Children's Harmful Work in Ghana's Lake Volta Fisheries

AActionction on Children’s Harmful Work in AfricanAfrican AgricultureAgriculture

Working Paper 5

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking

Imogen Bellwood-Howard and Abdulai Abubakari December 2020

1 ACHA Working Paper 5 interventions to address harmful children’s work. About ACHA: These are the areas that ACHA will address. The research informing this Working Paper as well ACHA is a collaborative programme led by the as its publication was made possible thanks to the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Brighton, Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office UK. Partners include: (FCDO)-funded research on Action on Children’s Harmful Work in African Agriculture (ACHA). The • University of Ghana, Legon aim of the programme is to build evidence on: • University of Development Studies, Tamale • African Rights Initiative International (ARII) • the forms, drivers, and experiences of children’s • University of Sussex harmful work in African agriculture; and • University of Bath • interventions that are effective in preventing • University of Bristol harm that arises in the course of children’s work. • Fairtrade Foundation • ISEAL Alliance It is currently assumed that the majority of • Rainforest Alliance children’s work in Africa is within the agricultural • Food Systems Planning and Healthy sector. However, the evidence base is very poor in Communities Lab, University at Buffalo regard to: the prevalence of children’s harmful work • International Cocoa Initiative (ICI) in African agriculture; the distribution of children’s • Sustainable Trade Initiative (IDH). harmful work across different agricultural value chains, farming systems and agro-ecologies; the effects of different types of value chains and models ACHA is directed by Professor Rachel of value chain coordination on the prevalence of Sabates‑Wheeler ([email protected]) harmful children’s work; and the efficacy of different and Dr James Sumberg.

Children work throughout the Lake Volta fisheries About this report: value chain. It is commonly assumed most have been trafficked. Research and advocacy has focused on dangers to young boys harvesting fish, and poverty as a driver, precluding attention to harms experienced by non-trafficked children, girls’ experiences and work-education dynamics. More work is needed on the proportions of children who fish and perform harmful work; structural, ecological and historical contexts; young people’s agency in pursuing fishing work; and why attention to trafficking dominates.

This report has been funded with UK aid from the Acknowledgements: UK government (FCDO). The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of IDS or the UK government.

Bellwood-Howard, I. and Abubakari, A. (2020) Suggested citation: Children’s Harmful Work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: Research Needed to Move Beyond Discourses of Child Trafficking, ACHA Working Paper 5, Brighton: Action on Children’s Harmful Work in African Agriculture, IDS, DOI: 10.19088/ACHA.2020.004

© Institute of Development Studies 2020 ISBN: 978-1-78118-702-9 Copyright DOI: 10.19088/ACHA.2020.004 This is an Open Access paper distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated.

2 ACHA Working Paper 5 Contents

1 Introduction 5

1.1 Working paper objective and methods 5

1.2 Historical, economic and labour context of fishing around Lake Volta 7

1.3 Fishing on Lake Volta, its governance and labour relations 8

2 Children’s work in fisheries 8

2.1 Tasks children perform 8

2.2 Prevalence of children’s work and harmful work 9

2.3 Trends in demand and availability of child workers 10

2.4 Children’s work and harm 10

2.5 Organisation and terms of children’s work 11

2.6 Gender and social difference 13

3 Drivers of children’s work and harm in fisheries 14

3.1 Poverty and its historical components 14

4 Discourses and policy 15

4.1 Discourses 15

4.2 Policy, practice and key stakeholders 17

5 Dynamics of children’s work and harm in fisheries 19

5.1 Work and school 19

5.2 Ethno-professional and migrant identities 20

5.3 Relative harm when working with parents, family and strangers at home and away 20

5.4 Children’s own motivations and agency 21

5.5 Seasonality and the nature of fishing 21

5.6 Proposed solutions to different problems – rescues and market structures 21

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 3 6 Conclusions 22

6.1 Research questions 22

6.2 Suggested fieldwork 23

6.2.1 Qualitative 23

6.2.2 Quantitative 24

6.2.3 Contingency plans due to coronavirus movement restrictions 24

References 25

Figures and tables

Figure 1. Map of Lake Volta in Ghana 7

Table 1. Stakeholders encountered during reconnaissance visit 6 Table 2. Forms of harm experienced by children working in fisheries 11 Table 3. Data on reasons for moving, from a 2003 survey of working migrant children 16 Table 4. Policy actions relevant to children working in Ghanaian fisheries 17 Table 5. Key actors, stakeholder groups and organisations 18 Table 6. Proposed communities for initial qualitative data collection 24

Author notes Abdulai Abubakari is a sociologist by training with several years’ experience in community development, farmer-herder conflicts, the impact of climate Imogen Bellwood-Howard’s research has focused on sustainable agriculture change on livestock and civil society participation in education. He is a and food systems, largely in rural and urban West Africa. She has been at research assistant on the Action on Children’s Harmful Work in African the Institute of Development Studies since 2017, where she has worked Agriculture (ACHA) programme. Abdulai is a research fellow and director of on projects concerned with agricultural resource use, commercialisation Institute for Interdisciplinary Research and Consultancy Services, University and research funding in Africa. In previous academic roles, she has focused for Development Studies, Tamale, Ghana. Before becoming director, he on the social embeddedness of agricultural markets and city-region food served as coordinator of postgraduate programmes, coordinator of research systems, and sustainable soil management. Imogen’s interdisciplinary and and conferences and a member of the graduate school board. Recently, mixed methods research approach draws on environmental geography, with his research focus has been on farmer-herder relations, the role of non- influences from agroecology, socioecological systems thinking, science and state actors in basic education service delivery, chieftaincy and traditional technology studies, political ecology and practice theory. institutions in northern Ghana.

4 ACHA Working Paper 5 1 Introduction

Children’s work in Ghana’s Lake Volta fisheries, Furthermore, there is a need to address the as in agriculture and other productive and disconnect between the literature on children’s extractive activities, has a long history, takes work in fisheries and that in other sectors, where various forms and provokes controversy. Such forms of work and migration other than trafficking work can be helpful, harmful, or a mixture of seem to play a role: if trafficking dominates the both for a given child or household. Considering sector to the extent suggested by the fisheries the history of children’s work-related mobility literature (e.g. Iversen 2006; Tengey and Oguaah in West Africa, some academic sources have 2002), why does this sector differ from others? problematised a discourse largely focused on If other forms of migration are in fact present in trafficking. Nevertheless, this remains the dominant this sector, what are the reasons for, and effects presentation of children’s work in the Lake Volta of, a dominant focus on child trafficking: has fisheries among key local stakeholders, as well this diverted attention from the harms that non- as in the popular media, academic and advocacy trafficked children are exposed to, and differences literature. This discourse may have diverted between migrant and local children? In all these attention from other dimensions of children’s work investigations greater awareness of the historical in Lake Volta’s fisheries, including the exposure of and structural dimensions of child labour and its autonomous and other migrant and home-working mobility would be helpful. children to harm, and the relative advantages and trade-offs associated with children’s work. Contemporary children’s work in the Lake Volta fisheries is part of longer-term patterns of mobility and is performed in diverse circumstances involving 1.1 Working paper objective and complex conditions. Some children have indeed methods been trafficked, but it is hard to say precisely what proportion, because others work with parents, This is a scoping paper that explores the current neighbours, strangers or foster carers under a state of knowledge and contemporary discourse to range of different terms and conditions. Some earn do with children’s work in the fisheries value chain cash or in-kind benefits or opportunities through around Lake Volta. It will identify knowledge gaps working. At the same time, they may be exposed to and outline priority novel research questions that reversible or irreversible harms, from light injuries to future programmes should address. psychological and emotional damage, and even risk It starts with a general introduction to fishing on of drowning. Some may have been obliged to work the lake. The paper covers what little is known against their will, while others may themselves about the prevalence of children’s work, as well as have decided to work. Alternatively, they may have trends, and historical and contemporary drivers. In been party to a difficult household decision that terms of dynamics, interactions with schooling are they should perform what they see as unpleasant considered, as well as ethno-professional aspects work for a perceived greater good, such as the of the work, the relative harm caused by working in wellbeing of their family or better long- or short- various contexts, and what proposed solutions say term opportunities. about how the problem is perceived. The conclusion Some aspects of children’s work in fisheries are outlines knowledge gaps and priority research clearer than others. For example, the gender questions, and proposes qualitative and quantitative associations of harvesting, processing and work needed to be carried out to answer them. marketing tasks are established. Meanwhile, it is The report is based largely on a literature review, probable that the poverty of parents and fishers augmented with a small amount of data collected motivates their willingness to supply and use cheap in the course of visits made to three districts and labour. But many other details are less clear. The several fishing communities along Lake Volta in actual exposure of fostered, migrant, trafficked March 2020. The districts were Pru East, with the and home-working children to different forms of capital town at Yeji; Krachi West, with the capital harm could be better quantified, as well as the town at Kete Krachi; and Sene East, with the capital proportion of working children who fall into each town at Kajaji. In addition to the towns of Yeji and of these categories and the details of how far they Kete Krachi, smaller communities visited were contributed to decision-making about their working. Vutideke in Pru East district; and Lala, Ogache, There is also need for an assessment of the relative Tomefa (New Jerusalem Tomefa), Wilikopei, benefits of working in areas where different Tokukopei and Aspachakopei, all in Sene East livelihood opportunities, including schooling, are district (Figure 1). Table 1 shows stakeholders differentially available. encountered in the field.

