IDENTITY FOR SALE: A Case Study of Gap Inc.

MEGHAN J. REES

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER'S

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Where we consume, what we consume and how we present our material goods on our bodies all provide important messages about our identity. As consumers, we surround ourselves with objects that define and project our identity. Clothing is among the most popular, and the most public, of commodities used to express individual identities. It has moved beyond its usefulness for modesty and warmth, and has become highly culturally symbolic. Thus, consumption of clothing can be considered more than a frivolous and meaningless act, this thesis will reveal how it can be positioned as an intimate and involved exercise in identity construction.

Through participant observation and semi-structured interviews, my research aims to uncover how people perceive spaces of consumption and how these perceptions affect processes of identity development and expression. Using the Gap and Old Navy as focal points for my case study, I examine how these retail environments are constructed, how merchandising techniques are utilized and how consumers interpret such spaces. I demonstrate the gendered differences in consumption habits and identity performance highlighting, for men, the influence of sexuality, and for women, the importance of ideal, perceived and real images of women's bodies. Given both the pervasiveness of the Gap and Old Navy in the Canadian market, and the continuing culture of identity-based consumption, I argue that the spatial practices employed by clothing retailers play a significant role in the shaping and expression of their patrons' self-perceptions and identities.

iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I believe it is important to acknowledge the many people who have helped this thesis come to fruition. I am grateful to my research participants; without their openness and the generous donations of their time this research would not have been possible. I am also immensely thankful for the expertise, advice, guidance and support of my supervisors, Alison Bain and Linda Peake. The critical commentary and thought- provoking discussions that they provided challenged me and helped me to improve the quality of both my research and my writing. Finally, I would like to express my appreciation and gratitude to my friends who tolerated 2 years of intermittent communication, and to my family and my fiancee, who bore with me through the trials and challenges of completing a thesis and were unwavering in their support and encouragement.

V TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract iv Acknowledgements v List of Figures viii

CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1

CHAPTER 2 Literature Review 7 Retail Geography 8 Geographies of Production & Consumption 10 Geographies of the Body 18 Summary 22

CHAPTER 3 Research Design & Methodology 24 Overview of the Research Sample 25 Justifying the Research Locales 33 Research Strategy 39 Participant Observation: A Theoretical and Practical Discussion 42 The Interview: A Theoretical and Practical Discussion 48 Summary 61

CHAPTER 4 (De)constructing the Retail Spaces of Gap Inc 63 Creating Atmosphere: A Shopper's Natural Habitat 64 Retail Spaces of Gap Incorporated: The Gap and Old Navy 73 Summary 87

CHAPTER 5 There's More Than One Way to Dress Like a Man 89 Hegemonic Masculinity 91 Male Consumption Patterns 100 Body Image 107 Is Consumption Affecting Men's Identities? 113 Summary 119

CHAPTER 6 Female Identity: Do Clothes Make the Woman? 121 Female Consumption Patterns 123

vi Body Image 130 Desire to Alter Appearance 131 Fashion Advertisements and Self-Comparison 133 Store Environments and Comparative Self-Evaluation 138 Clothing Size and Bodily Awareness 144 Is Consumption Affecting Women's Identities? 149 Summary 153

CHAPTER 7 Conclusion 155 Masculinity, Consumption & Identity: What is 'manly'? 156 Femininity, Consumption & Identity: Interpreting "how do I look?" 162 Geographical Implications 167 Avenues for Further Research 171

REFERENCES 174

APPENDICES Appendix A: Summary Profile of Interview Participants 182 Appendix B: Participant Observation Guide 183 Appendix C: Interview Guide 184 Appendix D: Gap Advertising Images 186 Appendix E: Old Navy Advertising Images 187 Appendix F: Introductory Interview Survey 188 Appendix G: Floor Plan of the Gap at Yorkdale Shopping Centre, Toronto 189 Appendix H: Floor Plan of the Old Navy at Yorkdale Shopping Centre, Toronto 190

Vll LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Pie chart of income levels of interview participants 29 Figure 2: Pie chart of percentage of personal income interview participants spend on clothing yearly 30 Figure 3: Pie chart of interview participants' levels of satisfaction with their appearance 31 Figure 4: Map of Gap and Old Navy locations in Toronto, Ontario 35 Figure 5: Map of Gap locations in Toronto and surrounding area 36 Figure 6: Map of Old Navy locations in Toronto and surrounding area 36

