Andrés Pastrana Arango
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
PARAMILITARIES Kill Suspected Supporters of the FARC
UniTeD SelF-DeFenSe FoRCeS oF ColoMBiA (AUC) PARAMiliTARY TRooPS, lA GABARRA, noRTe De SAnTAnDeR, DeCeMBeR 10, 2004 PARAMiliTARieS kill suspected supporters of the FARC. By 1983, locals reported DEATh TO KIDNAPPERs cases of army troops and MAS fighters working together to assas- sinate civilians and burn farms.5 After the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. became alarmed power and wealth, to the point that by 2004 the autodefensas had this model of counterinsurgency proved attractive to the Colom- that Marxist revolts would break out elsewhere in latin Ameri- taken over much of the country. bian state. on a 1985 visit to Puerto Boyacá, President Belisario Be- ca. in 1962, an Army special warfare team arrived in Colombia to As they expanded their control across Colombia, paramil- tancur reportedly declared, “every inhabitant of Magdalena Medio help design a counterinsurgency strategy for the Colombian armed itary militias forcibly displaced over a million persons from the has risen up to become a defender of peace, next to our army, next to forces. even though the FARC and other insurgent groups had not land.3 By official numbers, as of 2011, the autodefensas are estimat- our police… Continue on, people of Puerto Boyacá!”6 yet appeared on the scene, U.S. advisers recommended that a force ed to have killed at least 140,000 civilians including hundreds of Soon, landowners, drug traffickers, and security forces set made up of civilians be used “to perform counteragent and coun- trade unionists, teachers, human rights defenders, rural organiz- up local autodefensas across Colombia. in 1987, the Minister of terpropaganda functions and, as necessary, execute paramilitary, ers, politicians, and journalists who they labelled as sympathetic government César gaviria testified to the existence of 140 ac- sabotage, and/or terrorist activities against known communist pro- to the guerrillas.3 tive right-wing militias in the country.7 Many sported macabre ponents. -
Redalyc.Institucionalización Organizativa Y Procesos De
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0121-5167 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios Políticos Colombia Duque Daza, Javier Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006 Estudios Políticos, núm. 31, julio-diciembre, 2007 Instituto de Estudios Políticos Medellín, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=16429059008 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006∗ Organizational Institutionalization and Selection Process of Presidential Candidates in the Liberal and Conservative colombian Parties Javier Duque Daza∗ Resumen: En este artículo se analizan los procesos de selección de los candidatos profesionales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos durante el periodo 1974-2006. A partir del enfoque de la institucionalización organizativa, el texto aborda las características de estos procesos a través de tres dimensiones analíticas: la existencia de reglas de juego, su grado de aplicación y acatamiento por parte de los actores internos de los partidos. El argumento central es que ambos partidos presentan un precario proceso de institucionalización organizativa, el cual se expresa en la debilidad de sus procesos de rutinización de las reglas internas. Finaliza mostrando cómo los sucedido en las elecciones de 2002 y de 2006, en las que se puso en evidencia que el predominio histórico de los partidos Liberal y Conservador estaba siendo disputado por nuevos partidos, los ha obligado a encaminarse hacia su reestructuración y hacia la búsqueda de mayores niveles de institucionalización organizativa. -
La Paz Que No Llegó: Enseñanzas De Una Negociación Fallida
59 la paz que no llegó: enseñanzas de una negociación fallida juan manuel ospina restrepo* La década de los noventa pasará a la his- cado. Años en los cuales la corrupción se toria como una de las más difíciles y con- desbordó, invadió al conjunto de la acti- fusas que haya vivido Colombia. Años de vidad ciudadana y se convirtió en la reali- grandes ilusiones e inconmensurables frus- dad más deslegitimadora de nuestras traciones. De nueva Constitución y de golpeadas instituciones. En el mundo de masacres y desplazamientos sin fin. Una hoy los gobiernos y aún los regímenes década donde conocimos mejor nuestras políticos se derrumban ante todo por la falencias internas pero también nuestras fuerza de la corrupción, que alimenta la posibilidades. Una década que en lo exte- pobreza y el marginamiento en medio de rior nos enfrentó al desafiante, amenazante la abundancia. y engañoso escenario de la globalización. Los colombianos hemos cambiado. Que en lo interno nos enfrentó a una gue- De eso no hay duda. Ya no somos lo que rrilla que salió de las penumbras selváti- éramos pero todavía no tenemos nuestra cas y de las lejanías de nuestras fronteras nueva piel. Somos conscientes de que lo agrícolas para hacer sentir su influencia y que viene de atrás se agotó; que no hay sus apetencias de poder. De un narcotrá- espacio ni razones para la nostalgia. Que- fico que se enseñorea por el país y de un remos eso sí, tener certidumbres, clarida- fundamentalismo ideológico que, olvidan- des. Por eso la gente emigra. Por eso la do toda esa realidad, pretende que Colom- gente se interroga e interroga. -
