziegler, Schüß, Weidmann, Dauer, Müller (Vater), Mad. Dauer, Hr. Sannens). Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 8 November The second act of the opera: Il Moro/ Der Mohr. Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky].

17 November Ariadne auf Naxos, a Melodrama in one act.2 Next, a Lustspiel in one act: Die große Batterie. (Cast: Mad. Nouseul, Hr. Müller (Sohn), Mad. Doppler, Mlle Stephanie., Hr. Rettich, Mad. Dauer, Hr. Sannens, Leiser). Followed by the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen. The music is by Herr Weigl the younger, in service to the National Court Theater.3

2 This was probably a production of Georg Benda’s melodrama Ariadne auf Naxos (1775).

3 This is the only playbill from Vienna that states a composer’s name when announcing a performance of the ballet Das Waldmädchen. It is not clear whether this name was listed in error, or if a different score was used for this performance. No first name is mentioned. The playbill may refer to Joseph Weigl, (1766–1846), who assumed most of Salieri’s duties at the court theaters in 1791. However, this ballet does not appear in most lists of Joseph Weigl’s stage works. Vienna’s court ballet was created in 1791, at which time Weigl began a productive series of collaborations with dancers Antonio Muzzarelli, Salvatore Viganò, and Giuseppe Trafieri. Hence, it is entirely possible that he composed a score for this work by Trafieri. However, Joseph had a younger brother, Thaddäus (1776–1840), who from 1795 was employed by the court as an arranger (especially of piano scores) for the court theater’s music publishing house. This ballet is not listed among his identified works either. Perhaps a piano score by Thaddäus, the younger brother, was used for this performance. See Rudolph Angermüller and Teresa Hrdlicka-Reichenberger: “Weigl,” in Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy (Accessed 31 July 2004), http://www.grovemusic.com .

166 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

(continued) [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

Kärntnerthortheater 6 December Der Adjutant (Cast: Hr. Stephanie de Jüngere, Mad. Adamberger, Hr. Klingmann, Mad. Weissenthurn, Hr. Mayer, Hr. Sannens, Hr. Kettich, Mlle Büteau, Hr. Leiser). At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 8 December Il Moro. At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 14 Dec ember Der Strich durch die Rechnung, Lustspiel in 4 acts by F. J. Jünger. After this, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky].

26 Dec ember No playbill survives from this performance of the ballet [Hadamovsky]

Kärntnerthortheater 1797 1, 8, 28 Jan uary . . . At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbills, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 8 Feb ruary (as above)

Kärntnerthortheater 15, 21 February (as above)

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 27 February (as above)

167 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

Kärntnerthortheater 28 February (secured with wax over the original playbill, which advertises the ballet Alonzo und Coro, is a half page announcement that reads: “Because of the unfortunate illness of Herr Angiolini, the ballet scheduled to be performed at the Kärntnerthortheater: Alonzo und Cora, will not be given. In its place: Das Waldmädchen.”

7 March . . .At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 26 March (as above)

Kärntnerthortheater 4 April (as above)

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 29 April . . .At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

4 May (as above)

Kärntnerthortheater 21 May (as above)

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 3, 23 June - . . . At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

11 July (as above) 11 and 31 August (as above) 19 September (as above) 4 , 31 October (as above) 17 November (as above)

168 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

Kärntnerthortheater 4 December (as above)

1798 12 February (as above) 8, 24 March (as above) 15 April (as above) 10 May (as above)

Prague Theater of the Estates (formerly the Nostitz Theater) 28 May Der Kammerhusar, S ingspiel in 2 acts, “. . .a new adaptation made especially for this theater by Herr Brunetti of the comic ballet Das Waldmädchen, with Mlle Venturini appearing for the first time in the title role.” [TL, 1798, 221]

2 June Der schwarze Mann, L. in 2 acts by Gotter, with the ballet: Das Waldmädchen. [TL, 1798, 222].

Vienna Kärntnerthortheater 14 July . . . At the close, the comic ballet by Hr. Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 22 July (pasted in as a substitution due to Mad. Galvani’s illness) Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

Kärntnerthortheater 19 August . . .At the close, the comic ballet by Hr. Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

16, 27 September (as above) 17 October (as above) 2, 29 November (as above) 12, 20 Dec ember (as above) [Playbill; Hadamowsky; ADT3, 1799, 19]4

4 Also listed for 12 December 1798, at Vienna’s Burgtheater: Die falschen Vertraulichkeiten, L. Das Waldmädchen, B.[ADT3, 1799, 17].

169 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

1799 9 January (as above) [Playbill; Hadamowsky; ADT3, 1799, 20]

Mannheim 10 January Der Schiffbruch , oder die Erben, Lustspiel in 1 act by Steigentesch. Cast: Anton Waller/ Hr. Müller; Jakob Waller/ Hr. Heck; Friz Waller/ Hr. Meyer; Selmo, ein Mahler/ Hr. Stentsch[sic]; Frau von Werden/ Mad. Meyer; Blidt/ Hr. Backhaus; Franz/ Hr. Leonhard. Followed by the ballet: Das Waldmädchen.5 [ADT3, 1799, 38]

29 January Der Schiffbruch , oder die Erben. Followed by the ballet: Das Waldmädchen. [ADT3, 1799, 38]

Vienna Kärntnerthortheater 2, 22 Feb ruary . . . At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill; Hadamowsky; ADT3, 1799, 20]

Augsburg 16, 24 September Die Entführung, Lustspiel in 3 acts by Jünger. Das Waldmädchen, a character ballet in 1 act by Uhlich.6 [TJA, 1799, 12, 13]

Vienna Kärntnerthortheater 12, 14, 16 November . . .At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill; Hadamowsky; ADT3, 1799, 152]

Augsburg 2 December (unreadable title), Lustspiel in 3 acts by Babo. Das Waldmädchen, ballet in 1 act by Uhlich. [TJA, 1799, 20]

5 This was the touring company of Baron Johann von Stentzsch from Prague.

6 This was the former vaterländisches Theater from Prague, which was touring as Steinsberg’s Karlsbaderdeutsche Schauspiel Gesellschaft. Their residency at Augsburg continued until the end of 1799.