Vlll 1

INTRODUCTION

At the crossroads of retail geography, geographies of consumption and geographies of the body, and informed by academic theorizations about identity, this thesis examines the role that spaces of retail and consumption play in the creation and display of personal identities. My desire to undertake research that focuses on identity development and retail space stems from two distinct but converging personal interests; matters of self-expression and identity, and fashion and shopping. I particularly enjoy living in a city as diverse as Toronto because it provides me with the opportunity to have encounters with various groups of people and to observe innumerable different methods of self-expression. In any public space there is the possibility of encountering a multitude of identity presentations. Most fascinating, for me, are the ways in which people utilize fashion and clothing to express themselves, their identities, and their personalities. While many people find fashion and shopping to be frivolous and self-indulgent interests, I not only enjoy them but I see beyond the superficiality of their surfaces to the deeper meaning that clothing and fashion can have as means of communication, expression, and individualization. As a result of this interest and curiosity, I spend at least three to five hours of my leisure time each week reading fashion magazines and browsing through retail websites, stores and malls.

In my many shopping experiences I have consistently encountered several bothersome retail merchandising, layout and sizing practices. For instance, most stores hide intimates and swimwear in a corner, in the back of the store, or in a completely segregated area of their store. If a store offers a 'plus-size' line of clothing it is invariably put on a back wall, practically out of sight from the entrance. Athletic wear is also kept at the backs of stores. Additionally, on hanging racks and shelving units, sizes are arranged with the smallest sizes on top or at the front and the largest sizes at the bottom or the back, with ample numbers of small and medium sized items available and a limited number of large and extra large sized items. These practices are especially evident in the

Gap and Old Navy, two stores that I browse through during the majority of my visits to a mall. I should note that I do not consider myself, nor do I suspect others would consider me, on either the large or petite sides of the size spectrum. My body, as far as weight and proportion are concerned, is incredibly 'average'. I am 5'8", which is above the average height for women but, at 175 pounds, I carry the average weight for other women of the same height. This weight is distributed throughout my body in such a way that the proportions create a slight hourglass shape, not unlike that of a typical North American woman; my bust measures 40", my waist 30" and my hips 41". There are aspects of my appearance that make my body athletic looking, for example I have broader shoulders than most women of a comparable size, my arms are wider and more defined, and I have larger, more muscular thighs. These features, combined with my chest which is slightly larger in proportion to the rest of my body, make buying clothes for me a complicated 2 task.

The task of finding clothes that fit my body is complicated further by the inconsistency in sizing practices both between stores, and between lines of clothing in any one store. Depending on the style, material, and season, my shirt size ranges from a medium to an extra large and my pant size from 29 to 34, or on another scale from 9 to

14. For items that are meant to cover the entire body, like dresses, I have almost always had to buy a size that fits one area of my body and have the rest of the dress altered to fit properly. When buying specialty items, such as bathing suits, alterations are not possible and I am forced to make a choice between searching for suits that mix and match sizes so

I can buy a different sized top and bottom or buying the same suit in two different sizes to accommodate the proportions of my body. I have long since overcome my adolescent fixation on clothing size, and instead now choose to focus on the fit of my clothing, paying little attention to the size I wear. So if I, an average sized woman with little concern for conforming to a desired size, am finding myself frustrated with the practices of clothing retailers, how must other people, who either do not have 'average' bodies or are concerned with the size that they wear, feel when trying to purchase clothing? And, how do the difficulties that consumers encounter with clothing size, fit and proportion manifest themselves in presentations of identity? It is these questions which have led me to carry out this research.

Recent work by human geographers has sought to examine the complex relationship that exists between space, place, and identity development and presentation

(Turner & Manderson, 2007; Vandemark, 2007; Jenkins, 2007; Kong, 2001). In a similar 3 tradition, my research links interactions with space and place to understandings of the self and identity. In Chapter 21 examine existing literature on retail geography and geographies of consumption which suggests that retail spaces provide locations where consumers can produce, express, and reproduce their identities through interpretation and consumption of the retail landscape and the merchandise found within it. In consuming both the merchandise and the landscapes of retail spaces, consumers force the consideration of place to be integrated with the consideration of material goods in analyses of the impact that consumption has on identity. Additionally, when examining clothing and fashion as consumer items related to identity development and presentation it becomes necessary to consider the role and spatial presence of the body. Thus in developing an understanding of the impact that retail spaces have on consumers' identity development it is imperative to acquire an intimate and thorough knowledge of both the retail environment and consumers' bodily experiences within this environment.

As someone who enjoys shopping and has, over the years, spent a considerable amount of time and money in malls and retail stores, I have developed a knack for discreetly observing the actions and habits of others. In Chapter 3 I discuss the usefulness of this skill in relation to the design and implementation of my research strategy and methodology. After providing an overview of my research sample, I justify my selection of the Gap and Old Navy as case study subjects, and their Yorkdale Shopping Centre locations as sites for participant observation. I outline the benefits of engaging in both participant observation and in-depth interviews as data collection methods followed by a discussion of the theoretical and practical implications of carrying out participant 4 observations. I then conclude the chapter by addressing the theoretical and practical implications of conducting in-depth interviews.