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 5 Table 1. Stakeholders encountered during reconnaissance visit

Role Location District

Workers at Department of Community Development and Yeji Pru East Social Welfare (two male)

District coordinating director (male) Yeji Pru East

Ghana Education Service officials (four male) Yeji Pru East

Boat maker (male) Yeji Pru East

Ex-child labourer and fisher (male) Yeji Pru East

Fishing association fisher and secretary (both male) Yeji Pru East

Chief and elder (both male) Vutidike Pru East

Assemblyman of Sofoline electoral area (male) Kete Krachi Krachi West

District chief executive (male) Kete Krachi Krachi West

District coordinating director (male) Kete Krachi Krachi West

Ghana Police Service (one male) Kete Krachi Krachi West

Department of Community Development and Social Welfare Kete Krachi Krachi West (one male)

Fishmongers (five female) Kete Krachi Krachi West

Market women (four female) Kete Krachi Krachi West

Opinion leader (male) Lala Sene East

Chief (one) and community leaders (five male) Lala Sene East

Chief (male) Ogache Sene East

Fishmongers (four female) Ogache Sene East

Fishers (six male) Tomefa Sene East

Youths (seven male and three female) Wilikopei Sene East

Assemblyman (male) Tokukopei Sene East

Fishers (six male) Aspachakopei Sene East

Source: Authors’ own.

Interactions with stakeholders were informal, taking actions at this stage, as another function of the the form of guided walk-rounds in communities, field trip was to establish cordial relations with field and conversations and meetings with key figures in actors. Visits to communities lasted several hours, their offices and communities. These conversations with conversations with key stakeholders lasting dealt largely with respondents’ perceptions of the approximately an hour on average. Written notes current state of affairs in relation to children’s work were taken in English during the conversations in fisheries, and how they dealt with these issues and summarised after the interaction. Photographs in their own work. There was limited probing into and notes were taken while walking around the rationales for their professional stances and communities.

6 ACHA Working Paper 5 1.2 Historical, economic and Figure 1. Map of Lake Volta, Ghana, labour context of fishing around showing the three study locations BURKINA FASO Lake Volta • Bolgatanga • Bawku At independence, most of Ghana’s wealth came from the export of cocoa, gold and timber. The related industries had long shaped a pattern • Wa of labour migration from the north to the south of the country, and a corresponding policy of deliberate underdevelopment of the north by Tamale • Yendi • colonial governors to maintain a cheap labour supply (Plange 1979; Songsore and Denkabe 1995; Songsore et al. 2001). Independence CÔTE TOGO leader Kwame Nkrumah instituted a programme D’IVOIRE of industrialisation as part of an effort to reduce Yeji• reliance on imports and the export of raw materials. •Kete Krachi Sene East Communities• The industrialisation programme included the • Berekum construction of the Akosombo Hydroelectric Lake Dam. Lake Volta was formed between 1962 and GHANA Volta 1966 behind the dam. As the lake filled, 80,000 Kumasi • displaced people were forced to relocate and • Nkawkaw Ho• find new livelihoods (Raschid-Sallyet al. 2008). • Obuasi Lomé Simultaneously, migrants, many with ethnic • Koforidua • affiliations to fishing including the Ewe, Fante, Ga • Tema and their subtribes, came from other, primarily Accra• coastal, areas of Ghana to the shores of the new • Winneba • Cape Coast lake to fish. This created a largely artisanal industry, • Sekondi which the International Labour Organization (ILO) •Study locations estimated contained approximately 80,000 fishers and 20,000 processors and traders in 2004–05. Source: Authors’ own. Currently, the lake also provides irrigation, transportation and recreational services. Though perceived as one of the more stable The construction of the Akosombo Dam was a economies of West Africa, and certainly the most factor contributing to Ghana’s high external debt stable democracy, high inflation has continued in the 1960s and was not perceived at the time into the twenty-first century. Since the turn of the to have contributed to a rise in living standards. century, governments have followed international Indeed, for those around the lake relocation development accords and trends, notably continent- damaged rather than improved their quality of life wide calls for an ‘African Green Revolution’ (Miescher 2014). Following Nkrumah’s overthrow comprising modernisation and commercialisation in 1966, national economic performance was of the agriculture, livestock and fishing sectors variable and conditions did not improve notably for (Kansanga et al. 2019). Ghana reached middle- producers, such as the fisherfolk around Lake Volta, income status in 2011, though the discovery of as Ghana went through a succession of military and offshore oil in 2013 did not provide the economy civilian rulers and general macroeconomic decline with the upturn expected. (Fosu and Aryeetey 2008). Despite political stability, continuing inequalities In the early 1980s, the administration of President mean that people inhabiting less well-connected Jerry Rawlings accepted a package of World areas of the country, such as the shores of Lake Bank and International Monetary Fund structural Volta, continue with diversified, semi-subsistence adjustment measures and austerity policies. This livelihoods largely based on extraction of natural acceptance, and the transition to democracy in resources. The sometimes extreme poverty seen 1992, led Ghana to be noted internationally as along the edge of Lake Volta and in other more a development success, though inequality and remote areas of the country is underpinned by poverty among farmers and fishers had improved the longer-term, structural factors outlined above, little. Some people who had lost jobs in urban or including structural adjustment, historical labour formal sectors returned to fishing and farming to migration and the legacy of the creation of the lake support their livelihoods. itself (ILO-IPEC 2013; Okyere 2017).

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 7 1.3 Fishing on Lake Volta, its largely in the form of associations of fishers,1 who are mainly men, and fishmongers, who are mainly governance and labour relations women (Torell, Owusu and Okyere Nyako 2015). Chief fishermen and fishmongers traditionally Fishing as practised on Lake Volta is an arduous played important governance roles in Ghanaian and time-intensive occupation. It is occasionally undertaken for subsistence purposes; but largely, fishing communities; for example, enforcing taboo fishing is at least partly integrated into local and days on which fishing or fish sales were prohibited, national value chains. Fishers use a variety of gear to support restocking. Some of these organisations and techniques, but fishing with various types of and structures are replicated and persist today nets dominates. Gill nets are hung in the water; in the lakeside communities, including those we cast nets are thrown and immediately retrieved; visited. and seine nets are cast in a circle from a canoe However, in the twenty-first century, these and pulled in from the shore. Traps are also used associations are more likely to be involved in – including, more recently, bamboo traps – which political or advocacy activities; for example, several of our respondents were either using or advocating on the part of fishers for subsidised interested in (Zdunnek et al. 2008). premixed fuel. Some are linked to organisations at Many of those currently engaged in fishing on the a national level, such as the Ghana National Fish lakeshore still perceive themselves to be migrants, Processors and Traders Association (Torell et al. even though they or their parents may have been 2015). By no means are all workers connected to born on the lakeshore (ILO-IPEC 2013; Zdunnek these organisations: employees and fishing crew et al. 2008). Members of such communities retain members, for example, are poorly organised, and links to their ‘hometowns’, often in more southerly there is no major representative body for minors locations; for example, travelling ‘home’ for festivals working in the fishing sector. Fishers, whether in an and funerals (Singleton, Stone and Stricker 2016). association or not, tend to operate as independent Apparently, many of today’s lakeside settlements businesses (ILO-IPEC 2013). Golo (2005) points started as seasonal fishing stations before the out that the ethnic orientation of many fishing 1970s and have gradually become increasingly organisations means migrant fishers who have permanent, despite still not being conceptualised as arrived more recently, including those displaced permanent (Chisholm 1983). by conflicts elsewhere in West Africa, may not In coastal and traditional fishing communities, have access to them or may operate outside their semi-formal governance structures frequently exist, jurisdiction and rules.