170 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

5 December Das Inkognito, oder: Der König auf Reisen, an original Lustspiel in 4 acts by J. W. Ziegler. By popular demand: Das Waldmädchen, ballet in 1 act by Uhlich. [TJA, 1799, 21]

Vienna Kärntnerthortheater 1799 4 December . . . At the close, the comic ballet by Herr Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill; Hadamowsky; ADT3, 1799, 130]

1800 1, 20 Feb ruary (as above)7

National Hoftheater nächst der Burg 28 March (as above)

Kärntnerthortheater 16,24 April (as above) 3 and 24 June (as above) 17 July (as above) 5 and 26 Sept. (as above) 7 and 12 Oct. (as above) 11 and 31 Dec. (as above)

Kärntnerthortheater 1801 12, 22 March (as above) 30 April 12 (as above) 25, 30 May (as above) 6 June (as above) 4 July (as above) 16 August (as above) 13 September (as above)

7 A notice in the Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung states that on 2 February 1800 the opera Die edle Rache and the ballet Das Waldmädchen were performed at Vienna’s Kärntnerthortheater. Although such a performance may have occurred, no Viennese sources support this claim. Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung, Jahrgang 3 (1799) No. 2 (Brünn: Mährischen Lehnbank, 1800), 20.

171 CITY/THEATER/DATE TITLE/DESCRIPTION/SOURCE

Prague Theater of the Estates (formerly the Nostitz Theater) 1801 19 September Le donne cambiate, oder die verwechselten Weiber. Opera in 1 act by Kapellmeister Päer; and Das Waldmädchen, ballet. [BW, 12, 216]

5 October Die verwechselten Weiber. Singspiel by Päer. Das Waldmädchen, Schautanz by Brunetti. [BW, 14, last page]

11 October Die drei Töchter. Lustspiel by Spieß. Das Waldmädchen, Schautanz by Brunetti. [BW, 15, last page].

14 October Die verwechselten Weiber. Singspiel. Das Waldmädchen. [BW, 15, last page].

Vienna Kärntnerthortheater 18 October . . . At the close, the comic ballet by Hr. Trafieri: Das Waldmädchen [Playbill, Hadamowsky]

Prague Theater of the Estates (formerly the Nostitz Theater) 9 November Die verechselten Weiber. Wälsches Singspiel.8 Das Waldmädchen, Schautanz. BW, 19, 328].

17 November Der seltene Mann. Handschriftl. Lustspiel by Ziegler. Das Waldmädchen, Schautanz by Brunetti. Herr Heiß is in demand and will have danced today one time already. [BW, 20, 344]

17 Dec ember Der seltene Freier, Lustspiel. Das Waldmädchen, Schautanz [BW, 24, 408]

8 The meaning of the German word wälsch is “foreign.” Teuber uses it frequently when referring to the German company at the Nostitz/Estates Theater in Prague, when its Czech-born members are the subject of his discourse. It appears to his designation of the Czech-born actors who earned their living with German theater companies in Prague.

172

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary sources and facsimiles—Music

Wranitzky, Paul. S. M. 11009. [Violin 1 part to Das Waldmädchen.] Musiksammlung, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.

_____. S. M. 11374. [“Polonaise” from Das Waldmädchen.] Musiksammlung, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.

_____. XVI A 165 [Piano transcription of Das Waldmädchen.] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

_____. XXVIII A 277 [Das Waldmädchen arranged for two oboes, two clarinets, two horns, and two bassoons.] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

_____. XXVII C 15 [Manuscript piano arrangement of “Der Jagd,” from the ballet Das Waldmädchen.] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

_____. XXVII C 39 [Groteski fürs Klavier aus der Ballet Das Waldmädchen] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

_____. XLI D 210 [Piano transcription of score to Das Waldmädchen.] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

_____. XLI D 322 [Das Waldmädchen arranged for two oboes, two clarinets, two horns, and two bassoons.] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

_____. XLII E 110 [“Pas de Deux” from Das Waldmädchen arranged for Clavi-Cembalo.] Národni muzeum v Praze Muzeum ceské hudby.

Weber, Carl Maria von. Mus. Ms. autogr. C.M. v. Weber WFN 5 (3). [Fragments from Das stumme Waldmädchen or Das Mädchen im Spessartwald.] Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz.

174 _____. RF-Sprob, Sign. I, 1. W.373. [Full score and orchestra parts to Das Waldmädchen.] Gosudarstvenny akademichesky Mariinsky teatr Central’naya muzykalnaya biblioteka.

Primary sources and facsimiles—Biographical and Historical

Müller, Wenzel. Sign. 51926. [Tagebuch über das Theater in Der Leopoldstadt (1781– 1830)]. Stadts- und Landsbibliothek, Vienna.

Nordisches Archiv. Volume 2. St. Petersburg (1804): 62. [Announcement of a performance of Das Waldmädchen at St. Petersburg’s Kušelevschen House as part of a benefit performance for singer Johann Hübsch in February 1801.]

Schönfeld, Johann Ferdinand, Ritter von. Jahrbuch der Tonkunst von Wien und Prag Vienna: Schönfeld, 1796.

Steinsberg, Karl Guolfinger, Ritter von. Der 42jährige Affe: ein ganz vermaledeites Märchen. Prague: Schönfeld, 1783; Reprint, Berlin, n. p., 1784.

_____. Vollständiger Prozess und Vertheidigung . Amsterdam . (False, probably Nuremberg), n. p., 1783.

_____. Offenbarungen über Deutschland. Amsterdam. (False, probably Prague: Schönfeld), 1784.

Weber, Carl Maria von. Mus ep. C. M. v. Weber 8 and 9. [Weber’s letters to Kalcher, 1797, 1798.]

_____. Tagebücher. Mus. ms. autogr. theor. C. M. von Weber WFN I. [Weber’s diaries from 1810 to 1826.] Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz.

_____. Mus. 276.3 (Fot.). [photocopy of Weber’s diaries, 1810–1826.] Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz.

