Tbilisi, 18 November 2008 CONFERENCE on the RULE OF
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Presentation Kit
15YEARS PRESENTATION KIT TURKISH POLICY QUARTERLY PRESENTATION KIT MARCH 2017 QUARTERLY Table of Contents What is TPQ? ..............................................................................................................4 TPQ’s Board of Advisors ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 Strong Outreach ........................................................................................................ 7 Online Blog and Debate Sections ..........................................................................8 TPQ Events ...............................................................................................................10 TPQ in the Media ..................................................................................................... 11 Support TPQ .............................................................................................................14 Premium Sponsorship ............................................................................................ 15 Print Advertising .......................................................................................................18 Premium Sponsor ...................................................................................................19 Advertiser ................................................................................................................. 20 Online Advertising ................................................................................................... 21 -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Revolutionary Tactics: Insights from Police and Justice Reform in Georgia
TRANSITIONS FORUM | CASE STUDY | JUNE 2014 Revolutionary Tactics: Insights from Police and Justice Reform in Georgia by Peter Pomerantsev with Geoffrey Robertson, Jovan Ratković and Anne Applebaum www.li.com www.prosperity.com ABOUT THE LEGATUM INSTITUTE Based in London, the Legatum Institute (LI) is an independent non-partisan public policy organisation whose research, publications, and programmes advance ideas and policies in support of free and prosperous societies around the world. LI’s signature annual publication is the Legatum Prosperity Index™, a unique global assessment of national prosperity based on both wealth and wellbeing. LI is the co-publisher of Democracy Lab, a journalistic joint-venture with Foreign Policy Magazine dedicated to covering political and economic transitions around the world. www.li.com www.prosperity.com http://democracylab.foreignpolicy.com TRANSITIONS FORUM CONTENTS Introduction 3 Background 4 Tactics for Revolutionary Change: Police Reform 6 Jovan Ratković: A Serbian Perspective on Georgia’s Police Reforms Justice: A Botched Reform? 10 Jovan Ratković: The Serbian Experience of Justice Reform Geoffrey Robertson: Judicial Reform The Downsides of Revolutionary Maximalism 13 1 Truth and Reconciliation Jovan Ratković: How Serbia Has Been Coming to Terms with the Past Geoffrey Robertson: Dealing with the Past 2 The Need to Foster an Opposition Jovan Ratković: The Serbian Experience of Fostering a Healthy Opposition Russia and the West: Geopolitical Direction and Domestic Reforms 18 What Georgia Means: for Ukraine and Beyond 20 References 21 About the Author and Contributors 24 About the Legatum Institute inside front cover Legatum Prosperity IndexTM Country Factsheet 2013 25 TRANSITIONS forum | 2 TRANSITIONS FORUM The reforms carried out in Georgia after the Rose Revolution of 2004 were Introduction among the most radical ever attempted in the post-Soviet world, and probably the most controversial. -
How to Effectively Fight Corruption in Ukraine COALITIONS of the LIKE-MINDED CAN DEGRADE ENTRENCHED INTERESTS
How to Effectively Fight Corruption in Ukraine COALITIONS OF THE LIKE-MINDED CAN DEGRADE ENTRENCHED INTERESTS PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 405 December 2015 Robert Orttung1 George Washington University Nearly two years after the Euromaidan protests chased Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych from power, corruption remains among the top internal problems hindering the country’s development. Although the Euromaidan protests brought about a change of government, they did not change how the system works. Entrenched interests from the old system remain in place and continue to dictate what happens in the country. Despite this unfortunate reality, some things in Ukraine have changed, and it is possible to see a path toward a better future. This, however, requires popular action. It is the only way to overcome the elite interests that continue to support the status quo. Ukraine’s politicians have demonstrated time and time again that they will not initiate change on their own. The way to promote anti- corruption reform is through increased and persistent people power. Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Record since the Euromaidan Most Ukrainians see little progress in cleaning up their political and economic systems since the dramatic events of late 2013 and early 2014. An oligarch now serves as president and many other oligarchs remain influential. No high level officials have been arrested for participating in corrupt activities and there has been little investigation of the old regime, much less a good faith effort to restore the assets looted by the previous leaders. Additionally, there has been little practical reform of the courts. A continuing series of scandals has rocked the General Prosecutors’ office, which employs approximately 20,000 officials and is frequently portrayed as the center of corruption. -
Cyberwar Case Study: Georgia 2008
