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The Annals of UVAN, Vol . V-VI, 1957, No. 4 (18)
THE ANNALS of the UKRAINIAN ACADEMY of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. V o l . V-VI 1957 No. 4 (18) -1, 2 (19-20) Special Issue A SURVEY OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY by Dmytro Doroshenko Ukrainian Historiography 1917-1956 by Olexander Ohloblyn Published by THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., Inc. New York 1957 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE DMITRY CIZEVSKY Heidelberg University OLEKSANDER GRANOVSKY University of Minnesota ROMAN SMAL STOCKI Marquette University VOLODYMYR P. TIM OSHENKO Stanford University EDITOR MICHAEL VETUKHIV Columbia University The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. are published quarterly by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S., Inc. A Special issue will take place of 2 issues. All correspondence, orders, and remittances should be sent to The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. ПУ2 W est 26th Street, New York 10, N . Y. PRICE OF THIS ISSUE: $6.00 ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $6.00 A special rate is offered to libraries and graduate and undergraduate students in the fields of Slavic studies. Copyright 1957, by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S.} Inc. THE ANNALS OF THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., INC. S p e c i a l I s s u e CONTENTS Page P r e f a c e .......................................................................................... 9 A SURVEY OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY by Dmytro Doroshenko In tr o d u c tio n ...............................................................................13 Ukrainian Chronicles; Chronicles from XI-XIII Centuries 21 “Lithuanian” or West Rus’ C h ro n ic le s................................31 Synodyky or Pom yannyky..........................................................34 National Movement in XVI-XVII Centuries and the Revival of Historical Tradition in Literature ......................... -
Woodrow Wilson's Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia
Best Integrated Writing Volume 2 Article 9 2015 Woodrow Wilson’s Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia, 1918-1920 Shane Hapner Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/biw Part of the American Literature Commons, Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, Applied Behavior Analysis Commons, Business Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Comparative Literature Commons, English Language and Literature Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, Medicine and Health Sciences Commons, Modern Literature Commons, Nutrition Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, Religion Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hapner, S. (2015). Woodrow Wilson’s Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia, 1918-1920, Best Integrated Writing, 2. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Best Integrated Writing by an authorized editor of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact library- [email protected]. SHANE HAPNER HST 4220 Best Integrated Writing: Journal of Excellence in Integrated Writing Courses at Wright State Fall 2015 (Volume 2) Article #8 Woodrow Wilson’s Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia, 1918-1920 SHANE HAPNER HST 4220-01: Soviet Union Spring 2014 Dr. Sean Pollock Dr. Pollock notes that having carefully examined an impressive array of primary and secondary sources, Shane demonstrates in forceful, elegant prose that American intervention in the Russian civil war was consonant with Woodrow Wilson’s principle of self- determination. Thanks to the sophistication and cogency of the argument, and the clarity of the prose, the reader forgets that the paper is the work of an undergraduate. -
White Propaganda Efforts in the South During the Russian Civil War, 1918
White Propaganda Efforts in the South during the Russian Civil War, 1918-19 (The Alekseev- Denikin Period) Author(s): Christopher Lazarski Source: The Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 70, No. 4 (Oct., 1992), pp. 688-707 Published by: the Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4211088 . Accessed: 27/11/2013 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Slavonic and East European Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Wed, 27 Nov 2013 10:49:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SEER, Vol.70, No. 4, October1992 White Propaganda Efforts in the South during the Russian Civil War, I 98-I9 (the Alekseev-DenikinPeriod) CHRISTOPHER LAZARSKI As early as in the course of the Russian Civil War, the Whites regarded their propaganda as a total failure. Later, in exile, their criticism of it only grew stronger. -
Online Finding