Weberiana V. 5, D. 128 [Chemnitz Playbill.] 5 December 1800. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin- Preußischer Kulturbesitz.

Weberiana V, 5. D. 129. [Theater in der Leopoldstadt Playbill.] Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz. 773.042-D, Hoftheaterzettel. 23 September 1796. Theatersammlung, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.

177 Zapf, Franz. [Typescript transcription of Mus. ms. autogr. theor. C. M. von Weber WFN I]. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz.

Editions—Music

Weber, Carl Maria von. Carl Maria von Weber: Musikalische Werke, erste kritische Gesamtausgabe. Edited by Hans Joachim Moser. Augsburg: B. Filser, 1926; reprint, New York: Broude International, 1977.

Editions—Writings

Knebel, Konrad. “Carl Maria von Weber in Freiburg: 1800–1801.” In Mitteilungen vom Freiburger Altertumsvereins 37 (1900), 72–89.

Pasqué, Ernst. Goethe’s Theaterleitung in Weimar. Leipzig: J. J. Weber, 1863.

Weber, Carl Maria von. “Aus dem Berliner Freundeskreis.” In Carl Maria von Weber: Eine Gedenkschrift, ed. Günther Hausswald, 52–99. Dresden: V.V.V. Dresdener Verlag, 1951.

_____. Briefe. Edited by Hans Christoph Worbs. Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1982.

_____. Briefe an den Grafen Karl von Brühl. Edited by Georg Felix Kaiser. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1911.

_____. Briefe von Carl Maria von Weber an Hinrich Lichtenstein. Edited by Ernst Rudorff. Braunschweig: G. Westermann, 1900.

_____. Kunstansichten: Ausgewählte Schriften. Edited by Karl Laux. Leipzig: Reclam, 1969; reprint, 1975.

_____. Sämtliche Schriften von Carl Maria von Weber: Kritische Ausgabe von Georg Kaiser. Edited by Georg Felix Kaiser. Berlin/Leipzig: Schuster & Löffler, 1908.

_____. Writings on Music. Translated by Martin Cooper. Edited by John Warrack. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

178 Periodicals and Theater Calendars

Allgemeine deutsche Theaterzeitung. Jahrgang 3 (1799). No. 2. Brünn: Mährischen Lehnbank, 1800.

Dahlstedt, A. L. Theater-Journal derjenigen Schauspiele und Opern, welche in Augsburg von der Karl Ritter von Steinsbergischen Gesellschaft deutscher Schauspieler vom 12. September bis 31. December 1799 ausgeführt wurden. Augsburg: n. p., 1800.

Der böhmische Wandersmann. Nos. 12, 14 , 19, and 20. Prague, 1801.

Theater und Litteratur 9 (14 June 1798). Prague.

Catalogs

Bartlitz, Eveline, ed. Carl Maria von Weber: Autographenverzeichnis. Deutsche Staatsbibliothek Handschrifteninventare 9. With an Introduction by Hans-Erich Teitge. Berlin: Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, 1986.

Dünnebeil, Hans, ed. Carl Maria von Weber: Ein Brevier. Berlin: AFAS -Musikverlag, 1949.

_____. Carl Maria von Weber, Leben und Werke, dargestellt in chronologischer Tafel: Mit vergleichenden Daten aus Musik-, Kunst-, Kultur-, und-Weltgeschichte. Berlin: AFAS -Musikverlag, 1953.

_____. Schrifttum über Carl Maria von Weber mit Schallplattenverzeichnis. Fourth edition. Berlin: Bote & Bock, 1942; reprint, Berlin: Bote & Bock, 1957.

Goldhan, Wolfgang. “Die Weberiana-Sammlung der Musik –Abteilung der Deutschen. Staatsbibliothek Berlin/DDR.” In Carl Maria von Weber Tage der DDR 1986 Berlin/Dresden. Edited by Gerhard Gommlich, 12–14. Dresden: DEWAG, 1986.

Hadamowsky, Franz. Die Wiener Hoftheater (Staatstheater) 1776–1966: Verzeichnis der aufgeführten Stücke mit Bestandsnachweis und täglichen Spielplan. 2 volumes. Vienna: Prachner, 1966.

_____. “Das Theater in der Wiener Leopoldstadt 1781–1860.” In Katalog der Theatersammlung der Nationalbibliothek in Wien. 4 vols. Vienna: O. Höfel, 1928.

179 Henderson, Donald, and Alice H. Henderson. Carl Maria von Weber: A Guide to Research . Garland Composer Resource Manuals 24. New York: Garland, 1990.

Jähns, Friedrich Wilhelm. Carl Maria von Weber in seinen Werken: Chronologisch- thematisches Verzeichnis seiner sämmtlichen Compositionen. Berlin: Schlesinger, 1871; reprint, Berlin-Lichterfelde: Lienau, 1967.

_____. Carl Maria von Weber, Werk und Wirkung im 19. Jahrhundert: Ausstellung der Schleswig-Holsteinischen Landesbibliothek. Kiel: Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesbibliothek, 1986.

_____. Verzeichniss von Weber’s Briefen 1810–1826. Manuscript notebook in Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin–Preußischer Kulturbesitz.

_____. Weberiana . Manuscript catalog in Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin– PreußischerKulturbesitz.

Laíske, Miroslav. Pražská dramaturgie. Ceská divadelní Predstavení v Praze do otevrení Prozatímního divadla DÍl [1] 1762 /?/ –1843. Prague: Ústav pro Ceskou a Svetovou Literaturu Csav, 1974.

Weber Studies—Biographical

Abraham, G. “Weber as Novelist and Critic.” The Musical Quarterly 20 (1934): 27–38. Reprinted in Slavonic and Romantic Music, 239–50. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1968.

Bartlitz, Eveline. “Eine vergessene Freundschaft.” In Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 29/1 (1987): 69–73.

Brown, Clive. “Weber, Carl Maria (Friedrich Ernst) von.” In Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 30 May 2002. http://www.grovemusic.com.

Döring, Heinrich. “Carl von Webers Biographie und Charakteristik.” In Compositionen von Carl Maria von Weber: Erste Rechtmässige Gesamtausgabe, ed. H. W. Stolze. 2 vols. Wolfenbüttel: L. Holle, 1857. 1:1–26.