In Chapter 4 my attention focuses on the construction and arrangement of retail spaces. I open with a consideration of the strategies employed by retail firms to maximize profitability and enhance consumers' experiences. This consideration examines the construction and layout of stores, the music and lighting within stores and the use of advertising and mannequins as promotion tools on the selling floor. I follow this with a more detailed reflection on how such strategies are implemented in the retail spaces of the Gap and Old Navy, concluding with a comparison of the differentiated branding techniques used by each of these retailers.

No discussion of retail space would be complete without considering how the space is used and perceived by consumers. In the remainder of the thesis I address the gendered nature of interactions with retail spaces. Chapter 5 examines the consumption experiences of men paying particular attention to how sexuality impacts upon male consumption and identity formation. I begin the chapter with a discussion of hegemonic masculinity and its influence on male identity, and follow this with an overview of male consumption patterns, including those demonstrated by my interview participants. The unique manifestations of body image concerns in heterosexual and non-heterosexual men are then analyzed before the chapter concludes with an examination of the effect that consumption has on the identity development and expression processes of both heterosexual and non-heterosexual men.

As a comparison to the experiences of men, Chapter 6 addresses the consumption

5 experiences of women as they relate to identity development and expression. I begin with an outline of female consumption patterns and the consumption habits of my interview participants, followed by a detailed account of the body image concerns that women develop based on idealized images of women in the media and in retail spaces. The chapter concludes by considering how women's experiences of consumption influence their identity formation and presentation.

Using the Gap and Old Navy as a case study, my research combines accounts of the spatial characteristics of retail locations with individualized personal experiences in such spaces to create a comprehensive account of the consumption experience. Although identity development and presentation are ongoing processes that continue to evolve throughout the greater part of a person's life span, the personal accounts documented in this thesis provide a snapshot of the identity development processes of twenty participants during the formative years of their post-secondary education. Based on my observations of the landscapes of consumption created by the Gap and Old Navy and the experiences of my participants I argue that the spatial practices of clothing retailers have embedded within them symbolic messages that are communicated to consumers who enter their consumption atmospheres. By exploring the gendered nature of experiences in atmospheres of consumption, I demonstrate that the cultural messages about beauty and appearance ideals found in retail spaces play a vital - albeit frequently negative - role in identity development and expression. In the following chapter I provide a literature review which outlines how existing work in retail geography, geographies of consumption and geographies of the body has informed my research agenda. 6 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Retail spaces provide locations where consumers can produce, express, and reproduce their identities through interpretation and consumption of the retail landscape and the merchandise found within it. In the consumption of both the merchandise and the landscapes of retail spaces, consumers force the consideration of place to be integrated with the consideration of material goods in analyses of the impact that consumption has on identity. More importantly, in discussions of identity formation and expression, spatial experiences and consumption of goods, the spatial scale of the body must be considered.

The body is the vehicle through which space is experienced, goods are consumed and identity is expressed. Therefore, when considering consumption and its relationship to identity formation it is important to account for the environment in which consumption is taking place, the actual act of consuming and the vehicle through which the environment and actions are experienced. This chapter examines existing scholarly literature in retail geography and the geography of consumption, concluding with an outline of the features of the literature on geographies of the body that have contributed to the development of my research objectives.

7 RETAIL GEOGRAPHY

Retail geography can be defined as "the study of the interrelations between the spatial patterns of retail location and organization, on the one hand, and the geography of retail consumer behaviour on the other" (Blomley, 2000: 713). Both approaches to the subject have been taken from an economic perspective focusing on capital accumulation and movement, expenditure, and profitability. From this perspective, the consumer is proffered little agency or decision-making ability due to the emphasis given to capitalism and its forces in the creation of theoretical discourse. Retail studies conducted by economic geographers are predominantly quantitative and speak to the interests of retail management and planners, all but ignoring the concerns of consumers. Scholarly research into retail spaces conducted during the era prior to 1980 alsa focused, almost exclusively, on mainstream sites of consumption including the British high street, or in North

America, the downtown core or shopping district, the department store, and the shopping mall. As a result, less popular sites of consumption such as convenience stores, thrift shops, and garage sales, went unnoticed.