2 Children’s work in fisheries

2.1 and gear including boats, traps and nets. They set Tasks children perform and collect traps, and go out onto the lake in boats, Fishers and local government workers we met rowing, bailing water, and reeling and casting nets. on the shore confirmed some of the general They are often obliged to dive to the bottom of the descriptions given in the literature relating to how lake to free trapped nets, which is frequently cited as the most dangerous task they perform, with a children are involved in fishing. It is important to high risk of drowning (Adeborna and Johnson 2014; preface this discussion with the observation that, Harrison 2010). They carry fish to shore, process although children are defined as people under the them (cleaning, salting, drying, frying etc.), and age of 18 in Ghana’s 1998 Children’s Act, many sell them. These tasks may be performed in the people do not know their precise age, and may company of adults, but sometimes are carried out be performing an adult socioeconomic role before by unaccompanied groups of children, often with reaching their eighteenth birthday; for example, if older children acting as supervisors. they start an independent household or family. Based on the survey of Zdunnek et al. (2008), Children work at all lake and lakeside stages of the this is the case across the whole lake, from north value chain. They produce and maintain equipment to south. Some tasks are perceived as especially

1 The following terms will be used: fishers = people who fish. Fisherfolk = people in fishing communities, including inhabitants ethnically associated with fishing, fishers and fishmongers.

8 ACHA Working Paper 5 well-suited to children. For example, bearing in Singleton et al. (2016) surveyed the southern mind that a crew of younger children is lighter than portion of the lake by approaching every fishing a crew of adults, they are seen as better suited boat seen on the lake and interviewing each child for menial tasks in the boat, such as stringing out on board. A total of 768 boys and three girls from nets, bailing water and sitting in the prow to direct. 982 boats were surveyed, and the study reported Although adults and older youths are more likely to that nearly 60 per cent of the children had been perform physically harder tasks such as drawing in trafficked. This study has been cited by others nets, younger children are not entirely exempt from since, but several critiques can be made of the participating in these tasks. methodology. Their definition of trafficking was that the child had moved from their birthplace without their parents for work purposes: this can cover many types of child and youth labour relocation described in the literature on West Africa, including some forms of placement with relatives and 2.2 Prevalence of children’s work autonomous migration by young people (Thorsen 3 and harmful work 2006, 2009, 2014). This highlights the contentious nature of this There are limited data on the prevalence of children definition and its interpretation. It conflates very of different ages working in the ways described different categories: 20 per cent of children above, and the prevalence of harmful work. encountered confirmed that this definition Although it is very likely that a majority of fishers described their situation; a further 37 per cent were and fishmongers have children helping them in classed as ‘suspected trafficked’ by the researchers. some capacity, it is currently impossible to know: In these cases, they were unable to interview the (1) what proportion of the labour force is composed boat occupants fully. But, problematically, they of children; (2) what proportion of children are decided that children who appeared scared, shy, involved; (3) the age and other characteristics of unkempt or deferential to adults were likely to have the children involved; and (4) under what terms been trafficked. Nearly 75 per cent of the children and conditions they are working, including their were confirmed or estimated to be aged 12 or migration status. Nevertheless, in line with the under. preoccupation with trafficking, a few studies have It is important to note that both these studies attempted to estimate the proportion of children sampled children working in fish harvesting working who have been trafficked or are working rather than across the value chain, and therefore away from their parents. ultimately described the situation of boys, skating In 2013, an ILO-International Programme on the over processing and trading activities where girls Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) survey of 350 are represented in greater numbers. There is hardly children working in fishing across ten districts found any information available on the prevalence of girls’ that 52 per cent were in their home communities, work along the fish value chain, and little detailed whereas the remainder were from elsewhere in qualitative information on the nature of it. Ghana (ILO-IPEC 2013). This latter group included When the Ghana Statistical Service, with ILO-IPEC, children who had moved with one or both parents carried out the 2003 Ghana Child Labour Survey, to the fishing community; 75 per cent of children they found about 25 per cent of children in the lived with one or both parents, 17 per cent with fishing industry across the whole of Ghana were other family members, and 8 per cent with their aged between five and nine years, while 40 per employer or another non-family member. The same cent were aged between nine and 14, and 34 per study surveyed 90 fishers who employed children, cent were aged between 15 and 17 (GSS 2003: 350 parents and 264 community members. 64); 87 per cent were boys. But, in this survey, Perhaps by combining these responses with those wholesale and retail trade is a separate category, from the 350 working children mentioned above, and fishmongering, with the girls engaged in they reported that 65 per cent of working children it, would therefore fall into this category. This were working in communities other than their highlights the different implications of taking parental community,2 but most of these children a value chain and sectoral approach. Further lived with family members. quantitative work would help gain clarity about the

2 This assumption that all data sources were combined to give the latter sets of results seems the easiest way to reconcile the finding that 65 per cent of children were working in communities other than their parental community, while 52 per cent were in their home communities. Another apparent discrepancy is that 75 per cent of children were reported as living with parents, but also 65 per cent as working outside their parental community. It may be that the study defined ‘parental’ and ‘home’ communities differently. In general, this points to a still unfulfilled need to be more explicit about such terms. 3 Nor does this definition refer to the notion of exploitation, central to most understandings of trafficking. Although a definition referring to a unique set of legislation may be overly rigid, there is at least a need to understand what constitutes trafficking in relation to who sees which type of labour as exploitative.

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 9 proportions of children of different ages, migration One media report reflects on possible longer-term status and gender currently engaged in different drivers of change. Boyle (2013) reports that the nodes of the fishing value chain, and the conditions apprentices originally recruited into family fishing under which they work. businesses in the decades after the formation of Lake Volta were adolescents who had already finished middle school. As youth perceptions of attractive adult occupations changed, conceivably along with the opportunities open to them and their increasing autonomy, adult fishers found 2.3 Trends in demand and that adolescent labour was less available, and availability of child workers recruitment of younger, more obedient children was necessary to fill the labour gap. Thorsen (2014) has Traditional leaders and government workers we met described linked changes elsewhere, as the nature in the field repeated the perception of some authors of young West African migrants’ conspicuous that fish populations and catches have reduced consumption changes with the globalised context in recent years (Zdunnek et al. 2008), which they they sit within. Migration away from the fisheries linked to the decline in traditional governance can therefore also play a role. Further qualitative mechanisms such as taboo days. Associated with research could help clarify the drivers of change and this is the increasing use of unsustainable fishing the contemporary relationship of children’s fishing methods. In visited communities, it was described work to schooling. how very closely woven nets were prohibited by traditional authorities and fishing associations, as they did not allow fingerlings to escape. Yet, use of such nets, along with fishing with lights at night, was apparently becoming more common. 2.4 Children’s work and harm In the medium term, these practices result in declining fish stocks, yields and incomes, cited as Children are potentially exposed to various forms a motivation for seeking cheaper labour, a demand of harm during their work, some physical, some ultimately fulfilled by children. At the same time, emotional and psychological, and some that may be characterised as opportunity costs. In Ghana’s some respondents suggested that child trafficking 1998 Children’s Act, the kind of work that is likely was diminishing, as awareness of the importance to interfere with a child’s education, endanger their of schooling rose. Along similar lines, Singleton et health, expose them to physical harm, or negatively al. (2016) describe how, as child labour is declining, affect them mentally, spiritually, morally or socially reduced availability is increasing the cost of labour. is considered ‘child labour’, a term which has a The timing of work may also be changing as a result negative connotation, unlike the more ambiguous of the changing perception of the importance of ‘children’s work’ (Adeborna and Johnson 2014). schooling. Singleton et al. (2016) note that as the These categories of potential harm are summarised perception of schooling becomes more positive, in Table 2. children may be more likely to work only during The framework set out in Table 2 should not be school holidays. Conversely, local government taken at face value; it is rather a starting point for workers we met had the opinion that, in an attempt further consideration of how harm interacts with to balance children’s schooling with the need to other aspects of children’s work. Some of these survive with an ever-diminishing fish stock, some harms are encountered by children working in fishers and fishmongers have resorted to using fishing but are not necessarily caused by their work. children at night and sometimes early morning. Children who fish in the early morning often The interaction of these forms of harm with return from fishing and collecting fish from the children’s work and the circumstances under which lake between the hours of 8:30am and 9:00am to they work are complex. For example, some children prepare for school. They are reported to arrive at migrate to work in fishing communities to avoid school late and leave before the end of the school harms such as malnutrition, neglect, violence or a day to return to the lake. malicious atmosphere in their home communities. Being separated from parents is not experienced An increase in the use of motorised boats rather equally by all children but depends on the dominant than rowing boats was reported by respondents to cultural norms about childhood and parenthood have opened the door to greater participation by and the reasons for their mobility. For many, it is children and women in fishing. Propelling the boat normal not to grow up with their biological parents no longer requires the power of adult men, who and it is common in Ghana to move between sets demand higher wages. Motorised boats are also of relatives (Thorsen and Hashim 2011). Some able to travel further, possibly contributing to the working children miss all or some of school, but problem of overfishing and declining fish stocks. the reasons for this may differ. For some, excessive