Geiser, S. “Goethe und die Mutter Carl Maria von Webers: Erstveroffentlichung eines Theatervertrags zwischen dem Weimarischen Theater und Genovefa von Weber (1794), nach dem Handschrift Goethes.” In Schweizerische Musikzeitung 97/5 (May 1957): 177–180.

180 Hamann, Heinz Wolfgang. “Eine Eingabe Karl Maria von Webers an die Salzburger Theaterhofkommission.” Die Musikforschüng 15 (1962), 173–75.

Härtwig, Dieter. “Carl Maria von Weber und Dresden.” In Carl Maria von Weber Tage der DDR 1986 Berlin/Dresden. Edited by Gerhard Gommlich, 34–40. Dresden: DEWAG, 1986.

Hausswald, Günther, ed. Carl Maria von Weber: Eine Gedenkschrift. Dresden: V.V.V. Dresdener Verlag, 1951.

Herzfeld, Friedrich. “Die Tagebücher Carl Maria von Webers.” Allgemeine Musikzeitung 63 (1936), 785–86.

Höcker, Karla. Oberons Horn: Das Leben von Carl Maria von Weber. Berlin: Erika Klopp, 1986.

Hoffmann, Hans. Carl Maria von Weber: Biographie eines realistischen Romantikers. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1986.

Hsu, Dolores M enstell. “Weber on Opera: A Challenge to Eighteenth-Century Tradition.” In Studies in Eighteenth-Century Music: A Tribute to Karl Geiringer on his Seventieth Birthday, ed. H.C. Robbins Landon and Roger Chapman, 297–309. London: Allen and Unwin, 1970.

Kaiser, Georg Felix, ed. Beiträge zu einer Charakteristik Carl Maria von Webers als Musikschriftsteller. Leipzig: G. Kreysing, 1910.

Kapp, Julius. Carl Maria von Weber: Eine Biographie. Berlin: M. Hesses, 1944.

Laux, Karl. Carl Maria von Weber. Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1978.

_____. “Carl Maria von Webers Münchner Beitrag zur deutschen Oper.” In Festschrift Karl Engel zum siebzigsten Geburtstag, ed. Horst Heussner, 221–30. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1964.

Moser, Hans Joachim. Carl Maria von Weber: Leben und Werk. Second edition. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1955.

Schneiter, Philipp. “Carl Maria von Weber und seine Beziehungen zu Darmstadt.” In Darmstädter Musikleben im 19. Jahrhundert, 65–73. Darmstadt: Liebig, 1975.

Schnoor, Hans. “Carl Maria von Weber.” In Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich Blume, 14: 285–296. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1949–68.

181 _____. Weber: Gestalt und Schöpfung. Dresden: VEB Deutscher Verlag der Kunst, 1953.

Schünemann, Georg. “Carl Maria von Weber in Berlin: sein erster Besuch im Jahre 1812.” In Deutscher Tonkunst: Festschrift zu Peter Raabes 70. Geburtstag, 78–94. Leipzig: Peters, 1942.

Stebbins, Lucy Poate, and Richard Poate Stebbins. Enchanted Wanderer: The Life of Carl Maria von Weber. New York: Putnam, 1940.

Tusa, Michael C. “Carl Maria (Friedrich Ernst) von Weber.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 27: 135–72. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001.

Veit, Joachim. “Studien zum Frühwerk Carl Maria von Webers: Untersuchungen zum Einfluss Abbé Voglers und Franz Danzis.” Ph.D. dissertation, Universität Gesamthochschule Paderborn, 1987.

_____. “Quellen zur Biographie des jungen Weber (bis etwa 1815): Anmerkungen zum Forschungsstand.” Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 30/1 (1988), 68–71.

Walter, Friedrich. “Karl Maria von Weber in Mannheim und Heidelberg 1810 und sein Freundeskreis.” Mannheimer Geschichtsblätter 25 (February 1924), col. 18– 73.

Warrack, John. Carl Maria von Weber. London: Macmillan, 1968.

_____. “Carl Maria von Weber and his Diaries.” In Slavonic and Western Music. Essays for Gerald Abraham, ed. M alcolm Hamrick Brown and Roland John Wiley, 131–38. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Research Press, 1985. _____. “Carl Maria von Web er.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980. 20: 241–66.

Weber, Max Maria von. Carl Maria von Weber: Ein Lebensbild. Leipzig: E. Keil, 1864.

Wurzbach, Constant von. “Weber, Carl Maria von.” In Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Österreich , 60 vols. Vienna: K. K. Hof-und Staatsdruckerei, 1879. 53: 202–10.

182 Other Biographical Studies

Angermüller, Rudolf, and Teresa Hrdlick-Reichenberger. “Joseph Weigl (ii),” and “Thaddäus Weigl.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 27: 215–17. Available online in Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 31 July 2004. http://www.grovemusic.com.

Baumann, Thomas, and Zdenka Pilkova. “Georg (Anton [Jiri Antonín] Benda.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 3: 227–29.

Baumann, Thomas. “Bretzner, Christoph Friedrich.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1992. 1: 600.

Branscombe, Peter. “Bondini, Pasquale.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 3: 852–532.

_____. “Gerl, Franz Xaver.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 9: 699–700.

_____. “Haibel [Haibl, Heibel[, (Johann Petrus) Jakob [Jacob].” In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1992. 2: 596.

_____. “Henneberg, Johann Baptist.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 1: 375.

_____. “Kauer, Ferdinand.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 13: 415–17.

_____. “Mederitsch (-Gallus), Johann (Georg Anton).” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 16: 217–18.

_____. “Ruprecht, (Josef) Martin.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 21: 894–95.

_____. “Schack, Benedikt (Emmanuel).” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 22: 424–25.

_____. “Schenk, Johann Baptist.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 22: 475–77.

183 _____. “Seyfried, Ignaz (Xaver), Ritter von.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 23: 184.

_____. “Stegmayer, Matthäus.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 24: 324–25.

_____. “Umlauf [Umlauff], Ignaz.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 26: 67–68.

Buelow, George J. “Paul Ignaz Kürzinger.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 14: 52–53.