In the early 1980s geography as a discipline underwent what is referred to as a

'cultural turn', and the effects of this turn had a significant impact on the study of retail geography. What emerged from this change in focus has been referred to by geographers

Neil Wrigley and Michelle Lowe (1996) as the "new retail geography". The "new retail geography" is more attentive to the cultural geographies of retailing that were previously overlooked in favour of more economistic accounts. It also places more emphasis on individual consumer decisions, attributing more agency to the process of consumption, and it considers atypical sites of consumption outside of the British high street/fashion district, department store and mall such as car boot sales, auctions and flea markets. The modern geographical approach to the study of retail spaces allows for different kinds of shopping experiences that look beyond needs based and subsistence consumption to more socially and culturally informed and individualized experiences of consumption. In doing so, the "new retail geography" demands the development of new and multiple shopping knowledges that consider, among other factors, the spatial, economic, cultural and social influences that impact upon consumer behaviour. Unlike previous approaches which treated space as a neutral container, the new geography of retailing identifies the relationship between space and consumer activity as reciprocal and mutually constitutive

(Blomley, 2000) providing an opportunity to examine how such spaces may or may not impact upon the identity development of the consumers who use them.

Space in the new geography of retailing is interpreted in dynamic ways; there is a refocusing of connections between the consumer and space. The consumption that occurs in these spaces is no longer understood as simply needs based or responsive to consumer demands, but rather it takes into account the role of retail space as a "critical site for the expression, reproduction and contestation of various identities" (Blomley, 2000: 714), centrally implicating retail space in processes of identity formation. In landscapes of consumption, such as spaces of retailing, the association that is created between products and identity is profound and often results in the imparting of social and cultural meaning onto consumer products (Wrigley & Lowe, 1996). Upon entering these spaces,

"consumers display complex, multiple and often contradictory consumption imperatives" 9 (Jayne, 2006: 110) depending upon their experience of the space, their interpretation of the meanings of the products, and the identity that they wish to construct and display through the purchase and use of consumer goods. Thus, retail spaces, rather than being viewed as passive surfaces "are increasingly being cast as actively produced, represented and contested" (Blomley in Wrigley & Lowe, 1996: 8). The recognition by retail geographers that economic processes are culturally encoded has resulted in a shift in scholarly focus. While economic accounts of retail space continue to be useful and relevant, retail geographers have expanded the scope of their studies to encompass the roles played by culture, society and consumers in the understanding and construction of retail spaces. Additionally, the importance of consumption is now acknowledged by retail geographers who have begun to incorporate questions of this phenomenon into their spatial inquiries.

GEOGRAPHIES OF PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION

Retail spaces and retail geography are intimately linked with the act and study of consumption. Historically, the geography of consumption has been described in many ways including the selection, purchase and use of goods and services; the expression of identity; the accumulation of resources; and as central to our construction, experience, interpretation and use of spaces and places. In the 1970s and early- to mid-1980s the geography of consumption focused almost exclusively on the consumption of housing.

During this time, economic geographers used the term 'consumption' to refer to "the purchase of manufactured goods or services by individuals or collectives. From this 10 perspective the particular use to which the object or service is put is relatively unimportant" (Kneale & Dwyer, in Duncan, Johnson & Schein, 2004: 299). This

approach is what Featherstone (1991) terms "consumption as an appendage to production." Conceptions of the 'rational man' and 'use-values' of goods dominated this

approach. As Kneale and Dwyer (in Duncan, Johnson & Schein, 2004: 299) observe, this theory suggests that "the nature of contemporary consumption is entirely due to the logic of capitalism and the expansion of mass production." From this perspective, modern consumer society, rather than simple fulfillment, is seen as manufacturing our needs

(Kneale & Dwyer, in Duncan, Johnson & Schein, 2004) and the creativity and agency of consumers is stifled.

Early approaches to geographies of consumption focused on production, exchange and the forces of capitalism. These staunchly economic analyses discussed the structure of retail capital (Britton, 1991), commodity chains (Hartwick, 1998), and class divisions in the labour market (Jonas, 1996). Consumers were viewed as vulnerable and susceptible to the influence of market forces; scholarly examinations proffered them little to no agency and often were directed by Fordist-influenced assumptions that consumption habits were informed by class divisions. However, just as retail geography was changed by geography's 'cultural turn,' the study of geographies of consumption has also been affected. Discussions of the production-consumption dialectic were influenced by Crewe and Lowe (1995: 1877) who promoted the meshing of "production-oriented and culturally derived understandings of consumption and identity." Crewe and Lowe ignited interest in exploring post-Fordist consumption patterns, resulting in the acknowledgment 11 of the influence of globalization, feminized labour, and consumer individuality on consumption.

Currently, "the geography of consumption is fixed on social-cum-cultural issues to do with the way that commodities and their meanings have become intertwined"

(Thrift, 2000: 109). This approach is labeled by Featherstone (1991) as "consumption as a cultural act" and emphasizes the way commodities are used to mark social belonging.