/''•s<p- COLLECTIONS OF CORRESPONDENCE AND MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENTS George VERNADSKY Papers NAME OF COLLECTION: SOURCE: Gift of George & Nina Vernadsky, 1953-57, 1959-62, 1965, 1968; bequest of George Vernadsky, 1973; gift of Nina V. Toll, 1975-76 j: gift of Peter K. Christoff, SUBJECT:Emigration — Europe, United States; Slavic & Russian Studies in Europe & the United States; History; Emigre Scholars; Science in the Soviet Union; Eurasianism DATES COVERED: 46th-20th centuries NUMBER OF ITEMS: ca. 80,000 Gotrety. STATUS: ((chec k appropriatppp e descriptionp) ) ' W^ba^,, M, ( Cataloged: x Listed: xArranged: x Not organized: 0*t MICMICROFILR M CONDITION: (give number of vols., boxes, or shelves) Bound: Boxed: %y-\ Stored: \ oversized folders. $ l^ox glass negatives LOCATION: (Library) BAR CALL-NU/v\btK Ms Coll/Vernadsky RESTRICTIONS ON USE (^yte^mimg trM ^mJro (hnhMkUu M MX;], o£~ // np_r Correspond'ence, manuscripts, documents, photographs, subject files, DESCRIPTION: printed materials, and memorabilia of historian George Vernadsky (Georgii Vladimirovich Vernadskii; 1887-1973). Most of the collection consists of his personal and professional papers, ca. 1918-73. Sizable groups of materials also concern members of his family, especially his wife Nina (1881+-1971); his father, scientist Vladimir I. Vernadskii (1863-19^5); his mother Nataliia E. Vernadskaia (1860-19^3); and his sister Nina V. Toll (1898-ca. 1976). Cataloged correspondents include: (to George and Nina Vernadsky) Boris Bakhmeteff, Roman Jakobson, Mikhail Karpovich, Nikolai Losskii, Vladimir Nabokov, Sergei Rakhmaninov, Geroid T. Robinson, Mikhail Rostovtsev, Petr Savitskii, and Aleksandr Vasil'ev; (to Vladimir Vernadskii) Henri Bergson and Petr Struve; and Ivan Turgenev. There are a great many letters by George and Nina Vernadskyfs colleagues, friends, and relatives, including many historians, and members of the Bromberg, Il'inskii, Rodichev, Romberg, and Staritskii families. -
Against White Chauvinism: Toward Proletarian Internationalism
PAGE A AGAINST WHITE CHAUVINISM: TOWARD PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM international unity, the working class attempting to dominate the Black and There has been a flowering of revolution• is an international force. Communists Brown liberation movements. ary Ideas and actions among White people always seek the highest possible unity They weaken the revolutionary move• in the US. We are influenced by the mater• with their comrades in other nations. ment with their analysis concerning ter• ial conditions of imperialist crisis, and The main fdrm of class struggle ritory. Some decide T»hat is the territory Inspired by the example and theory of our today Is the struggle against imperi• of the Black nation and confine the mov- heroic comrades in the many oppressed alist domination and exploitation. Na• ment to that territory, then expel that nations battling to smash imperialism tional liberation movements have arisen same movement from the international wor• and to build socialism. throughout the world. Within the boun- king class. Some deny the need for ter• More and more White workers recogi.ize dries of the imperialist nations the ritory. Some say that there is no terri• the failure of capitalist trade-unionism colonized peoples living under national tory and thgrefore no nation. and see "eome kind o£ socialism" as the oppression have begun to move as nations Are they afraid to recognise that answer to their growing problems. The to defeat imperialism. they have little to say about territory? women's movement, gathering strength in National liberation movements are Has seif-deternination become a secondary the working oiaas, le raising questions led by the vanguard of the proletariat priority? If a people decides to gQl2e which strike at the very heart of the of that nation. -
Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War
Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War ERIK C. LANDIS In the volost center of Kostino-Otdelets, located near the southern border of Borisoglebsk uezd in Tambov province, there occurred what was identified as a “deserters’ revolt” in May 1919. While no one was killed, a group of known deserters from the local community raided the offices of the volost soviet, destroying many documents relating to the previous months’ attempts at military conscription, and stealing the small number of firearms and rubles held by the soviet administration and the volost Communist party cell. The provincial revolutionary tribunal investigated the affair soon after the events, for while there was an obvious threat of violence, no such escalation occurred, and the affair was left to civilian institutions to handle. The chairman of the volost soviet, A. M. Lysikov, began his account of the event on May 18, when he met with members of the community following a morning church service in order to explain the recent decrees and directives of the provincial and central governments.1 In the course of this discussion, he raised the fact that the Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Defense in Moscow had declared a seven-day amnesty for all those young men who had failed to appear for mobilization to the Red Army, particularly those who had been born in 1892 and 1893, and had been subject to the most recent age-group mobilization.2 It was at this moment that one of the young men in the village approached him to ask if it was possible to ring the church bell and call for an open meeting of deserters in the volost, at which they could collectively agree whether to appear for mobilization. -