Charlton, David, and M. Elizabeth Bartlet. “Grétry, André-Ernest-Modeste.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 10: 385–95.

Corneilson, Paul, and Peter M. Alexander. “Danzi, Franz (Ignaz).’ In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 7: 4–6.

Costenoble, C. L. Tagebücher von seiner Jugend bis zur Übersiedlung nach Wien. 2 vols. Berlin: Gesellschaft für Theatergeschichte, 1912.

Eisenberg, Ludwig. Grosses Biographisches Lexikon der Deutschen Bühne im XIX Jahrhundert. Leipzig: Paul List, 1903.

Futter, Edith. Die bedeutendsten Schauspielerinnen des Leopoldstädter Theaters in der Zeit von 1800 bis 1830. Vienna: Notring, 1970.

Giebisch, Hans, and Gustav Gugitz. Bio -Bibliographisches Literaturlexikon Österreichs von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. Vienna: Brüder Hollinek, 1964.

Grave, Margaret, and Jay Lane. “Dittersdorf, Carl Ditters von.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 7: 385–91.

Hayes, Jeremy, Bruce Alan Brown, Max Loppert, and Winton Dean. “Gluck, Christoph Willibald Ritter von.” In Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 3 April 2005. http://www.grovemusic.com .

Hoffman-Erbrecht, Lothar. “Kalcher (Kalchner), Johann Nepomuk.” In Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich Blume. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1958. 7: 436.

184 Ladenburger, Michael. “Knecht, Justin Heinrich.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 13: 690–91.

Layer, Adolf, and Fiona Little. “Beecke, (Notger) Ignaz (Franz) von.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 3: 67–69.

Louda, Jirí, and Michael MacLagan. Lines of Succession: Heraldry of the Royal Families of Europe. 2nd ed. London: Little, Brown and Company, 1999.

Maier, Gunter. “Zumsteeg [Aum Steeg], Johann Rudolf.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 27: 883–85.

McCredie, Andrew D. “Stegmann, Carl David.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 24: 323–24.

Plath, Wolfgang. “Johann [Jean] André.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 1: 618–19.

Poštolka, Milan. “Partsch [Bartsch, Parc], Franz [Frantisek] Xaver.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 19: 176.

_____. “Volanek [Wolanek, Wollaneck, Wollanek], Antonin (Josef Alois) [Anton].” In The New Grove Dictiona ry of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 26: 878.

Poštolka, Milan, and Robert Hickman. ”Wranitzky [Vranický, Wraniczky, Wranizky], Paul [Pavel].” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 27: 575–77.

_____. ”Wranitzky [Vranický, Wraniczky, Wranizky], Paul [Pavel].” In Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 31 July 2004. http://www.grovemusic.com .

Rassmann, Friedrich. Pantheon deutscher jeßt lebender Dichter und in die Belletristik eingreifender Schriftsteller: begleitet mit kurzen biographischen Notizen und der wichtigsten Literatur. Helmstedt: C. G. Fleckeisensch, 1823.

Rönnau, Klaus. “Hanke [Hancke], Karl.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 10: 820.

185 _____. “Spindler, (Franz) Stanislaus.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 24: 182–83.

_____ , and Thomas Bauman. “Kaffka [Engelmann], Johann Christoph.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 13: 307–08.

Scherl, Adolf. “Guolfinger von Steinsberg, Karl Franz.” In Národní Divadlo a jeho predchudci: Slovník um elcu divadel Vlastenského, Stavovského, Prozatímního, a Národního, ed. Vladimír Procházka, 126–27. Prague: Ceskoslovenská Akademie Ved, 1988.

Schmid, H. “Valesi [Vallesi], Giovanni {Walleshauser, Johann Evangelist].” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980. 19:500–01.

Teuber, Oscar. Geschichte des Prager Theaters: von den Anfängen des Schauspielwesens bis auf die neueste Zeit. 3 vols. Prague: A. Haase, 1883–88.

Tomaschek, Wenzel Johann. “Selbstbiographie.” Jahrbuch für Libussa 4 (1845), 383– 91; 5 (1846), 321–27.

Tyler, Linda, and Caryl L. Clark. “Süssmayr [Süssmayer], Franz Xaver [Dolcevillico, Francesco Saverio].” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 24: 734–36.

Unverricht, Hubert. “Kerpen, Freiherr Hugo Franz Karl Alexander von [Hugo Friedrich].” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 13: 499.

_____. “Kospoth, Otto Carl Erdmann.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 13: 307–08.

Van Der Straeten, E., and John Warrack. “Graetz [Grätz, Graz], Joseph.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980. 7: 610.

Veit, Joachim. “Weber, (Franz) Edmund (Kaspar Johann Nepomuk Joseph Maria).” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 27: 134.

_____. “Weber, Franz Anton.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 27: 135.

186 _____. “Weber, Fridolin (Stephan Johann Nepomuk Andreas Maria) [Fritz] (ii).” In Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 6 January 2003. http://www.grovemusic.com.

Volek, Tomislav. “Guardasoni, Domenico.” In Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 15 October 2004. http://www.grovemusic.com .

Warrack, John, and Joachim Veit. “Heuschkel, Johann Peter.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 11: 469.

Warrack, John. “Kalcher [Kalchner], Johann Nepomuk.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 1980. 9: 774.

White, Chappell. “Giornovichi, Giovanni [Jarnovic, Jarnovicki, Jarnowick; Ivan] Mane.” In Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 31 July 2004. http://www.grovemusic.com.

Würtz, Roland. “Ferdinand Fränzl.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music a nd Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 9: 213.

_____, Valerie Walden, and Robert Münster. “Peter Ritter.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed., ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan, 2001. 21: 449–50.

Wurzbach, Constant von. “Steinsberg, Karl Guolfinger von.” In Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Österreich . 60 vols. Vienna: K. K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, 1879. 38: 152–59.

Weber Studies–Works

Ditzler, Kirk. “The Motif of the Forest in Weber's Silvana and Der Freischuetz.” In The Opera Journal 31 (1998): 35–49.