"Special attention is paid to how commodities interweave with particular kinds of social activity" (Thrift, 200: 109) to create new forms of identity. Geographers examining

"consumption as a cultural act" view consumption as "a meaningful activity which helps us create social identities and relationships with others" (Kneale & Dwyer, in Duncan,

Johnson & Schein, 2004: 300) by first aiding in the production of a self-identity through the purchase and use of material and symbolic goods. The idea that social identities are defined by consumption and material goods has been challenged based on the inherent instability of the symbolic meaning of the goods themselves. The meanings of the objects vary over time, among people and between contexts thus, the ability of these objects to communicate messages about their owners' identities is questionable and potentially nullified (Featherstone, 1991). However, as Leiss (1986: 225) has observed,

"consumers... do not form their tastes and preferences in the private bliss of rationalization"; instead, tastes and preferences, and their corresponding symbolic goods, are formed through socialization, experience and cultural participation. While it cannot be expected that the identities that consumers are attempting to convey through the use and display of their material goods will be universally understood, these identities will be 12 very clearly communicated to consumers and peers who share similar socializations, experiences and cultural belonging. More importantly, the identity will be clearly understood by the consumer who both crafted and displays it, allowing for the continued

(re)production of their personal identity.

With the rise of a 'consumer culture' in the West in the late 20th century, the spaces and places of consumption expanded, diversified and multiplied. These landscapes now include the oft studied British high street, or fashion district, department store and shopping mall, in addition to places such as grocery stores, theme parks, tourist centres, garage sales, museums, auctions, car-boot sales and corner stores. The diversification of consumption sites helped to highlight the relationship between retail spaces and consumption. This relationship has served to integrate the study of consumption with analyses of space and place and, as such, space and place are seen as crucial elements of consumer identities, especially retail spaces which are thought to "act as key sites for the

(re)production of meanings and the constitution of identities" (Crewe, 2001: 275).

Beyond its definition as "the selection, purchase, use, reuse and disposal of goods and services" (Campbell, 1995: 104), consumption can also be described as "comprising a set of practices which permit people to express self identity, to mark attachment to social groups, to accumulate resources, to exhibit social distinctions and to ensure participation in social activities" (Warde, 1997: 304) and as central to the ways in which we construct, experience, interpret and use spaces and places (Urry, 1995). These definitions clearly demonstrate the multifaceted nature of consumption as a social phenomenon and highlight the complex relationship that exists between consumers, material goods and

13 sites of consumption.

The complexity of this relationship is further complicated when the role that business plays in consumption is taken into consideration. Businesses, such as retail companies, are not passive in their efforts to sell their products; advertising, marketing, merchandising, location placement and layout, branding, and retail environment management, which are all important factors in determining who enters and re-enters a store and how much product will be sold, involve calculated decisions meant to increase profitability. The often overlooked business aspect of consumption creates what sociologist Stephen Miles (1998) has termed "the consuming paradox." Jayne (2006:

119) neatly summarizes "the consuming paradox" explaining that "while individuals feel they can construct their own identities and sovereignty through consumption, consumption simultaneously plays an ideological role in controlling the character of everyday life - within a rationalized social framework which structures, enables and constrains our urban experiences." This suggests that by controlling what is available for purchase, where it is available, and to whom it is available, retailers are able to constrain the freedom of consumers to express unique identities and, in the most extreme interpretations, potentially dictate how identity ought to be formed and expressed.

This perception of retailers exerting some form of hegemonic influence fails to consider the various forms of agency that consumers possess through choice. Consumers have the ability to discern between products and stores they like and products and stores they dislike. Thus, while retailers can make decisions about advertising, merchandising and location that may increase the chances of consumers wanting to go into their stores 14 and buy products, there is no guarantee that will ensure the effectiveness of these efforts.

More importantly, although the messages that retailers deliver about their stores and products are often effective in suggesting social values and meanings to the consumer, retailers have no method of ensuring that these messages are interpreted in the intended way. Consumers are 'free' to experience and interpret the values and meanings associated with products and stores in whatever manner they like. This freedom of interpretation is an important factor in determining which stores and products consumers will like and, consequently, how consumers will use consumption practices to construct their identities.

Within spaces of consumption, it is theorized that consumers are 'free' to develop, create and express their identities through the creative consumption of goods and services. Kneale and Dwyer state that "consumption... plays a key role in the production of identity and the communication of this identity to others" (in Duncan, Johnson &

Schein, 2004: 300). Consumers are considered to be active, creative and discriminating.