The Stakes in the Presidential Election in Colombia
LATIN AMERICA Briefing Bogotá/Brussels, 22 May 2002 THE STAKES IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN COLOMBIA I. OVERVIEW The escalation of fighting this month between FARC and paramilitary forces in the north-western department of Chocó, which killed more than 110 This presidential election (first round on 26 May civilians and an unknown number of combatants, 2002; second round, if needed, on 16 June) will be demonstrates again the disregard both groups of crucial for the future of Colombia’s democracy and irregulars have for the population as they pursue its struggle against insurgents and paramilitaries, territory and power.4 It also puts into perspective the drugs and widespread poverty.1 Social and limitations of the government’s forces, which economic distress is now widespread. Public reached the scene only days later. All presidential frustration with the ill-fated peace process of the candidates are under death threats. In mid-April, the Pastrana Administration over the past three years, front-runner, Álvaro Uribe, barely escaped the fate its definitive rupture on 20 February 2002, and of candidates who were killed in earlier presidential increased attacks by the main rebel group, the races.5 Presidential candidate Íngrid Betancourt and Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- her vice presidential running mate, Clara Rojas, Ejército del Pueblo (FARC) on civilians and were kidnapped by the FARC a few months earlier infrastructure since mid-January have made and remain hostages.6 “war/peace” and “violence” the key vote- determining issues.2 The failure to negotiate a Since at least September 2001, voters provoked by solution to the longstanding civil war over the past rising frustration with a deadlocked negotiation and three years has polarised the electorate. -
Nombre Presidente De La República Nombre Ministro De Hacienda
Período de Nombre Presidente de la Nombre Ministro de Ubicación de la mandato del República Hacienda información Ministro Francisco de Paula Santander José María del Castillo y 1823-1827 Las Memorias en papel se encuentran en la Biblioteca y Rada su copia digital se puede consultar en el catálogo a través de la página web del Ministerio o la intranet Simón Bolívar José Ignacio de Márquez 1828-1831 No hay Memoria José María Obando (encargado Diego F Gomez 1832 marzo No hay Memoria del poder Ejecutivo) José Ignacio de Márquez Domingo Caicedo 1832 No hay Memoria (encargado del poder Ejecutivo) (abril, mayo, junio, julio) Francisco de Paula Santander Francisco Soto 1832 -1833 No hay Memoria Francisco de Paula Santander Francisco Soto 1834 Las Memorias en papel se encuentran en la Biblioteca y su copia digital se puede consultar en el catálogo a través de la página web del Ministerio o la intranet Francisco de Paula Santander Francisco Soto 1835-1837 No hay Memoria Francisco de Paula Santander Simón Burgos 1837 No hay Memoria (abril - 18 septiembre) José Ignacio de Márquez Juan de Dios de Aranzazu 1837 -1841 No hay Memoria Pedro Alcántara Herrán Rufino Cuervo y Barreto 1841-1843 Las Memorias en papel se encuentran en la Biblioteca y su copia digital se puede consultar en el catálogo a través de la página web del Ministerio o la intranet Tomas Cipriano de Mosquera Juan Clímaco Ordoñez 1844-1845 Las Memorias en papel se encuentran en la Biblioteca y su copia digital se puede consultar en el catálogo a través de la página web del Ministerio o -
Colombia – Presidential Elections – Cali Cartel – 1998 Presidential Election – Risaralda Elections – Pereira Elections – Liberal Youth Organisation – Liberal Party
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: COL31618 Country: Colombia Date: 18 April 2007 Keywords: Colombia – Presidential elections – Cali Cartel – 1998 Presidential Election – Risaralda elections – Pereira elections – Liberal Youth Organisation – Liberal Party This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1994 presidential election involving Ernesto Samper Pizano? 2. Can you provide information about a scandal involving the Cali Cartel accusing President Samper of receiving money for this campaign? 3. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1997 election for the Risaralda governorship involving Dr Carlos Arturo Lopez? 4. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1998 election for the Pereira Mayorship involving Dr Luis Alberto Duque Torres? 5. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1998 presidential elections involving Dr Horacio Serpa Uribe? 6. Can you provide information on Liberal youth organisation in Pereira in 1990? 7. Can you provide information on the structure of Liberal youth organisation in the early 1990s? 8. Who were the leaders of the liberal party in the early 1990’s in particular in Pereira? 9. What were the policies of the liberal party in the early 1990’s? 10. -
Colombia Country Fact Sheet