10 ACHA Working Paper 5 Table 2. Forms of harm experienced by children working in fisheries

Specific harm for children General harm for adults and children

Never • Opportunity costs of missing school at • Drowning reversible a young age • Malnutrition • Stunting • Lack of adequate sleep – though what is ‘adequate’ varies for adults and children

Could be • Physical abuse from masters, supervisors • Accidental physical injuries (e.g. cuts, reversible and other children broken limbs, stings from fish, burns from in some processing fish) • Psychological and emotional distress at instances being separated from parents • Exposure to the elements (e.g. sun or cold) • Psychological and emotional distress from hard work • Noise-induced hearing problems • Wasting • Psychological and emotional distress from seeing friends suffer or die

Sources: ILO-IPEC (2013); Singleton et al. (2016); Zdunnek et al. (2008)

hours working prevent them from attending their • They may live with a foster carer, usually in a local school, while for others, there may be no different community from their parents, and work school in their community. And children’s work with that foster carer or with another person. provides many more obvious and short-term Such fostering arrangements are expected advantages. It may provide income or sustenance, to bring benefits to the child, such as access or be an opportunity to work as an apprentice to school or apprenticeship, or better living towards a future vocation. conditions (Serra 2009). The study by ILO-IPEC (2013) examined the • They may live and work with a fisher who is a perception and occurrence of physical injuries stranger to them, in a community outside their and ill health, and stated the proportion of people parents’ community. surveyed who perceived various physical harms to be risks of fishing. When parents, employers, children and community members were surveyed Children may arrive in each of the situations above about injuries and sicknesses that had occurred in a variety of ways: over a six-month period, the most frequently mentioned injury was bruising, but the data • Some children may autonomously decide to do not show the prevalence of injuries by type. migrate to a new location to work, as head Rather, these data, based on perception and recall, porters have been recorded doing in Ghana for demonstrate how hard it is to define and quantify decades. This could take the form of seasonal, ‘harmful’ work and point to the need for in-depth step or chain migration. qualitative work preceding a quantitative survey of working children themselves. • Their movement from their parents’ home to a foster home may have taken place to facilitate work, but it may also have been to teach the child to ‘struggle’, relieve the parent of the responsibility of caring for them, or to access school or vocational training. The move would 2.5 Organisation and terms of generally have happened through an agreement children’s work between parents and foster carers – although one parent or carer may not have agreed with a Children may work in a variety of situations: decision taken by another (Anarfi and Kwankye 2009; Frempong-Ainguah, Badasu and Codjoe • They may live and work with one or both 2009; Singleton et al. 2016). The move may also parents. have been initiated by the child, especially in adolescence when children increasingly engage • They may work with a family or community in economic activities of their own (Hashim and member while living with their parent(s). Thorsen 2011).

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 11 • Orphans and children who have lost a parent Additional considerations are that a child may be may have been sent to live with relatives or have working to repay a debt incurred by their parents, moved on their own volition; for example, to help and that the child or their parents may have been their mother after the death of their father. defrauded, erroneously believing that one of the above arrangements has been made. • Movement to work with a stranger may be ILO-IPEC (2013) recorded that 78 per cent of facilitated by that fisher or another person. In working children surveyed worked more than four this case, the child’s movement would have hours a day, with 44 per cent working seven or taken place to facilitate work, but the primary more hours. Of the 350 working children surveyed, motivation for their parent(s) may again have 51 per cent said they were not paid, but 64 per been to be relieved of caring responsibilities. cent were fed. Children and young people have At least one parent would usually have been in been recorded to work for up to ten years with a favour of this. In some cases, parents may have certain master, though Singleton et al. (2016) found paid an agent to facilitate the child’s movement. apprenticeships of 2–3 years to be the commonest This is what is termed ‘trafficking’ in much form of employment. Adeborna and Johnson (2014) advocacy literature (e.g. the aforementioned note that parents keen for their children to inherit study by Singleton et al. 2016, which does not the family business may be particularly eager distinguish effectively between trafficking and for them to train as apprentices, whether with other migration) with the assumption that an themselves or another fisher. element of exploitation is involved. Academic literature points to the complexity of these The parents of fostered, migrant and trafficked situations – there may be some agency of the children may not be aware of their child’s living child involved, or an assumption on the part or working conditions, or any associated risks. of the facilitator or employer that they are In a study of parents in communities from which helping rather than exploiting the child and/or children were trafficked to work in the fishery, 33 parents; for example, by providing access to an per cent of parents indicated that they did not know apprenticeship (Thorsen 2019). the conditions under which their children were living and working (ibid.). • A move to work with a stranger may have been The above lists highlight how children’s work and facilitated by a family member. children’s harmful work may take place in a variety of complex situations, within each of which an array • Some children may have been kidnapped and of divergent motivations and expectations may taken to work with strangers. be at play. Most of the literature on child labour in fisheries does not acknowledge the blurred boundaries between these categories, or the social Once in a work situation, children work under context within which children’s work fits. a variety of (potentially overlapping) terms and conditions (ILO-IPEC 2013; Kielland 2008; Sackey The general literature on child mobility in West and Johannesen 2015): Africa shows how child placement and fostering, as well as autonomous child migration, take place • They may work for free, for a parent, foster carer in a context of extended family and ethnic relations, or master. where a young person’s upbringing can be translocal, and mobility between different branches • Their work may be perceived as an of the family or even clan or ethnic group may be apprenticeship. perceived to have advantages (Boyden and Howard 2013; Thorsen and Hashim 2011). Beyond material • They may receive a more or less regular payment gain, these include the development of social and from their parent or the fisher for whom they occupational skills. Across ethnic groups, sending work. The payment may be related to the catch, a child from one arm of the family to another or only start after a period of time – maybe years. performs various functions: alleviating the burden on biological parents; reinforcing bonds between • Their parent(s) may receive a regular payment different branches of the family; giving the child from the child’s master. access to resources that are unavailable in the parents’ community, such as school; and providing labour to foster carers. This may redistribute the • Their parents may receive a one-off payment, gender balance in either household and thus the which in some cases may be considered as the gender of labour available within them. child having been ‘sold’ for a period of time or permanently. Mobile children and youth also mobilise claims upon kin and peers as they negotiate entry into work; • The child may have an option after a given period for example, by seeking accommodation, work to continue or cease work. experience or introductions to employers. Though

12 ACHA Working Paper 5 there is recognition of fostering, the discourse the domain of boys, and girls are more likely to work on child labour and trafficking employed in the in domestic settings. fisheries-specific literature is largely incognisant There are several further layers of gendered power of these factors. So, it is necessary to preface relations in the fishing industry, as in other areas quantitative research with a set of qualitative work, of production in Ghana. Market traders and fishers aiming to understand the interrelations of these may have reciprocal trading relationships that situations in the context of fisheries, while drawing function in part to manage seasonal fluctuations on the rich understandings from the anthropological in supply, and to provide rapid routes to market. literature on the nature of children’s mobility in When wives and husbands have reciprocal West Africa. trading relationships, resources are retained within households in such a way as to cushion individual market losses at household level. A further household management strategy operates when children work in either arm of these family 2.6 Gender and social difference businesses. Market traders may on occasion have a large degree of control over fishers. They may fuel The association of fishing with certain ethnic the boat and offer credit. Sometimes they may own groups is outlined above. Ga, Ewe and Fanti the fishing equipment, even the boats. In matrilineal people may pursue fishing as part of a diversified systems, they may have inherited this equipment livelihood (Béné and Russell 2007), although not from a female lineage member (Torell et al. 2015). all people in these groups are fishers, nor is fishing their exclusive domain. Simultaneously, poverty is There is scant detail on how these dynamics relate characterised as a major driver of children’s work, to those of girls’ work in fisheries. Field visits and thus children’s harmful work, and the dynamics confirmed that there are cases where girls work of this are highlighted below. An important in jobs traditionally allocated to boys; for example, intersection to explore will therefore be that of when a family lacks sons. Informants reinforced ethnicity and socioeconomic or poverty status with the understanding in the literature that girls mainly harmful children’s work. engage in fish processing and sales, which have the same ethnic links as fishing. Also, girls who Although it is very difficult to ascertain numerical are recruited into fishing jobs or communities may trends in relation to children’s work in fishing, the perform much household work (Singleton et al. gender distribution of tasks is marked. Over 90 per 2016). cent of children engaged in the actual fishing are boys, although girls and women do occasionally fish Largely, girls’ involvement in fish marketing is in some communities, generally closer to the shore not problematised in the literature nor by field (ILO-IPEC 2013). As far back as 2003, the Ghana informants. There may be a perception that this is Child Labour Survey reported a similar pattern in the an appropriate, less harmful, formative activity for national fishing industry, including coastal as well girls; or that opportunity costs for girls are lower as inland waters: of the more than 49,000 children anyway, so their activity deserves less attention. engaged in fish harvesting, 87 per cent were boys Alternatively, it may be that ‘boys’ work’ harvesting (GSS 2003: 64). Processing and marketing, on the fish attracts more attention due to its physical and other hand, are dominated by women and girls, obviously dangerous nature. although, again, there are exceptions (Singleton et Whatever the reason for this omission, there is al. 2016; Zdunnek et al. 2008). certainly scope to better understand the nature and The literature on children’s migration into work implications of girls’ work in fisheries. Important across West Africa shows that gender patterns questions relate to the extent to which boys and vary between context and sector (Kielland 2008; girls perform domestic chores in addition to or Kielland and Sanogo 2002; Van de Glind 2010). instead of productive work, whether boys’ and girls’ Locally specific norms define the tasks deemed mobility patterns are similar, and the function of appropriate for girls and boys of different ages, but ethnic tropes in the social construction of gendered agricultural tasks have generally been perceived as work roles.