American Intervention in Siberia
American Intervention in Siberia Confusion, Indecisions and Frustrations: The American Occupation of Vladivostok and Siberia during the Russian Civil War Christopher M. Ball 1 “[T]he great Allied Powers will, each of them and all of them, learn to rue the fact that they could not take more decided and more united action to crush the Bolshevik peril before it had grown too strong.” --Winston Churchill, February 1, 1920.1 Winston Churchill's historical insight is highly respected in academic circles. The prophetic prediction in his statement would eventually be justified, as it is beyond dispute that many peoples of the world have since come to greatly regret the fact that Bolshevism, and the Soviet government, were not stamped out in their infancy. However, it is improper to critique the decisions of those in the past based on what unforeseen consequences arose. Churchill's prediction did come true, but that could be dismissed simply by understanding that if enough predictions are made, at least one of them will be proven true, and there were certainly a plethora of opinions on Bolshevism. In the end, historians can only strive to reconstruct what was known and what was intended at the time the decisions were made. The question then becomes, what did they know, and more importantly, what did they intend to accomplish. What motives drove the actions that changed, or failed to change, the course of history? When American troops landed in Siberia, there was not a clear policy as for why the nation was intervening in the Russian Civil War. -
The Founding of Modern States Chapter Two the Founding of Non
1 The Founding of Modern States Chapter Two The Founding of Non-Democratic States Richard Bensel Gary S. Davis Professor Department of Government Cornell University Ithaca, New York 14850 Abstract: All modern states claim that they rule by popular consent and that this consent arises out of the state’s commitment to a transcendent social purpose demanded by their citizens. They also claim that both popular consent and the state’s transcendent social purpose emerged from a founding moment when the state’s right to rule was created. In this manuscript, I ask: How does the founding meld the metaphysical belief in the “will of the people,” the granting of sovereignty, and the recognition of a transcendent social purpose into a symbolic act that then enables the state to secure political and social order? Although this melding is more complex than commonly acknowledged for traditional democracies, it is even more complicated for otherwise authoritarian regimes. In those foundings that produce non-democratic states, the justification of the new sovereignty originates in a transcendent social purpose that is both clearly articulated in political doctrine and susceptible to misrecognition if subjected to conventional democratic politics. At the founding, the political party that led the revolution utilizes the form of a legislative assembly to craft a constitution but it is the party itself that manifests the popular will and thus melds sovereignty, social purpose, and the will of the people into the creation of a new state. Note to the Reader The text is obviously much too long. The best way to condense the reading to a manageable size is to treat the three middle sections (this version: on the Russian-pp. -
Dipartimento Di Scienze Politiche Cattedra Di Storia Delle Relazioni Internazionali
Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Cattedra di Storia delle Relazioni Internazionali RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AND EUROPEAN SECURITY FROM GORBACHEV TO PUTIN (1985-2001) RELATORE Prof. NIGLIA CANDIDATO Francesco Tamburini 622402 CORRELATORE Prof. PONS ANNO ACCADEMICO 2014/2015 Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..p.4 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….....p.5 Note on the Transliteration of Russian…………………………………………………………...p.8 List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………………p.9 1st Chapter A new thinking for the Soviet Union and the world 1.1) Domestic and international drivers.......................................................................................p.11 1.2) Contents and origins of new thinking...................................................................................p.14 1.3) Robbing the imperialists of the enemy image……………..................................................p.19 1.4) Domestic crises and new political actors………………………………………………….p.22 1.5) Gorbachev and European security: the challenge of NATO…………….………………....p.26 1.6) Achievements, failures and legacy…………….………………………………………......p.33 2nd Chapter A transformed Russia in a new world 2.1) An inevitable turn West?......................................................................................................p.36 2.2) Liberal internationalism: coalition and vision......................................................................p.38 2.3) Foreign policymaking in the Russian Federation………………………………………….p.42 2.4) Honeymoon with -