National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Page 1 of 4 Home > Research > National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Country Fact Sheet COLOMBIA April 2007 Disclaimer 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Republic of Colombia. Geography Colombia is located at the northern point of South America and shares borders with Panama, Ecuador, Peru, Brazil and Venezuela. Colombia has a total of 3,208 km of coastline on the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. The total area is 1,038,700 km2. The coast has a tropical climate, the interior plateaux are temperate and some Andean areas have snow year-round. Population and density Population: 43,593,035 (July 2006 estimate). Density: 39.7 persons per km2. Principal cities and populations (2005 estimate) Bogota (political capital) 8,350,000; Medellin 3,450,000; Cali 2,700,000; Barranquilla 1,925,000; Cartagena 1,075,000. Languages Spanish (official). Religions Catholic 90%. Ethnic groups Mestizo 58%, white 20%, mulatto 14%, black 4%, mixed black-Amerindian 3%, Amerindian 1%. Approximately 75 % of Colombians are of mixed-blood. Demographics http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca:8080/Publications/PubIP_DI.aspx?id=209&pcid=359 2/23/2011 National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Page 2 of 4 Population growth rate: 1.46% (2006 estimate). Infant mortality rate: 20.35 deaths/1,000 live births. Life expectancy at birth: 72.6 (2004). Fertility rate: 2.54 children born/woman (2006 estimate). Literacy: 92.8% of people aged 15 and older can read and write (2004). Currency Colombian Peso (COP). -
Colombia1 Colombia Is a Large South American Country
Background- Colombia1 Colombia is a large South American country (48 million, 2016 est.) with a history of intense economic and political conflict that has repeatedly deteriorated into civil war and widespread violence. Since the colonial era, Colombia has struggled with intense political conflict between its elite and underlying class and ethnic tensions. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the 1500s, Colombia was lightly populated by small-scale farmers of mostly Chibcha indigenous descent. The Spanish quickly assimilated or wiped out most indigenous peoples through enslavement and disease, then imported African slaves to mine and perform agricultural labor. The population became divided into a mestizo (white and indigenous) middle class, an impoverished Afro- Colombian minority, and a Creole (white) elite. In the 1700s, the Creole enjoyed the fruits of the enlightenment, including universities, newspapers, and theaters, and gradually came to support free trade, democracy, and independence. When Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808, Colombian elites seized the opportunity to rebel alongside their compatriots in Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama. Following independence, Venezuela and Ecuador quickly split into independent states but Colombia and Panama remained united under the leadership of wealthy Creole independence leader Francisco de Paula Santander. Throughout the 1800s and early 1900s, political tensions among Colombian elites grew and frequently erupted into violence. After Santander’s death, Colombia’s leadership quickly split between the Liberals, who supported a federalist government with a limited role for the Catholic Church, and the Conservatives, who supported a centralized government with a strong role for the Catholic Church. This division would be at the root of many subsequent violent periods that marred Colombian history. -
Avatares De Un Conciliador
PERIODICO: EL TIEMPO FECHA: MAYO 24 DE 1998 TEMA: DERECHOS HUMANOS Avatares de un conciliador Forjó su política liberal en medio del calor y la guerra de Barrancabermeja. Ha estado siempre en el filo de la navaja de las extremas recalcitrantes. Paradójicamente, su candidatura emerge de la defensa acérrima de un gobierno en crisis. Pero a la vez, es la cruz que carga en su campaña. Horacio Serpa renunció al Ministerio del Interior cuando cumplía su día 876 en el gobierno de Ernesto Samper. Era el 27 de mayo de 1997. Terminaba su labor de escudero del político bogotano. Por primera vez, en los 55 años de vida, este santandereano se lanzaba a la aventura de encabezar su propio proyecto nacional. Usted, señor Presidente, ha dado ejemplos de ecuanimidad, dignidad y patriotismo, y bajo su liderazgo, el gobierno supera con fortuna los enormes retos que se le han presentado, le escribió Serpa en su carta de despedida a Samper. Siempre seré su admirador y más decidido partidario...Tenga por cierto, que la guardia muere pero no se rinde. Esta muestra de solidaridad es el fruto de una larga amistad que comenzó 17 años atrás. Samper era el coordinador de la campaña que perdió López Michelsen en 1982 contra Belisario Betancur. Viajaba por todo el país y se encontró con Serpa, un líder liberal de Barrancabermeja que por entonces ya había logrado armar un movimiento político a la izquierda del partido. Según cuenta Hernando Gómez, Samper era un niño terrible del establecimiento, que representaba una especie de populismo urbano. Pero su fuerza política no iba más allá de Monserrate. -
Capital Punishment: the Fragmentation of Colombia and the Crisis of the Nation-State