Thus, in the consumption of fashion, consumers often choose their clothes according to precise criteria concerning the image that they wish to project and the brands and styles that they can afford (Bovone, 2006). Through the act of critically appraising and selecting goods such as clothing, individuals use consumption practices to construct their identities. In addition to constructing and expressing identity, Crane and Bovone argue that clothing can also "be a vehicle for socialization and social control or, alternatively, for liberation from cultural constraints" (2006: 320). In this case the clothing does more than express an identity, it also expresses the values held by the wearer. For example, cultural groups, such as gangs, often dress in gang colours or wear a specific gang 15 symbol. In doing so the members of this group are expressing their membership in and dedication to this social group. The clothing that they wear to represent their gang has value in that it signifies, for both the wearer and other members of the gang, the wearer's allegiance to the ideals of the group. The same phenomenon can be seen, in a less overtly symbolic way, among other cultural groups such as fans of a particular sports team or musical movement (Moore, 2007), members of clubs (Murphy, 1991), teams or organizations, people who identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, queer or transgendered

(Freitas, Kaiser & Hammidi, 1996; Lewis, 1997; Carroll & Gilroy, 2002), or members of different cultural and ethnic groups (Cvitan-Cernelic, 1999; Akou, 2007). In consuming and exhibiting such goods, an individual attributes meaning to them and subsequently communicates messages about the values he or she holds through the wearing, or display, of the goods.

The study of the development of clothing and other consumer goods into items that possess and convey values and meanings is a recent phenomenon. The attribution of meaning to products occurs in the store at the time of purchase and continues to develop as goods are used. Because of this perpetual development of meaning, scholars such as

Crewe (2000) have argued that it is important to conceptualize consumption as an ongoing process rather than a momentary act. This conceptual shift has forced researchers to readdress how consumer behaviour is studied and acknowledge that the apparent inconsequential behaviour of consumers - paying attention to fashion and shopping - is actually a common expression of modern social life (Simmel, 1997). This is especially true in North American society where there is a strong emphasis and 16 importance placed on being unique (Tian, Beardon & Hunter, 2001). In addition to altering how consumer behaviour is studied, the attribution of value to material goods is also drawing attention to the goods themselves. For example, the practical utility of products like clothes does not justify the mass quantities in which they are produced and purchased. The tremendous amount of consumption that occurs can be explained

"through the immaterial value these objects incorporate. Clothes are material objects, which specifically respond to our immaterial needs and must therefore be considered

'culture objects,' to be studied through the practices that attribute meaning to them"

(Bovone, 2006: 376). As a result, the acts of shopping and consuming have changed from the mere acquisition of necessities to major social activities imbued with social and cultural values and meanings.

The recognition of the attribution of meaning to material goods, and the act of expressing value through their display has led to a reconceptualization of our understanding of consumer behaviour. This is because, as Dittmar argues "when we buy consumer goods, it is often not so much economic and utilitarian value we are interested in, but rather psychological benefits... such as using shopping as an attempt to improve self-image, self-esteem or relationships with others" (Dittmar, 2005: 832). In today's society, shopping is an important leisure activity that plays a key role in our social relations. It has been argued that "consumers gather around objects which define their identity and become centrepieces of particular routines of sociability" (Miller et. al,

1998: 9). This may be especially true of clothing due to both its highly visible nature and its intimate connection to our bodies. Because of its unique role as a protector of 17 modesty, an exhibitor of identity and a communicator of values, clothing has the potential to both affect and express our perceptions of ourselves.

GEOGRAPHIES OF THE BODY

Clothing uses the body as a canvas on which it is displayed; this positioning on the body gives clothing a special character as a material object (Crane & Bovone, 2006).

The meanings and values that are attributed to and associated with particular items of clothing are intimately tied to the self and may serve to form "the core of one's personal identity" (Crane & Bovone, 2006: 321). Thus, as articulated by Crewe and Collins, fashion is "a site and space for display and identity (re)formation" (2006: 9), a site and space which is dependent on the body to act as a canvas, or exhibition site. In line with its role as a canvas, the body has been described as a site of intervention to be mapped and as "the primary location where our personal identities are constituted and social knowledges and meanings inscribed" (Valentine, 2001: 15). Geographers have paid particular attention to the body as a site of display, placing emphasis on how bodies are dressed and how they appear as they move through and occupy space (Valentine, 2001).

This sort of visual attention is paid to bodies not only by geographers, but by society at large. The body and its adornments are among the most visual indicators of personality, style, identity and values in Western society. As a result, communication of these characteristics is highly regulated and monitored. As Robyn Longhurst (in Atkinson,

Jackson, Sibley, & Washbourae, 2005: 606) argues, "bodies no longer simply represent how we fit into the social order, but instead, are a vehicle for self-expression." One of the 18 main ways that people regulate the social cues that others receive from their bodies is to ensure that they are wearing clothing that is indicative of belonging in a cultural group, clothing that is socially and situationally appropriate, and clothing that reveals their bodies in flattering ways.