Gorer, R. “Weber and the Romantic Movement.” Music and Letters 17/1 (1936): 13–24.

Gubkina, Natalia. “Carl Maria von Weber’s Waldmädchen: Ein wiedergefundenes Jugendwerk.” Die Musikforschüng 53 (2000): 57–59.

_____. “Das Waldmädchen von Carl Maria von Weber: Notizen zum Petersburger Aufführungsmaterial.” Trans. Dagmar Beck. Weberiana 11 (2001): 32–51.

187 Sacher, Jack. “The Vocal and Choral Music of Carl Maria von Weber (1786–1826).” Ph.D. dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1965.

Schnoor, Hans. “Weber, München und die Freischütz-Romantik.” Blätter der Bayerischen Staatsoper 6/21 (1953–54): 20–25.

Tusa, Michael C. Euryanthe and Carl Maria von Weber’s Dramaturgy of German Opera. Oxford: Clarendon, 1991.

_____. “Weber’s Große Oper: A Note on the Origins of Euryanthe.” 19th-Century Music 8/2 (Autumn 1984), 199–24.

Viertel, Matthias S. “Zur Wirkungsgeschichte des Freischütz im 19. Jahrhundert.” In Carl Maria von Weber: Werk und Wirkung im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Dieter Lohmeier, 51–62. Kiel: Landesbibliothek, 1986.

Warrack, John. “Französische Elemente in Webers Opern.” In Carl Maria von Weber: Eine Gedenkschrift, ed. Günther Hausswald, 277–90. Dresden: V.V.V. Dresdener Verlag, 1951.

Wehnert, Martin. “Die Romanfragmente zum Tonkünstlers Leben als Quelle ästhetischer Anschauungen Carl Maria von Webers.” Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 29/3 (1987): 227–39.

Opera/Ballet/Theater Studies

Bailey, Robert. “Visual and Musical Symbolism in German Romantic Opera.” In International Musicological Society Report of the Twelfth Congress Berkeley 1977, ed. Daniel Heartz and Bonnie Wade, 440–43. Philadelphia: The American Musicological Society, 1981.

Bauman, Thomas. North German Opera in the Age of Goethe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

Becker, Heinz. “Die Couleur locale als Stilkategorie der Oper.” In Die Couleur locale in der Oper des 19. Jahrhunderts, S tudien zur Musikgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts 42, ed. Heinz Becker, 23–46. Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1976.

Branscombe, Peter. “Pantomime.” Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 19 August 2003. http://www.grovemusic.com .

188 Charlton, David. The Cambridge Companion to Grand Opera. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

Coleman, Arthur Prudden. Kotzebue and the Czech Stage. Schenectady, NY: Electric City Press, 1936.

Dahlhaus, Carl. “Die Kategorie des Charakteristischen in der Ästhetik des 19. Jahrhunderts.” In Die Couleur locale in der Oper des 19. Jahrhunderts. Studien zur Musikgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts 42, ed. Heinz Becker, 9–21. Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1976.

Dent, Edward J. The Rise of Romantic Opera. Edited by Winton Dean. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.

Doerner, Mark Frederick. “The Influence of the Kunstmärchen on German Romantic Opera, 1814–1825.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1990.

_____. “German Romantic Opera? A Critical Reappraisal of Undine and Der Freischütz.” Opera Quarterly 10 (1994): 10–26.

Engländer, Richard. “The Struggle between German and Italian Opera at the Time of Weber.” The Musical Quarterly 31 (1945): 479–91.

Fitzpatrick, Horace, and Peter Downey. “Jagdmusik.” Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy. Accessed 20 March 2005. http://www.grovemusic.com.

Glossy, Karl. Zur Geschichte der Theater Wiens. Vienna: C. Konegen, 1915.

Griffel, Margaret A. Operas in German: A Dictionary. New York: Greenwood, 1990.

Gubkina, Natalia. Nemeckij muzykal’nyi teatr v St.-Peterburge v perwoj treti XIX veka. St. Petersburg: Dmitri Bulanin, 2003.

_____. “Deutsches Musiktheater in St. Petersburg am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts.” Musikgeschichte in Mittel - und Osteuropa Mitteilungen der internationalen Arbeigsgemeinschaft an der Technischen Universität Chemnitz, ed. Helmut Loos and Eberhard Moller, 4: 95–116. Chemnitz, Schröder, 1999.

Hermann, Walter. “Geschichte der Schauspielkunst in Freiberg.” Schriften für Theaterwissenschaft, 2: 489–744. Berlin: n. p., 1960.

189 Holden, Amanda, Nicholas Kenyon, and Stephen Walsh, eds. The Viking Opera Guide. London: Penguin Group, 1993.

Jakubcová, Alena, Jitka Ludvová, and Václav Maidl, eds. Deutschsprachiges Theater in Prag: Begegnungen der Sprachen und Kulturen. Prague: Divadelní ústav, 2001.

Kirby, F. E. “Herder and Opera.” Journal of the American Musicological Society 15 (1962): 316–26.

Kotzebue, August von. Der Taubstumme. Leipzig: n. p., 1800.

Kramer, Jörg. Deutschesprachiges Musiktheater im späten 18. Jahrhundert. Typologie, Dramaturgie, und Anthropologie einer populären Gattung . Volumes 1 and 2 in Studien der deutschen Literatur. Tübingen: Niemayer, 1998.

Link, Dorothea. The National Court Theatre in Mozart’s Vienna: Sources and Documents 1783–1792. Oxford: Clarendon, 1998.

Loewenberg, Alfred. Annals of Opera, 1597–1940, Compiled f rom the Original Sources. 3rd edition. Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1978.

Manning, Elizabeth. “The Politics of Culture: Joseph II’s German Opera.” History Today 43/1 (1993): 15–22.

Meyer, Reinhart. “Der Anteil des Singspiels und der Oper am Repertoire der deutschen Bühnen in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhundert.” Proceedings of the Colloquium der Arbeitsstelle 18. Jahrhundert, Gesampthochschule Wuppertal. Universität Münster, Amorbach, 1979. 27–76. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1981.