SMALL WARS JOURNAL smallwarsjournal.com Cyberwar Case Study: Georgia 2008 by David Hollis The Russian-Georgian War in August of 2008 represented a long history of geostrategic conflict between the two nations and was based on many complex factors: geopolitical, legal, cultural, and economic. The 1992 South Ossetia War and the 1993 Abkhazian War resulted in the loss of the regions from Georgia to internationally unrecognized, pro-Russian local governments. Tensions had been building in the region for several years prior-to the initiation of conflict in August 2008. The war officially started on 7 August 2008 after several weeks of growing arguments over the future of the South Ossetian territory. Georgian troops initiated a military attack against South Ossetia and began a massive shelling of the town of Tskhinvali in response to alleged Russian provocation. Russia deployed additional combat troops to South Ossetia and retaliated with bombing raids into Georgian territory. Russia deployed naval forces to formally blockade Georgia and landed naval infantry (marines) on Abkhaz coast (near Georgia). The decisive ground combat operation of the campaign resulted in mechanized Russian military and Ossetian militia forces defeating the more lightly armed Georgian military forces in the only large-scale major ground combat of the war (battle for the town of Tskhinvali). Georgian tactical military defeat at the battle of Tskhinvali, operational defeat via Russian uncontested invasion of the western part of Georgia, unchallenged naval blockade of Georgia, and Georgian difficulty getting their media message out to the world, led to Georgia's strategic defeat in the war. The conflict forced approximately 25,000 Georgian residents to flee from ground combat as refugees into internal displacement. -
Adlib Express Watermark
IHS Global Insight Report: Georgia (Country Intelligence) Report printed on 14 January 2009 CONTENTS Country Reports AdlibCopyright ©2008 Express Global Insight Inc. All rights reserved. WatermarkPage 1 of 36 Nature of Risk Rating Summary Political: Risks 2.75 The situation in Georgia is uncertain in the aftermath of the military conflict with Russia, but it is clear that the state will remain functioning, even if the separatist republics claim chunks of its territory (highly unlikely). The economy will pay the price of military damage, although most importantly, crucial elements of the country's infrastructure such as bridges and mountain tunnels have remained intact. President Mikhail Saakashvili, who essentially triggered the hostilities by ordering a Georgian offensive on South Ossetia, will have to fight to retain his seat, which he only won for the second term in January 2008. Given the popular consensus in the face of the Russian offensive, however, Saakashvili may well rely on his charismatic turns to actually elevate and strengthen his domestic position. The government will also remain committed to its economic reform policy, although most of the legislation and regulation is already in place. Economic: Risks 3.50 Georgia is a poor country with weak external financial and trade links outside Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States. The collapse in growth associated with post-Soviet economic management during the early 1990s was heightened in Georgia's case by a brief civil war on its borders. The economy finally began to recover strongly from its collapsed base in the second half of the 1990s. Although Georgian GDP rose steadily in 1995-2006, growth rates have been highly variable, from lows of about 2% to highs of arou nd 11%. -
Chronicle: the Caucasus in the Year 2014
Chronicle: The Caucasus In the Year 2014 January 1 January 2014 The Georgian State Ministry for Reintegration is renamed into State Ministry for Reconciliation and Civic Equality in a move that Tbilisi officials say will help engagement with the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia 4 January 2014 Russia pledges over 180 million dollars to the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2014–2016 through a decree signed by Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev with the financial aid to be provided via the Russian Ministry of Construction 14 January 2014 Hungary becomes the twelfth country to recognize Georgia’s neutral travel documents designed for residents of the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia 16 January 2014 Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili says that Russia lacks the levers to deter the country’s signing of an Association Agreement with the European Union although provocations are expected 20 January 2014 Georgian President Giorgi Margvelashvili meets with his Turkish counterpart Abdullah Gül and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during a visit to Turkey that includes meetings with representatives of the Georgian diaspora 30 January 2014 Czech President Milos Zeman says during Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian’s official visit to Prague that the mass killings of Armenians during the Ottoman empire amounted to a “genocide” February 3 February 2014 Azerbaijani parliament speaker Oqtay Asadov calls on religious clerics to perform prayers in Azeri and not in Arabic to make it easier for people to -
Russia-Georgia Conflict in August 2008
= :88.&8*47,.&=43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a= 439*=9=&3)=251.(&9.438=+47=_ _=39*7*898= .2=.(-41= 5*(.&1.89=.3= :88.&3=&3)=:7&8.&3=++&.78= &7(-=-`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.0+2= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress :88.&8*47,.&= 43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a=439*=9=&3)= 251.(&9.438=+47=__= 39*7*898= = :22&7>= In the early 1990s, Georgia and its breakaway South Ossetia region had agreed to a Russian- mediated ceasefire that provided for Russian “peacekeepers” to be stationed in the region. Moscow extended citizenship and passports to most ethnic Ossetians. Simmering long-time tensions escalated on the evening of August 7, 2008, when South Ossetia and Georgia accused each other of launching intense artillery barrages against each other. Georgia claims that South Ossetian forces did not respond to a ceasefire appeal but intensified their shelling, “forcing” Georgia to send in troops. On August 8, Russia launched air attacks throughout Georgia and Russian troops engaged Georgian forces in South Ossetia. By the morning of August 10, Russian troops had occupied the bulk of South Ossetia, reached its border with the rest of Georgia, and were shelling areas across the border. Russian troops occupied several Georgian cities. Russian warships landed troops in Georgia’s breakaway Abkhazia region and took up positions off Georgia’s Black Sea coast. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, serving as the president of the European Union (EU), was instrumental in getting Georgia and Russia to agree to a peace plan on August 15-16. -