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 13 3 Drivers of children’s work and harm in fisheries

3.1 Poverty and its historical (Béné and Russell 2007; Singleton et al. 2016; Tengey and Oguaah 2002; Zdunnek et al. 2008). components Work itself is therefore not always the primary motivation for a move that results in children In the field we were repeatedly told that fishing is, working. For some employers, accepting a child by its nature, a team activity; it cannot be done by worker is a favour to the parents; they are relieving a single person. Each of the several crew members the family of a burden and offering an opportunity in a boat performs an essential function, such as to earn money (ILO-IPEC 2013; Zdunnek et al. bailing water and untangling and casting nets, 2008). and these must be performed simultaneously. The only form of fishing that can be performed by a Many children feel a responsibility to contribute to sole operator is trapping, and even this is more their parental household in these ways. Children successful when done in a team. But why should have agency in decisions regarding work, and the members of the team be children? Critically, whether to leave their parental community to their labour is cheaper. work or stay in their community (Thorsen 2006). Norms to do with household responsibilities and Authors commonly characterise demand for community expectations play a role in shaping that cheap labour as being driven by general ‘poverty’ agency. Similar ideas of responsibility may motivate in fishing communities (Moretoet al. 2019). It is children’s work in their parents’ fishing operations, claimed that fishers cannot make a living if they pay as was the case for subsistence child fishers we full wages to adult crew members; this was also met in the field. Children appear to understand the perception of field respondents. This interacts and appreciate the potential advantages of work, with, and may even partly be driven by, the aforementioned decline in fish yields; apparently, and even studies that are highly critical of children even though prices have risen as fish become working and child trafficking show that many scarcer, this is insufficient to overcome declines in children working outside their home communities catch (Teh et al. 2019). Fishing is therefore only do not wish to return (Tengey and Oguaah 2002). economically viable if labour is almost free. The work of Béné and Russell (2007) and Okyere Béné and Russell (2007) describe some of the (2017), along with some of the observations made wider drivers of poverty, specifically for fishing in the study by ILO-IPEC (2013), begin to draw communities around the lake edge, including lack attention to the wider historical context of the of access to farmland for those seen as ‘migrants’. drivers of children’s work in fisheries. The colonial These interact with the same structural factors and postcolonial context of north to south labour Okyere (2017) cites as contributing to fishers’ migration, the displacement of households during poverty more generally, including inadequate the creation of Lake Volta and structural adjustment investment in infrastructure; the poor skills base of policies all form part of the background to the many fishers, which prevents them gaining access impoverishment of fishing communities (ILO-IPEC to alternative employment; and poor access to 2013; Okyere 2017). Golo (2005) proposes that credit and finance facilities that could allow them to these drivers interact with the mismanagement develop their businesses. At the same time, Béné of fishing as a natural resource-based economic and Russell’s work suggests that an oversimplified sector. Repeated economic downturns since the narrative of fishers’ poverty should be avoided. 1960s have pushed many people into primary They characterise fishing as the most important productive labour, raising pressure on fisheries activity in a diversified livelihood for all income and reducing yields, as recognised by many of our groups and ethnicities living around Lake Volta. respondents. The failure of formal and traditional Their work also cautions against a perspective governance structures to manage these trends has that all fishers are poor or very poor. Indeed, key strengthened the dynamic between diminishing informants explained how some fishers were able resources, poverty and demand for cheap labour. to send their children to school in Kete Krachi and Some of the literature has cast child trafficking as pay for their accommodation in school hostels. a recent subversion of traditional fostering into In the case of children who migrate to work in an increasingly prevalent, harmful, undesirable fishing, poverty in source communities is also cited practice (Iversen 2006) and thus a new driver of as a driver (Adeborna and Johnson 2014). Parents’ children’s harmful work. Texts and informants inability to provide adequate food, shelter or other encountered in the field connected this with an care is cited as contributing to their or the child’s increase in breakdown of parental relationships, own decision that a child should move elsewhere single parenthood, unwanted children and the

14 ACHA Working Paper 5 decline of family values (ILO-IPEC 2013; Torell et al. then quantitative work is needed to understand 2015). Yet, as hinted at above, the relation between whether the practices branded as ‘trafficking’ differ children’s work, migration and fostering is much from more long-standing forms of child mobility, more nuanced (Golo 2005). Further qualitative and and what their relation is to children’s harmful work.

4 Discourses and policy

4.1 labour and trafficking in the fishing communities Discourses of Lake Volta. While the project focused partly on Here, ‘discourse’ refers to how the issue of rescues, it also undertook initiatives to introduce children’s work is treated in media and policy. parents to alternative income-generating activities Though the lists above describe several modes (Adeborna and Johnson 2014). The Social Welfare of children’s engagement in the fisheries, media, Department in Yeji also advocated community public, academic and policy discourse on children’s education on the disadvantages of and laws against work in the Lake Volta fisheries largely focuses on child labour as an alternative to rescues. The trafficking. ‘Child rescue operations’ are therefore opinion of department staff was that while they often presented as an important solution to the would perform rescues as a last resort, the rescues most pressing problems of children’s work in tended to damage relations between adults within fishing. Field informants described how ‘rescued’ a given family. children can be sent to children’s homes or refuges Despite recognition that rescue is only part of before being returned to their community. Some the solution, both the literature and especially refuges are run by the government and others by stakeholders on the ground seem to present a less non‑governmental organisations (NGOs). Children nuanced view of the problems associated with may be in such homes for several years and, in children’s work in fishing. The dominant focus on instances of child rescue, adults accused of using trafficking has excluded consideration of other a child’s labour may be prosecuted and even fined forms of mobility. Also, it has precluded an explicit or jailed. problematisation of harmful work in itself, beyond These discourses on trafficking and rescuing were its association with trafficking. Situations where very evident during our field visits. Okyere’s (2017) children are obliged to perform hazardous work by paper, like that of Huijsmans and Baker (2012), their parents or kin were either ignored or seen as describes how NGOs in particular have an interest necessary and unavoidable, although regrettable. in promoting these discourses, as opposed to foregrounding structural and historical drivers of There was no explicit recognition that children’s labour migration. Fundamentally, financial support engagement in hard, hazardous and harmful for their activities depends on the proposition that work is an unfortunate precursor to their adult child trafficking is a widespread and recurrent working lives. As the major problem is perceived problem. Although all actors on the ground agreed to be trafficking, notions of rescue, rehabilitation that trafficking was a problem, it is hard to know and return to ‘home’ dominate the proposed how far the discourse had actually worked to responses. This takes the focus off economic the advantage of each. Although some NGOs aspects of the fisheries such as labour costs, had received resources to carry out sensitisation livelihood characteristics in general, or the exposure activities or rescues, government bodies responsible of children to harmful work in their parental for social welfare in their district experienced a communities. Another point frequently made in degree of reputational damage from this narrative. the literature is that such work is often carried out without personal protective equipment (ILO-IPEC Counter and complementary solutions to that of 2013). This suggests that there is some acceptance child rescue to a small degree are evident on the that eradication of children’s work is not so realistic, ground. In some cases, less drastic approaches feasible or desirable; rather its amelioration is are used alongside rescue operations to address probably more realistic in the short term. the involvement of parents, suspected child traffickers and children in trafficking, and to In the literature and discourse on the ground, manage the potential harm of children’s work children’s work in fishing is rarely framed in terms in fishing. For example, the Ghana Child Labour of labour mobility. Its intersection with seasonal, Strategic Initiative was a three-year project funded chain, step, short- and long-term migration requires from 2007 to 2010 by the Legatum Foundation, elucidation. The 2003 Ghana Child Labour Survey a philanthropic organisation, to deal with child provides a useful starting point. Table 3 shows data

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 15 Table 3. Data on reasons for moving, from a 2003 survey of working migrant children