Meyer, Stephen Conrad. “Performing Identity: The Search for a German Opera in Dresden, 1798–1832.” Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1996.

_____. Carl Maria von Weber and the Search for a German Opera. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003.

Mundt, Theodor. “Über Oper, Drama, und Melodrama in ihrem Verhältnis zu einander und zum Theater.” Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung 152–55 (June 1831): 665–79.

Parsons, Charles H., comp. The Mellen Opera Reference Index. 21 Volumes. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1986–99.

190 Peter, Ilka. Der Salzburger Fackeltanz: zur Geschichte eines Tanzes. Salzburg: Salzburger Druckerei, 1979.

Procházka, Vladimir, Zoltán Rampák and František Mužík, eds. Národní Divadlo a Jeho Predchudci: Slovník umelcu divadel Vlastenského, Stavovského, Prozatímního, a Národního. Prague: Academia Praha, 1988.

Reiber, Kurt. Volk und Oper: Das Volkstümliche in der deutsche romantischen Oper. Wurzburg: Triltsch, 1942.

Rommel, Otto. Die Alt-Wiener Volkskomödie. Ihre Geschichte von baroken Welt-Theater bis zum Tode Nestroys. Vienna, A. Schroll, 1952.

Schink, Johann Friedrich. Gallerie von Teutschen Schauspielern und Schuspielerinnen nebst Johann Friedrich Schinks Zusätzen und Berichtigungen. Volume 13 of Schriften der Gesellschaft für Theatergeschichte. Berlin: Gesellschaft für Theatergeschichte, 1910.

St. Laurent, Marissa Anne Solomon. “The Life and Operatic Works of a ‘Divine Philistine’: Paul Wranitzky.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 2000.

Tieck, Ludwig. Ludwig Tieck’s Schriften. 28 vols. Berlin: G. Reiner, 1828–1854.

Tyrell, John. Czech Opera. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

Wahnrau, Gerhard. Berlin, Stadt der Theater. Berlin: Henschelverlag, 1957.

Warrack, John. “German Operatic Ambitions at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century.” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 64 (1977–78): 79–88.

Vondrácek, Jan. Prehledné Dejiny Ceského Divadla. Nusle: Svoboda, 1926.

Yates, W. E. Theatre in Vienna: A Critical History, 1776–1995. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Zelzer, Hugo. “German Opera from Mozart to Weber.” In Of German Music: A Symposium, ed. Hans-Hubert Schönzeler, 124–52. London: Oswald Wolff, 1976.

191 Historical/Cultural Studies—Feral Children

Anonymous. The Annual Register, or a View of the History, Politics, and Literature, for the Years 1784 and 1785. London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1785. Available online in Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. http:galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO. Accessed 18 November 2004.

_____. “The Savage.” In Miscellaneous Poems by Several Hands, comp. and ed. D. Lewis. London: J. Watts, 1726.

Arbuthnot, John, and Jonathan Swift. It cannot rain but it pours: or, London strow’d with rarities. Being, an account of . . . And lastly, of the wonderful wild man that was nursed in the woods of Germany by a wild beast, hunted and taken in toyls . . . being call’d Peter; and how he was brought to Court. London: J. Roberts, 1726.

Burnet, James, Lord Monboddo. Antient metaphysics. Edinburgh: J. Balfour, 1779. Reprinted New York: Garland, 1977.

Candland, D. K. Feral Children and Clever Animals: Reflections on Human Nature. London: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Condillac, Etienne Bonnot de Mably de. An essay on the origin of human knowledge. Being a supplement to Mr. Locke’s essay on the human understanding. [Essai sur l’origine des connaissances humaines: ouvrage où l'on réduit à un seul principe tout ce qui concerne l'entendement humain] Translated by Thomas Nugent. London: J. Nourse, 1756. Available online in Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. http:galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO. Accessed 31 October 2004.

_____. Essai sur l’o rigine des connaissances humaines: ouvrage où l'on réduit à un seul principe tout ce qui concerne l'entendement humain. Amsterdam : Pierre Mortier, 1746.

_____. “Essay on the Origin of Human Knowledge.” In Cambridge Texts on the History of Philosophy, ed. Hans Aarsleff, 88–89. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Connor, Bernard, and John Savage. The History of Poland : in several letters to persons of quality. Giving an account of the present state of that Kingdom, historical, political, physical, and ecclesiastical. London: D. Brown, A. Roper, and T. Leigh, 1698.

DaFoe, Daniel. Mere Nature Delineated: or, a Body without a Soul. Being Observations upon the Young Forester Lately brought to Town from Germany. With suitable applications. Also, a brief dissertation upon the usefulness and necessity of fools, whether political or nature. London: T. Warner, 1726.

192 Ducray-Duminil, François Guil. Alexis: ou, La maisonnette dans le bois. Paris: Maradan, 1789.

_____. Coeline: ou, l’enfant du mystère. Paris: Le Prierus, 1798.

_____. Lolotte et Fanfan: ou, Les aventures de deux enfans abondonnés dans une isle déserte. Paris: Maradan, 1788.

_____. Paul; oder, der verlassene Meierhof; vom verfasser des Victor, der Edlina u. s. w.. Leipzig: J. G. Beygang, 1803.

_____. Victor: ou, l’enfant de la forêt. Paris, Le Prieur, 1797.

Itard, Jean Marc Gaspard. De l’éducation d’un hoomme sauvage ou des premiers développements physiques et moraux de jeune sauvage de l’Aveyron. Paris: Goujon, 1801.

_____. Rapport fait à son excellence le Ministre de l’intérieur sur les nouveaux développemens et l’état actuel du sauvage de l’Aveyron. Paris: Imprimér ide impériale, 1806.

La Condamine, Charles-Marie, and Madame Hecquet. Histoire d’une jeune fille sauvage trouvée dans les bois à l’âge de dix ans. Paris: n. p., 1755, 1761.