Concern with the self is a major element of consumer behaviour and has become an increasingly more prominent concern in the everyday lives of many people in Western society. The act of shopping, and specifically the careful selection of clothing and accessories, is one of the most conspicuous ways that people concern themselves with their image and the appearance of their bodies. As Rachel Colls puts it, "an understanding of dress in everyday life requires understanding not just how the body is represented within the fashion system and its discourses on dress, but also how the body is experienced and lived and the role that dress plays in the presentation of the body/self

(2004: 587). Thus, understanding the role of fashion and the body from the point of view of the retailer is just as important as understanding the role of fashion and the body from the consumer's point of view.

In the 'consumer culture' that has developed in Western society, the media has become a driving force behind consumption. Images in the media attribute symbolic meanings and values to consumer goods such as clothing. These meanings and values have become equally as important as the clothes with which they are associated.

"Through advertisements for their products, clothing brands transmit sets of values that imply an ideology and specific lifestyles" (Crane & Bovone, 2006: 322), which, in an affluent society like North America, has resulted in a tendency for "the body to be seen as 19 an entity which is in the process of becoming; a project which should be worked at and accomplished as part of an individual's self-identity" (Valentine, 2001: 33).

Advertisements perpetuate this perception of bodies by suggesting how the bodies that wear the company's clothing, and 'embody' their brand's style, should appear. The process of suggesting to consumers how their bodies ought to look is gendered; for women, the preferred image is generally thin and hourglass shaped (Posavac, Posavac &

Weigel, 2001; Derenne & Beresin, 2006; Gurari, Hetts & Strube, 2006), while for men a tall and muscular body is preferable (Kolbe & Albanese, 1996; Yang, Gray & Pope,

2005; Toro, Castro, Gila & Pombo, 2005). In the following excerpt, Dittmar has very clearly summarized the relationship between brand advertising and the body; "selling products through associating them with ideal images of people is a prominent advertising strategy, and in everyday life individuals are often motivated to buy such images, hoping to appropriate the symbolic meanings associated with goods in their attempts to move closer to an ideal self (2005: 835). This suggests that consumers internalize the images promoted by clothing retailers and present their bodies in accordance with, or as closely as possible to, the ideal presented by the brand.

The tastes, preferences and identities that consumers create by integrating their own self-image with images from the media become embodied through fashion consumption, "consumption which is in part shaped through media influences, but which is mediated by and refracted through social networks... and choices" (Crewe & Collins,

2006: 11). The media may be an influential factor in the development of one's identity and self-perception but, as Crewe and Collins have intimated, the social networks to 20 which one belongs also have an impact. These competing variables inscribe their ideals

onto our bodies along with the inscriptions made by our identities, cultural values, morality and social laws. Integrating our embodied inscriptions constructs a cultural map, creating a coded surface through which we express and communicate our unique identities (Valentine, 2001). The inscriptions on our bodies are also informed by the inscription of a gendered identity. In reconciling the competing demands of consumer culture, our body's appearance and our gendered identity, each person creates a unique personal identity combining their body's inscriptions with their spatial experiences to assemble an image that is communicated to society.

The gendered identity that is inscribed on our bodies is important not only in the development and communication of an image to display, but also in our experiences of

space. Men and women inhabit the same areas and spaces, but despite this co-presence, men and women not only use these spaces in different ways but also experience and perceive them differently (Valentine, 1989). These differentiated perceptions and experiences of space can be attributed to the socially constructed expectations that are associated with gender. It is typically accepted, in Western society, that women's bodies are valued for their appearance while men's bodies are valued for their usefulness

(Valentine, 2001), values that are reinforced through advertisements, mass media images, and store-front displays. The divergent values that are placed on women's and men's bodies serve to create distinctly different opinions, contingent upon gender identity, about body ideals and image projection. As Clay, Vignoles and Dittmar (2005: 451) have observed, "in Western cultures self-esteem typically differs by gender" and is closely 21 associate with body image perceptions. "Body image is central to girls' self definitions

because they have been socialized to believe that appearance is an important basis for self

evaluation and evaluation by others" (Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005: 452). Historically,

the importance of body image has been less prominent in the development of self esteem

among males; instead, attention has been paid to the usefulness of male bodies and bodily

ability (Alexander, 2003). In recent years, however, this trend appears to be changing, with more emphasis being placed on how male bodies look and the muscularity they possess (Alexander, 2003). While it is typically believed that women face more social

pressure to conform to the body and image ideals created by society, it is very possibly

the case that men feel an equal amount of pressure but that this pressure is to conform in

different ways and manifests itself through different social channels. Regardless of the

differences in body image development between males and females, the process and its

end result are intimately linked to the process of identity development; when discussing how identity is crafted and displayed, body image perceptions must be addressed and

considered.