Region*

Brong Ahafo Reason for moving Volta (%) Eastern (%) (%) Northern (%)

Attending school/training 33.8 29.8 44.4 7.7

Sent by parents 29.1 36.8 27.3 65.8

Other 18.5 10.3 10.2 10.3

Came with parents 10.1 9 4.8 2.6

Lost parents 5.3 9.8 4.8 9.4

Marriage 1.6 0.4 0 0.9

Job transfer 1.1 0.9 1.1 1.7

Looking for job 0.5 1.3 5.9 0

Found job 0 1.7 1.6 1.7

Total 189 234 187 117

* In 2003, Ghana had ten regions rather than the current 16. The 2003 Volta region is now split into Volta and Oti regions. Source: based on GSS (2003: 47)

collected from migrant working children in 2003, be considered. Families, including children, still for regions adjoining Lake Volta only. A deeper occasionally migrate to take up fishing in lakeside look into a contemporary version of these data locations, and children may migrate with their would help understand forms of migration in more families, as well as individually or in groups with depth. It would be useful to understand whether other children, for the reasons outlined above (e.g. young people ‘sent here by parents’ were sent to to gain access to work or schooling, or because they work, and whether working on a fishing boat was are being fostered or have been orphaned). This perceived as ‘training’. Otherwise, these data would may not have hitherto been sufficiently appreciated. be hard to reconcile with the narrative of trafficking. The funders’ reporting on the aforementioned Ghana Child Labour Strategic Initiative notes that Work on children’s migration elsewhere in West implementing agencies could not always tell the Africa shows that older children and youths often difference between children who had migrated migrate alone or in groups for work, with or without with parents and those who had been ‘trafficked’, the consent or assistance of their parents. In Ghana, leading to erroneous attempts to ‘rescue’ children children’s autonomous seasonal migration has from their own parents. been reported for decades, particularly from north to south to work as head porters (Giese and Thiel This also highlights that the discourse of ‘rescue’, 2015; Huijsmans 2012). While child placement and as commonly employed, potentially conflates fostering are referred to in the fisheries literature movement and harm, and may not address (sometimes framed as an unfortunate historical situations where children experience harm at the precedent for trafficking), the prevalence of similar hands of their parents. Nor does it deal with the autonomous migration in fishing is not reported in issue of classificatory parents – a biological uncle the literature. As far as the fisheries are concerned, described as a ‘little father’, for example – and the discourse on child trafficking has filled this gap whether they treat biological and classificatory children differently. The differential experiences in understanding the relationship between child of migrants show that although migration can be mobility and work. a strategy by which people gain access to better If a framing of ‘migration’ or ’mobility’ rather livelihood opportunities, some migrants may have than ‘trafficking’ is considered appropriate, the access to a more limited range of opportunities than significance of multiple forms of migration can indigenes, even when placed with kin (Golo 2005).

16 ACHA Working Paper 5 Besides discourses of trafficking and rescue, The multiple opinions about the drivers and forms policy‑focused work, such as that carried out by of children’s work are as worthy of research ILO-IPEC (2013), has also advocated market- as the work itself. So, there is a rationale for based or value chain approaches, which may proposing qualitative and historical research be informed by the contemporary dominant on the development of different interpretations agricultural development frameworks that promote of children’s work in fisheries. Combined with a more nuanced understanding of the forms of marketisation and commercialisation. These children’s work, this could lead to real insight into approaches focus on giving fishers business the development of policy processes and their training to improve their profits and reduce demand influences on children’s work in fisheries. for cheap child labour. In academic work, human rights approaches have been used to address harmful children’s work in fisheries, though they have been far more widely used to examine access to resources such as fishing 4.2 Policy, practice and key grounds (Ratner, Asgard and Allison 2014). In such frameworks, children’s rights would be situated stakeholders in the context of workers’ rights in general (ibid.). Ghana has formally recognised child trafficking Authors such as Teh et al. (2019) suggest that and child labour as problematic through ratification human rights frameworks can only be instituted in of international accords and specific legislation a setting where legal pluralism is recognised. Also, (Table 4), and this sympathetic policy environment ideas about human rights may not be shared by may be a contributing factor to the prevalence of advocacy organisations and fishing communities. the anti-trafficking discourse. Nevertheless, the

Table 4. Policy actions relevant to children working in Ghanaian fisheries

Date Policy action and commentary

1990 Ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child

1998 The Children’s Act (Act 560) brought into law the recommendations of the 1973 ILO Minimum Age Convention for Admission to Employment (Convention No. 138) – people aged 13 years can legally perform light work that does not threaten their health, safety or education; those aged 15 may do other non-hazardous work; and those 18 and over hazardous work.

2000 Ghana ratified the 1999 ILO Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (182)

2002 Fisheries Act (Act 625) – this contains no mention of children’s work

2003 Labour Act (Act 651) – Section 58 prohibits employment of people under 18 in hazardous work

2005 Human Trafficking Act (Act 694)

2007 Domestic Violence Act (Act 732)

2008 National Fisheries and Aquaculture Strategy – contains no mention of children’s work

2009 Human Trafficking Act (Act 694) amended

2010 National Plan of Action for the Elimination of Worst Forms of Child Labour in Ghana (2009– 2015)

2015 Child and Family Welfare Policy

2015 National Social Protection Policy

2016 National Plan of Action for the Elimination of Worst Forms of Child Labour in Ghana (2016–2020)

2018 Strategy on Anti-Child Labour and Trafficking in Fisheries formalised

Source: based on MOFAD (2014) and authors’ own research

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 17 Table 5. Key actors, stakeholder groups and organisations

Government Industry bodies Community actors Advocacy NGOs International organisations

Ministry of Ghana Canoe Chief fishermen Free the Slaves ILO Fisheries and Fishermen Council and market Aquaculture women Development

Fisheries General Chiefs Parent and Child UNICEF Commission Agricultural Foundation Workers’ Union of the Trades Union Congress-Ghana

Ministry of Ghana Employers’ Religious bodies Challenging SNV Employment and Association Heights Labour Relations

Ministry of National Fisheries Parents International USAID Education/Ghana Association of Needs Education Service Ghana

Ministry of Gender, Ghana National Children Engage Now University of Children and Inshore Fisheries Africa Rhode Island, Social Protection Association under the Sustainable Fisheries Management Partnership

Labour Unit National Inland Youths Friends of the Canoe Fishermen Nation Council

Anti-Human Local fishery Partners in Trafficking Unit of associations Community the Ghana Police Development Service Programme

Local District National Fish Savana Signatures Councils Processors and Traders Association

Ghana Navy

Department of Community Development and Social Welfare

Members of Parliament

Assembly members

Unit committee members

Source: based on ILO-IPEC (2013)

18 ACHA Working Paper 5 specific manifestation of children’s harmful work children’s work is claimed to be weak (MOFAD in the fishing industry is not recognised: neither 2014). So, in 2015 USAID, SNV (Netherlands the Fisheries Act nor the National Fisheries and Development Organisation) and the Fisheries Aquaculture Strategy specifically mention it. Commission, with the input of the Ghana One significant implication of this suite of legislation Agricultural Workers’ Union, instigated the is that it legally defines children as people aged process of developing the Strategy on Anti-Child under 18 years, which does not always correspond Labour and Trafficking in Fisheries. The strategy to local understandings of social age and childhood emphasises the ‘Torkor Model’, where community (Golo 2005). Certainly, some people aged between structures and informal labour groups are asked to 15 and 18 may need to perform potentially take ownership of and responsibility for solving a hazardous work to support their own children. problem, rather than relying on external agencies An additional practicality is that not all children (MOFAD 2014). So, the interconnections between currently know their age, despite birth certificates multiple stakeholders are increasingly recognised having been mandatory since 1965. by donors and government as well as NGOs and Despite the array of relevant legislation, academic and media analysis. The relevant groups implementation of the various laws related to of such actors are listed in Table 5.