_____. The history of a savage girl , caught wild in the woods of Champagne. [Translation of Histoire d’une jeune fille sauvage trouvée dans les bois à l’âge de dix ans]. London: R. Dursley and T. Davidson, 1760. Reprint, Edinburgh: A. Kincaid and J. Bell, 1768. Reprint, London: J. Wren and W. Hodges, 1784. Reprint, Aberdeen: Burnett and Rettie, 1796. Reprint: Edinburgh: J. Morren, 1800.

Leroy, Julien David. “Mémoire sur les travaux qui ont rapport à l’exploitation de la mature dans les Pyrénées.” In Des navires employés par les anciens, et de l’usage qu’on en pourroit faire dans notre marine. Paris: n. p., 1774; reprint 1803.

Linné, Carl von. Caroli Linnæi ... Systema naturæ per regna tria naturae, secundum classes, ordines, genera, species, cum charateribus, differentiis, synonymis, locis, etc. 10th ed. Stockholm: Laurentii Salvii, 1758.

Newton, Michael. Savage Girls and Wild Boys. London: Faber and Faber, 2002.

Phillips, Richard. Essay on Abstinence from Animal Food as a Moral Duty. London: Richard Phillips, 1802.

193 Porter, Roy. "Science, Provincial Culture, and Public Opinion." In British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 3 (1980): 20–46

Racine, Louis. “Écclaircissement: Sur la fille sauvage dont est parlé dans cette epître.” In La Grace, poëme; par Monsieur Racine, De l’Académic Royale des Inscriptions & Belles-Letters. Paris: Londres, 1785.

_____. “Epître II, sur l’homme, poësies nouvelles.” In Oeuvres. Paris: J. B. Coignard, 1747. Reprint, Paris: Le Normant, 1808.

Shattuck, Roger. The Forbidden Experiment: The Story of the Wild Boy of Aveyron. New York: Kondosha, 1980; reprint, 1994.

Swift, Jonathan (attr.). The most wonderful wonder that ever appear’d to the wonder of the British Nation: Being an account of the travels of Mynheer Veteranus, thro’ the woods of Germany; and an account of his taking a most monstrous she bear, who had nurs’d up the wild boy, there landing at the tower. . . with a dialogue between the old she bear and her foster son. Dublin: G. Faulkner, 1726.

Voltaire. “Poème sur la loi naturelle.” In La henriade: en dix chants, précédée, accompagnée, & suivie de toutes les piéces rélatives à ce poëme & à la poësie epique en général auxquelles on a joint, le Temple du gout les Discours sur l'homme, les Poëmes de Fontenoy, sur le desastre de Lisbonne, sur la loi naturelle, &c. &c. Geneva: n. p., 1771.

Selected Historical/Cultural Studies—Romanticism and Music

Abrams, M. H. The Mirror and the Lamp: Romantic Theory and the Critical Tradition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1953.

_____. Natural Supernaturalism: Tradition and Revolution in Romantic Literature. New York: W.W. Norton, 1971.

Applegate, Celia. “What is German Music? Reflections on the Role of Art in the Creation of a Nation.” German Studies Review 15 (Winter 1992): 21–32.

Barraclough, Geoffrey. The Origins of Modern Germany . 2nd ed. London: Norton, 1984.

Berlin, Isaiah. The Roots of Romanticism. The A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. The National Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C., Bollingen Series xxxv: 45, ed. Henry Hardy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999.

194 Clark, Robert T. Herder: His Life and Thought. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969.

Dahlhaus, Carl. Nineteenth-Century Music. Translated by J. Bradford Robinson. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.

_____. Europäische Romantik in der Musik. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1999.

Daverio, John. Nineteenth-Century Music and the German Romantic Ideology. New York: Schirmer, 1993.

Dieckmann, Liselotte. “Friedrich Schlegel and Romantic Concepts of the Symbol.” The Germanic Review 34 (1959): 276–83.

Hertz, Frederick. The German Public Mind in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History of German Political Sentiments, Aspirations, and Ideas. Edited by Franck Eyck, translated by Eric Northcott. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1975.

Kamm, Robert. A History of the Hapsburg Empire, 1526–1918. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1974.

Peckham, Morse. The Birth of Romanticism, 1790–1815. Vol. 1 of Romanticism and its Consequences: Emergent Culture in the Nineteenth Century 1790–1912. Greenwood, FL: Penkevill, 1986.

Plantinga, Leon. Romantic Music: A History of Musical Style in Nineteenth-Century Europe. New York: W. W. Norton, 1984.

Randel, Don Michael, ed. The New Harvard Dictionary of Music. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1986.

Ratner, Leonard G. Romantic Music: Sound and Syntax. New York: Schirmer, 1992.

Steblin, Rita. A History of Key Characteristics in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1983.

195 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Bama Elizabeth Lutes Deal was born in Florida in 1957, the second daughter of U. S. Air Force M/Sgt. Albert William Lutes and Florence Louise (née Phillips) Lutes. She attended public schools in California and Florida, studying music (piano and horn) throughout her childhood. She holds a Bachelor of Arts in Music, a certificate in Horn Performance, a Master of Music in Musicology, and a PhD in musicology, all from The Florida State University. Deal served as the coordinator of FSU’s Society for Musicology in 1998-99 and has presented papers at meetings of the Southern Chapter of the American Musicological Society and the CHT Lecture Series at the University of North Carolina— Greensboro. Her research interests include Schubert Lieder, early German opera, and Czech theater history. Since 2002 she has taught music appreciation courses at Wake Forest University in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. An active orchestral and chamber musician for many years, she has performed with the Florida Philharmonic Orchestra, Miami City Ballet, Palm Beach Opera, the Jacksonville Symphony, the Greater Palm Beach Symphony, the South Florida Symphony, the Miami Chamber Orchestra, the Jupiter Theater, Ballet Florida, Brass Alive! brass quintet, and Trio Cantabile (violin, horn, piano). Deal also taught horn at

Florida Atlantic University and Palm Beach Atlantic University for several years. Her horn teachers include Reid Poole, David Glaser (Cleveland Orchestra), David Gray (London Symphony Orchestra), William Capps (FSU), and Michelle Stebleton (FSU), and she has also performed in master classes with Barry Tuckwell. She has two grown children and resides in Greensboro, North Carolina, with her husband, John J. Deal.

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