Third World Quarterly, Vol 22, No 6, pp 1063–1078, 2001 Capital punishment: the fragmentation of Colombia and the crisis of the nation-state JEFF BROWITT ABSTRACT The Colombian nation-state is in its worst period of crisis since the infamous Violencia of the late 1940s and 1950s. State power is being contested by a number of groups: paramilitaries, the revolutionary Left, drug cartels and corrupt high-level officials. But these latest challenges must be set in a wider historical context: a 200-year history of failed attempts by the oligarchy to forge a stable modern nation-state without undermining their dominant position in the Colombian polity. The writing of a new constitution in 1991, the first since 1886, was an attempt to address many of the above problems, including the granting of special powers to the executive to deal with civil unrest, the need for a de- centralised and pluralised political landscape and constitutional guarantees for minority and indigenous representation and rights. However, constitutional change has also taken place in the context of the consolidation of the globalisa- tion project and the practical effects of the new constitution have been its provision of legal and administrative measures to facilitate the neoliberal restructuring of the economy, a process which, over the past 10 years, has been a devastating form of ‘capital punishment’ for the Colombian underclasses and has contributed to the further fragmentation of the nation. In the past two to three years in Colombia there have been several major national strikes against the government’s economic policies. Public sector and private sector labour unions have been agitating for a moratorium on the payment of foreign debt, a change from the dominant neoliberal economic model of the past 10 years and a rejection of IMF preconditions for loans. -
OEA/Ser.L/V/II.53 Doc. 22 30 June 1981 Original: Spanish REPORT
OEA/Ser.L/V/II.53 doc. 22 30 June 1981 Original: Spanish REPORT ON THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I POLITICAL AND LEGAL SYSTEM CHAPTER II THE RIGHT TO LIFE CHAPTER III RIGHT TO PERSONAL LIBERTY CHAPTER IV RIGHT TO PERSONAL SECURITY AND HUMANE TREATMENT CHAPTER V RIGHT TO A FAIR TRIAL AND DUE PROCESS CHAPTER VI OTHER RIGHTS CHAPTER VII MILITARY OPERATIONS IN RURAL AREAS CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 1 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/37b093/ OEA/Ser.L/V/II.53 doc. 22 30 June 1981 Original: Spanish REPORT ON THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA INTRODUCTION A. Background 1. In Communication No. 168 of April 1, 1980, The Government of Colombia invited the Commission to undertake an on-site investigation in Colombia. As part of this work the Commission was to attend the public stage of the cases being tried in Oral courts-martial and acquaint itself with the investigations into alleged abuses of authority in the area of human rights. The aforementioned note reads as follows: Mr. Chairman: I have the honor to transmit to you the note addressed thought me to you and the others members of that Commission by Dr. Diego Uribe Vargas, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia. Bogotá, April 1, 1980 Mr. Chairman and members of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Washington, D.C. It has been a longstanding hope of the Colombian government to invite the Commission, whose honesty and rectitude are internationally recognized, to visit our country for the purpose of examining the general situations of human rights and, at the same time, to be present at the public part of the oral proceeding of Oral courts-martial now being conducted, in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the Republic, and to apprise itself of how the trials are conducted. -
President Clinton's Meetings & Telephone Calls with Foreign
President Clinton’s Meetings & Telephone Calls with Foreign Leaders, Representatives, and Dignitaries from January 23, 1993 thru January 19, 20011∗ 1993 Telephone call with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, January 23, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel, January 23, 1993, White House Telephone call with President Leonid Kravchuk of Ukraine, January 26, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, January 29, 1993, White House Telephone call with Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel of Turkey, February 1, 1993, White House Meeting with Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel of Germany, February 4, 1993, White House Meeting with Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada, February 5, 1993, White House Meeting with President Turgut Ozal of Turkey, February 8, 1993, White House Telephone call with President Stanislav Shushkevich of Belarus, February 9, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, February 10, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with Prime Minister John Major of the United Kingdom, February 10, 1993, White House Telephone call with Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany, February 10, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, February 10, 1993, White House 1∗ Meetings that were only photo or ceremonial events are not included in this list. Meeting with Foreign Minister Michio Watanabe of Japan, February 11, 1993,