5 Dynamics of children’s work and harm in fisheries

5.1 Work and school These observations show that when any child – trafficked, fostered or living with parents – works Negative impacts on schooling were a major very hard, their school attendance and learning are component of the discourse in the field, and are likely to be affected. However, corroborating the referred to in several publications (Sackey and propositions of Singleton et al. (2016) that these Johannesen 2015; Singleton et al. 2016; Zdunnek effects are more likely to be seen among trafficked et al. 2008). The complicated relationship between children (perceiving ‘trafficked’ to be synonymous work and school has been hinted at above. The with ‘working’), some field sources said that fishers survey by ILO-IPEC (2013) of 90 employers may send their own children to school while reported that 75 per cent said their working denying the same opportunity to other children children also attended school. From the sample of who work for them. At Yeji and Kete Krachi, for 350 parents, 53 per cent said their children had instance, there are hostel facilities for students in dropped out of school, with 34 per cent of those basic schools, which are partly occupied by children citing fishing-related reasons (ILO-IPEC 2013). of wealthier rural fishers.4 We critiqued above the binary perspective of Nevertheless, some actors in the field, as well as Singleton et al. (2016), who divide working children authors, recognise that the picture is often more into trafficked children and those working with complex. For example, the trade-off between parents, excluding consideration of other forms schooling and working may not be so easy to of migration. Singleton et al. (2016) suppose that interpret. Schools are often weak or absent trafficked children are less likely to attend school from fishing communities. Teachers are not well than those who are living with parents, and this supported; there may be no accommodation for perspective was repeated by actors we met in the them and some new recruits, especially those field. It was claimed that when trafficked children trained in urban areas, are ill equipped to stay for do attend school, attendance is late or partial, extended periods in remote locations that lack or they fall asleep in the classroom, due to their infrastructure. Systemic failure to ensure the quality participation in early morning fishing. By 2pm, of learning at schools means that working is often some are leaving the classroom again to return to a more reasonable choice for children, with more the lake. tangible, immediate rewards (Iversen 2006).

4 Those who cannot afford hostel fees arrange with friends and relatives in towns for their children to stay with them and attend school.

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 19 When school opportunities are lacking in a child’s For example, the headmen or village chiefs in home community, it may make sense for them to the Ewe communities we visited around Yeji travel to another location to work and gain access emphasised that they were not the indigenes of the to school in the process, albeit limited access area, and therefore had to refer to the Nchumuru (Singleton et al. 2016; Zdunnek et al. 2008). The ‘land custodians’ or indigenous chiefs in some literature also shows that there is often a positive matters. Some perceived that limited access to interaction between work and school when school farming could accentuate the reliance on fishing fees are met by children through their own work. labour and inability to pay high wages, and thus School feeding programmes play an important the reliance on children. This perception has also role in many of these communities. Key informants been reported in the popular media and grey mentioned that provision of school meals can act as literature (Béné and Russell 2007; Boyle 2013). It is an incentive for parents and fishers to send children important, therefore, that future research includes under their care to school, and possibly even for an ethno-professional dimension. parents to send their children to live in a community where they know there is a school feeding programme (Awojobi 2019; Ofei-Aboagye 2013).

5.3 Relative harm when working with parents, family and 5.2 Ethno-professional and strangers at home and away migrant identities This paper has suggested that not only trafficked children are exposed to harm. While some of the The continued tendency of different ethnic groups emotional and psychological harms involved in with ethno-professional fishing identities to perceive working relate to being displaced from their parental themselves as migrants means that some lakeshore home, all working children risk being exposed communities have maintained fairly temporary to potential hazards such as arduous work and structures in their settlements, even when those inclement weather conditions. Yet, evidence has communities have existed for several generations. been presented that trafficked children are less likely For example, houses may continue to be constructed to attend school, are fed more poorly and have worse from grass and wood rather than adobe and tin. clothing than other children (Singleton et al. 2016). In addition, the necessity to relocate when the lake floods makes more permanent structures a Actors in the field suggested that fishers may feel risky investment. The temporary appearance of that they own the children for whose services those communities was cited in the field as having they may have paid and are therefore entitled to discouraged local governments from building beat them or work them as hard as possible. A permanent facilities and infrastructure such as contrasting opinion was that some masters, under schools or community centres, or installing electricity some conditions of service, may consider borrowed (ILO-IPEC 2013). This interacts with the prevalence or fostered children as still belonging to someone of poverty as a driver of children’s work, and links else, and so they cannot beat or work them as directly to the relationship between school and work. hard as their biological children. Violence is not only meted out by masters, however; it happens Another implication of this self-perception as between child workers, and between child workers migrants is that individuals maintain close links and their supervisors, who may also be children. with communities that are geographically distant; those living as far north as Yeji may refer to coastal These considerations, and the previous discussion communities such as Big Ada as ‘home’, and continue about school and opportunity costs, make it clear to visit ‘home’ for festivals and social visits. This can that it is hard to make generalisations about the be the route by which fostered and trafficked children relative harm experienced by children working are sourced (Singleton et al. 2016) and voluntary at ‘home’ or as fostered, employed or trafficked migrants come to hear of working opportunities children in a new community. For example, elsewhere, possibly participating in chain migration. Singleton et al. (2016) asked children working away Labour practices are intergenerational. Singleton et from their parental community why they did not al. (2016) point out that trafficked children can then return home. Although some were prevented from become traffickers themselves or fishers who go on leaving, or lacked the resources or knowledge to to use trafficked children or their own children. The do so, others considered their situation to be better same applies to migrants. Indeed, we encountered than in their parental community, largely because of such cases in the field. the greater availability of food. It was mentioned that migrants may have limited This issue of relative harm is worthy of further access to farmland around their settlements, attention. It seems important to organise the factors meaning that they rely on fishing to a great extent. that must be considered when thinking about the

20 ACHA Working Paper 5 harm each working child experiences, and whether other locations. So to what extent do children really their experience is relatively worse than any have a choice in what work they do and who they alternative situation they may be exposed to. Such work with? Evidence from the literature and our considerations include: field respondents suggests that trafficked children frequently have to perform tasks they do not wish • The type of work boys and girls are obliged to do to do that can be dangerous, notably diving into at different ages or take on to earn an income. deep water to free nets. It is unclear whether the same applies to other child migrants. Conversely, • The hours of work, both in total and in terms of some young people we met were willingly carrying whether they interfere with schooling, sleeping out very low-volume subsistence fishing to support or other activities the child may value, such as their family’s food and nutritional security. There play, sports or church attendance. is therefore a need for participatory research that takes young people’s own perspectives as a • Non-structural factors such as the disposition of starting point. their master and/or supervisor(s).

• Any protective equipment they are provided with.

• The norms associated with bringing up children in the source communities, including 5.5 Seasonality and the nature of family systems and social values perceived as fishing conventional. Some of the relatively immutable practicalities • The availability of alternative livelihood activities, of fishing shape the nature of children’s work. food and healthcare facilities and quality Fish are more abundant in certain seasons, and schooling either in the community where they though fishing can be carried out throughout the are working, or in the home or source community year, children are often drafted in to deal with from where they may have come. large catches or in anticipation of larger catches at specific times of year (Iversen 2006). Also, the hunting-gathering nature of lake fishing is such that income is more directly related to the daily labour input than in activities such as farming, animal rearing or aquaculture, where there is a set sequence of tasks to be performed over time to 5.4 Children’s own motivations bring a crop to harvest (Béné and Russell 2007). and agency More labour input has the potential to lead to larger catches; without putting in more labour there is It is possible that some children appreciate the no chance of further gain, even if the returns are opportunity to develop their ethno-professional incrementally less for each unit of labour added. identity as an adult through fishing and The cheaper labour is, the greater the potential fishmongering roles. Some children exercise profit. And, the way that fishing can be practised on their agency in the decision to work, perceiving a daily rather than seasonal basis means that it can immediate advantages such as earnings, greater play a role as a supplemental activity in a diversified availability of food or the opportunity to attend livelihood, or even a way to gain cash for inputs into school (Anarfi and Kwankye 2009; Frempong- longer-term enterprises such as business, farming Ainguah et al. 2009; Thorsen 2006). Longer-term or livestock rearing. These realities promote the benefits they may consider include developing skills ad hoc involvement of all children in fishing, not for future work, including leadership and decision- just those who may be brought to a community making skills they may not have the chance to specifically in order to fish. develop at school (Sackey and Johannesen 2015). The general literature on migration in West Africa has considered the role of migration in providing young people with opportunities to develop their reproductive identities as spouses and parents and that, for some ethnic groups, opportunities for girls 5.6 Proposed solutions to and boys vary widely in this regard (Thorsen 2010). different problems – rescues and This is an unexplored area in relation to the ethnic groups who dominate the Lake Volta fisheries. market structures There is little understanding of how these The dominant focus is currently on trafficking as the motivations affect decisions about working, perceived problem and child rescue as the preferred migrating to the lake, leaving the lake or working in solution, alongside an emerging preference among