Carl Beck White Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence During the Russian Civil
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Number 1108 Viktor Bortnevski White Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence during the Russian Civil War ~EES fil E Cl N f [ 1 r o. l U" "''' N • [ "'ST EU Il O' I"N S TUD IES Viktor G. Bortnevski is the author of numerous articles on the Russian Civil War and the White emigration. He is the founder and editor of the historical almanac Russkoe proshloe. Published in St. Petersburg, Russkoe proshloe was the first independent historical journal to appear in post-Soviet Russia. No. 1108, August 1995 <0 1995 by The Center for Russian and East European Studies, a program of the University Center for International Studies, University of Pittsburgh ISSN 0899-275X The Carl BeckPapers Editors: William Chase, Bob Donnorummo, Ronald H. Linden Managing Editor: Martha Snodgrass Assistant Editor: Eileen O'Malley Cover design: Mike Savitski Submissions to The Carl Beck Papers are welcome. Manuscripts must be in English, double-spaced throughout, and less than 110 pages in length, including all notes and supplemental material. Acceptance is based on anonymous review. Mail submissions to: Editors, TheCarlBeckPapers, Center for Russian and East European Studies, 40-15 Forbes Quadrangle, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Counter-Intelligence followed the troops. That institution has never been used so widely as in the last Civil War. It was organized not only by high staffs and military governors, but by almost all military units, political organizations. the Don. Kuban and Terek governments...even ... by the Propaganda department... .It was a fashion. a sickly mania produced by mutual distrust and suspicion. -
Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin's Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2015 Against the Thalassocracy: Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin's Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy Jonathan Rushbrook Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Rushbrook, Jonathan, "Against the Thalassocracy: Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin's Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy" (2015). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 6542. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/6542 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Against the Thalassocracy: Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy Jonathan Rushbrook Thesis submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial -
Ch 1: Russia's Historical Roots
1 Russia’s Historical Roots Russia’s thousand-year history is replete with colorful leaders, global and continental wars, and the dramatic juxtaposition of brilliant culture with extreme brutality and poverty. Some Westerners find these qualities at- tractive, others repelling—there is little middle ground in how foreigners respond to Russia. This chapter outlines some of the enduring legacies of Russia’s political and economic organization and conveys Russia’s perspective on both its global and regional position and its identity. For the last 500 years, Russia has been one of the traditional European powers,1 with an inheritance both rich and complicated: Many of the peculiarities of tsarist Russia— some pertaining to geography, others to tradition—persist today; similarly, the Soviet period of 1917–91 is over, but it too has left indelible marks. Over the past two centuries, occasional tsarist and even Soviet leaders have struggled to free Russia from the “path dependencies” of its central- ized and authoritarian economic and political systems and its deeply ter- ritorial sense of security, which has fueled expansion and the domination of its neighbors. In addition to these challenges, the Russian reformers who came to power in 1991 strived to join the West but succeeded only partially. The Muscovite, Tsarist, and Soviet Legacies Looking at a map of the world, one cannot help but be impressed by the sheer vastness of Russia. From the beginning of the 16th century through 1. This point has been made most strongly by Martin Malia, Russia under Western Eyes (Cam- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999).