News from Copenhagen 272.Indd
News from Copenhagen Number 272 Current Information from the OSCE PA International Secretariat 2 October 2008 Mediterranean Forum focuses on integration and co-operation With the goal of developing stronger ties with the OSCE the beginning of the Helsinki process.” Parliamentary Assembly and the Mediterranean Partners for U.S. Congressman Alcee L. Hastings, who serves as Special Co-operation, the Assembly’s annual Mediterranean Forum was Representative on Mediterranean issues, underlined the value held at the Fall Meetings of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly of promoting the OSCE Mediterranean dimension at the in Toronto, Canada, on 18 September. parliamentary level, stressing that European security is directly Chaired by Canadian Senator Jerry Grafstein, Vice-President linked to security and stability in the Mediterranean. of the Assembly, this year’s Forum focused on multilateral Gilles Mentré, Representative of the French Ministry of initiatives to promote integration and co-operation in the Foreign Affairs, introduced a French proposal intended to Mediterranean, including the Union for the Mediterranean and further develop the EU’s Euromediterranean Partnership. the OSCE Mediterranean Dimension. Entitled the Union for the Mediterranean, the initiative unites It was the best attended Forum since its establishment in all EU members with several non-EU countries that border the Rome in 2003. High level parliamentary representatives from Mediterranean Sea, promoting co-operation on energy issues, Algeria, Israel, Jordan, and Morocco actively -
Georgia by Michael Hikari Cecire Capital: Tbilisi Population: 3.7 Million GNI/Capita, PPP: US$7,510
Georgia By Michael Hikari Cecire Capital: Tbilisi Population: 3.7 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$7,510 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2016 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2017 Electoral 4.75 5.25 5.25 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Process Civil Society 3.50 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Media National Democratic 5.75 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Governance Local Democratic 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.25 5.25 5.25 Governance Judicial Framework and 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 Independence Corruption 5.00 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Democracy 4.79 4.93 4.93 4.86 4.82 4.75 4.68 4.64 4.61 4.61 Score NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Policy Briefing
Policy Briefing Europe Briefing N°58 Tbilisi/Brussels, 13 December 2010 Georgia: Securing a Stable Future I. OVERVIEW 150-seat parliament, while sixteen others who won seats are boycotting. Positively, the government and fifteen opposition parties agreed in November 2010 to begin ne- Two and a half years after the war with Russia, Georgia’s gotiations to overhaul the electoral code. political life is increasingly turning towards preparations for the 2012-2013 elections and debates around divisions The generous $4.5 billion Georgia received from 38 coun- of power after a recent overhaul of the constitution. The tries and fifteen international organisations over three substantial amendments, which come into force in 2013 years to help post-war recovery – a mix of direct budget- at the same time as President Mikheil Saakashvili steps ary assistance, humanitarian aid, loans and support to in- down due to a term limit, will give much greater power to frastructure development – guaranteed economic stability the prime minister. The next two years will go a long way in the short term, but these funds are running out, and nei- in determining whether the country progresses toward a ther foreign direct investment nor exports have picked up. truly stable, modern democracy, or deteriorates into a Tbilisi is thus likely to face substantial challenges to repay fragile, pseudo-pluralistic and stagnating system. The the foreign debt and cover the trade deficit. The govern- government and political opposition movement need to ment also needs to do more to support local entrepreneurs. use that crucial period to create public trust in democratic institutions. -
Gender and Society: Georgia
Gender and Society: Georgia Tbilisi 2008 The Report was prepared and published within the framework of the UNDP project - “Gender and Politics” The Report was prepared by the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) The author: Nana Sumbadze For additional information refer to the office of the UNDP project “Gender and Politics” at the following address: Administrative building of the Parliament of Georgia, 8 Rustaveli avenue, room 034, Tbilisi; tel./fax (99532) 923662; www.genderandpolitics.ge and the office of the IPS, Chavchavadze avenue, 10; Tbilisi 0179; tel./fax (99532) 220060; e-mail: [email protected] The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations or UNDP Editing: Sandeep Chakraborty Book design: Gio Sumbadze Copyright © UNDP 2008 All rights reserved Contents Acknowledgements 4 List of abbreviations 5 Preface 6 Chapter 1: Study design 9 Chapter 2: Equality 14 Gender in public realm Chapter 3: Participation in public life 30 Chapter 4: Employment 62 Gender in private realm Chapter 5: Gender in family life 78 Chapter 6: Human and social capital 98 Chapter 7: Steps forward 122 Bibliography 130 Annex I. Photo Voice 136 Annex II. Attitudes of ethnic minorities towards equality 152 Annex III. List of entries on Georgian women in Soviet encyclopaedia 153 Annex IV. List of organizations working on gender issues 162 Annex V. List of interviewed persons 173 Annex VI. List of focus groups 175 Acknowledgements from the Author The author would like to express her sincere gratitude to the staff of UNDP project “Gender and Politics” for their continuous support, and to Gender Equality Advisory Council for their valuable recommendations.