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 21 professionals for softer approaches based on Perhaps reflecting a recognition that elimination community education and monitoring. However, of children’s work may not be realistic, or even during our field visit, there were some signs that desirable, informants suggested that changes children’s harmful work was being recognised as in the nature of conflicting activities could be as a problem not always linked to trafficking, thus useful, in some regards, as changes to children’s requiring a different type of solution. work. For example, the conflict with schooling for the boys and the few girls who do early-morning Raising willingness to pay for fish has been fishing could be tackled by changing school hours mentioned in the literature as a solution to the or term dates in fishing communities to enable demand for cheap labour. The willingness to pay children to fish in the morning and evening. School for other desirable attributes such as sustainability holidays could similarly be organised around the has been mobilised in sustainable value chains fishing season (ILO-IPEC 2013). At Lala, community around the world; for example, the Fairtrade system members revealed that when school lateness and (McClenachan, Dissanayake and Chen 2016). Still, absenteeism were too high due to early-morning it has to be borne in mind that the fish value chains fishing by children, the community leaders together in question are largely domestic; any changes in with Ghana Education Service officials and teachers price therefore have food and nutrition security decided to start classes at 11am and finish at implications, particularly for the poor. 5.30pm. However, this strategy did not work In a national-scale analysis of Ghana’s fisheries, because the same children were leaving school by Failler, Beyens and Asiedu (2014) proposed 2pm to go back to fish. A compromise is likely to be aquaculture of tilapia, in particular, as a way to necessary. change the relationship between labour inputs Poverty more generally was blamed in the literature and profits considered to feed demand for cheap and in the field as a driver of children’s work. child labour. Trapping rather than net fishing was Tackling the wider structural drivers of poverty mentioned to have a similar effect. A similar value cannot be framed simply as a mechanism for chain-based solution is business training, thought reducing children’s work. Yet, recognising these to reduce demand for cheaper labour by raising interactions shows that attempts to focus on profits. Smoking fish for export is seen by some as drivers of harmful children’s work as a specific another way to raise the value of fish products and issue have to be undertaken alongside initiatives to thus, supposedly, the amount that can be spent improve wellbeing and labour conditions generally. on adult rather than child labour, even though the Widening the scope further, these efforts will only regulatory requirements are currently beyond most be meaningful when considered in the context of fishers ibid( .). structural and historical drivers.

6 Conclusions

6.1 quantitative data are lacking on the prevalence of Research questions phenomena outside trafficking, and even on certain Some of the issues associated with children’s aspects of trafficking. It is not currently possible work in fisheries are fairly well understood, such to speak with any certainty about the proportion as the gender disaggregation of tasks. Areas of businesses that use children; the proportion of where further research is required include the working children who are with parents, relatives relative experiences of children working with their or strangers; or the proportion of different groups parents and with other adults at multiple nodes of working children who are harmed. Gender- and of the value chain; and trends linked to changing age-disaggregated data would fill a gap in the governance structures, availability of ecological understanding, as precise data on girls’ exposure resources and infrastructural development. This is to harmful work and the allocation of work among a dynamic situation of change in economic, social children of different ages are currently very limited. and ecological contexts, and the characteristics of RQ2: What contributes to the preoccupation children’s work seem to be changing along with with child trafficking in the Lake Volta fisheries? these phenomena. Four research questions warrant There has been little explicit exploration of the further attention. construction of discourses in this domain. These RQ1: What is the prevalence of children’s work, include perceptions of childhood, work, harm and children’s harmful work and different forms of of who is at risk of harm. Perceptions of whether migration in the Lake Volta fisheries? In particular, work comprises exploitation or training for arduous

22 ACHA Working Paper 5 adult occupations are partly conditional on the government and traditional authority stakeholders, nature of the work performed, but also partly who should be gatekeepers. These include chiefs, shaped by dominant media and policy discourses, ‘chairmen’ of local community groups, fishers’ and institutional agendas. It will be important and fishmongers’ trade associations, and local to understand why the discourse of trafficking departments of social welfare and community dominates; why the hazardous nature of work is development. Representatives from local municipal not seen as a problem for children or for labourers assemblies and Ghana Education Service may also in general; who is defined as a child in different be helpful as facilitators, as well as informants in contexts; and what is seen as hazardous or harmful some locations. work, and for whom. A linked question relates to why there has been a focus on lake fishing as opposed to fish processing and marketing. 6.2.1 Qualitative RQ3: How do structural, ecological and historical contexts shape children’s work, what is 1 Interviews with adult fishers and children in considered to be hazardous work and children’s source and fishing communities, addressing experience of harm? The wider structural context the motivations for and understanding of the also merits further attention. This includes the recruitment of child workers, the relationship intricacies of the interactions between fishing between unpaid work and employment, the work and schooling, and historical motivations for experience of hazardous work and harm in labour mobility more broadly. The role in children’s family businesses and other situations beyond work of poverty – and more importantly, its drivers ‘trafficking’, and motivations for migrating or and intergenerational transmission – also needs working. unpacking, along with value chain and pricing considerations. All this is nested in a particular 2 Interviews with adult fishers and children in ecological context. Factors such as the seasonality source and fishing communities, focusing on of fishing and current trends (e.g. declines in understandings of children and of harm. Though catches) interact with the aforementioned labour we define a child as a person under 18 years costs and migration patterns to characterise old, we will use this work to understand local contemporary fishing. How these structural meanings of ‘child’ and ‘childhood’, and thus realities affect the hazards that different children what local people understand as appropriate are exposed to and the harm that some of them categories of younger and older children, and experience also need to be considered. how they may differ between girls and boys. This will be used to understand perceptions of RQ4: How does children’s own agency shape appropriate work for those categories of people. their work in fisheries? There is room for a deeper understanding of how much children with different 3 Research activities with children exploring their characteristics (e.g. age, gender, ability) make options, needs, opportunities and preferences, choices to work, and about what work to do, and and the relative advantages of different work in some cases to migrate to work in fisheries. roles and tasks. This agency interacts with other forces and these interactions also require further research. 4 Interviews with service managers to understand structural issues related to provision of services such as education, health and infrastructure.

5 Interviews with adults in fishing communities, 6.2 focusing on histories of fishing in an Suggested fieldwork ecological context, and their understanding A package of qualitative and quantitative work of the interactions between environmental, could address the research questions above. It may technological and economic change, and be appropriate to conduct a set of qualitative work resource and labour use and availability. first in fishing communities, to understand existing types of children’s work and workers. Quantitative 6 Expert interviews and literature review on the work would follow. The final task would involve same issues as in (2). qualitative work in source and destination communities, examining drivers and experiences of 7 Interviews with key discourse managers children’s work. including media representatives. Interviewees in source communities may 8 A review of historical media items and reports. be relatives of those encountered in fishing communities. Historical and media analysis, and key stakeholder interviews, could proceed throughout. The initial qualitative work could take place in Links should be made with local NGOs, but also communities that were named in the field and in

Children’s harmful work in Ghana’s Lake Volta Fisheries: research needed to move beyond discourses of child trafficking 23 Table 6. Proposed communities for 3 The nature, frequency and duration of the work initial qualitative data collection they carry out.

Fishing communities Labour source 4 The proportion of each group that is harmed communities through work and how often. Again, this must be preceded by the above qualitative work Agbezuge Elmina to understand what is considered as harm, including emotional, psychological and physical Kortokorpe Moree aspects, and considering how ‘reversible’ these harms may be. Donkorkrom Apam 5 The proportion of each group attending school Kajaji Winneba full-time or part-time and carrying out other livelihood activities. Kpando Senya-Beraku 6 Perceptions of those children about the work Kete-Krachi Ada they perform. Dambai Anglo 7 The proportion of fishing businesses that use Atimpoku children for labour.

Senchi 8 The proportion of fishing businesses that use children who experience harm.

9 The proportion of fishers who use children under the literature as notorious for being sources of and different types of arrangements. destinations for child workers (listed in Table 6). But, simultaneously, there should be investigations 10 The demographic details of child workers (e.g. in an equal number of lesser-known communities age, ethnicity). around the lakeshore. These could be sampled on a spatial basis, selecting villages on a map that are equidistant from those listed in column 1 of Table The quantitative work should take place in 6. Selection of lesser-known source communities communities randomly selected from a map. Lead will be more difficult. It could be done based on gatekeepers have already been identified and major those which are mentioned only once as sources in institutions contacted, as in Table 1. the fishing communities. These would therefore be sampled last. 6.2.3 Contingency plans due to coronavirus movement restrictions 6.2.2 Quantitative This might involve a randomly sampled survey in • Current guidance in Ghana is that fieldwork can 12–20 fishing communities around the whole lake, still be conducted outside major cities (Accra, the aim of which would be to quantify: Kumai, Obuasi) provided social-distancing protocols are observed. Meeting respondents in 1 The proportion of children in those communities groups of less than 25 people is allowed. For the living with (one or both) parents, or categorised foreseeable future, this work would have to be as fostered, migrant or trafficked children, and performed by team members already in Ghana, the ways fostering arrangements, migration and as foreign nationals can no longer travel there. trafficking are organised. This would draw on the insights gained from qualitative task (2) above, • Phone interviews with key informants could on local understandings of categories of children. be performed if movement restrictions were to extend to the study area. 2 The proportion of each group that is working and the arrangements under which they work. • A media review could be conducted remotely.

24 ACHA Working Paper 5 References

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