SUMMARY

As participation in the 'culture of consumption' that dominates Western society

increases, consumers experience increased amounts of exposure to retail spaces and will

further develop personal consumption habits. These two factors will continue to influence and inform the development of both identity and body image in individuals. This is important because, in retail environments, shoppers are bombarded with images of 22 models that portray specific body ideals and merchandise that promotes style ideals.

From these images consumers must develop a notion of their own body and style that reconciles their current physical form and identity with the physical form and identity that is being depicted. The interaction between retail space and consumption and the body and identity brings important spatial aspects to the development of identity. Only by considering the spaces in which consumption occurs in conjunction with the act of consuming and the body as a vehicle for consumption and spatial experience can we begin to devise a coherent understanding of how identity and body image are developed.

The following chapter outlines the research design and methodology that I utilized to explore the relationship between experiences of retail space and consumption, and the development of identity for twenty college-aged Toronto residents who shop at the Gap and Old Navy.

23 3

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

Outlet malls, box stores, power centers - landscapes for consumption are appearing more and more frequently in North American cities and retail stores are no longer relegated to shopping malls, strip malls and main streets in the metropolitan core; they are now found, in various forms, in the suburbs. On a road trip, malls and power centers can be seen from the highway, calling to passersby to come and shop.

Opportunities for consumption now seem to be around every corner. How is this increase in spaces of consumption and, consequently opportunities to consume, affecting society?

Are people spending more of their leisure time shopping? And if they are, how does this increased exposure to retail landscapes influence perceptions of their bodies and identities? Given that I have developed an interest in clothing and its unique ability to assist people in displaying multiple aspects of their identity, my research focuses on answering these questions with respect to clothing stores. Since the number of stores has increased, it follows that the amount and variety of merchandise available for purchase must also have increased along with the variety of retail atmospheres that exist. This gives consumers more opportunities to find clothing that is representative of their identities in a multiplicity of retail environments. It is the interaction of consumers'

24 quests to develop their identities with the multiple spaces of consumption that my research aims to examine.

This chapter opens with an overview of the research sample, a description of the research participants and a justification for their selection and the case study approach.

Drawing on the discussion of the particularities of the research participants a justification is then provided for my selection of the Gap and Old Navy as the clothing retailers I study. Following the explanations for both the participants and the research sites, the chapter moves into a more detailed discussion of the research strategy. Since participant observation and personal interviews both served as integral sources of information gathering this chapter addresses the theory and practice behind conducting participant observations, including the challenges I faced in the field, before concluding with a discussion of the theory and practice of conducting interviews.

OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH SAMPLE

It is undeniable that questions of identity affect all individuals in some way, just as it is without question that, in Western society, a significant number of individuals engage in some form of retail consumption on a weekly, and in some cases daily, basis

(Mangleburg et. ah, 2004). For certain social groups, issues of identity development and presentation are more prominent and significant than for others based on characteristics such as age, gender, sexuality, 'race', and social class. Similarly, there are demographic groups who are more likely to frequently and actively engage in consumption practices.

A demographic group where identity development intersects with a propensity for 25 extensive consumption is that of young adulthood. Chickering (1969) identified a period from 17 or 18 years of age extending into the mid to late twenties that is markedly different from both adolescence and adulthood and maturity. He states that

"developmental changes do occur during this period. Numerous cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of college students indicate that changes occur in attitudes, interests, values, future plans and aspirations, openness to impulses and emotions, personal integration and intellectual ability" (Chickering, 1969: 2). Associated with these changes in attitudes, interests and values, is an increased fluidity and malleability of identity and self-perception.

During this same period of development and change, consumption practices are near their peak. According to Lin (2003) and Lueg et. al. (2006), young adults, or post- secondary aged consumers, rank second in total consumption behind adolescents. Young adults consume frequently and spend significant amounts of time considering and engaging in consumption practices (Haytko & Baker, 2004; Lin, 2003; Lueg et. al, 2006;

Mangleburg et. al, 2004). Encouraged by a wide array of advertisements designed to target college and university students and young adults, this group of consumers expends an extensive amount of energy with the frequent browsing of, shopping for, and purchasing of retail goods (Lueg et. al, 2006; Mangleburg et. al, 2004). Of particular influence on young adult consumers are the advertisements for fashion and beauty products because, as Chickering (1969: 82) has stated, during the developmental period of young adulthood "appearance becomes a matter for conscious concern and decision.

Some, with diets, exercises, and careful dress, aim to enhance strong points and to 26 modify, compensate for, or at least disguise weak ones", suggesting that consumption of items related to appearance, such as clothing, skin care, make-up, and hair products, may influence identity development in ways that other items cannot.

Young adulthood, and college and university, is an important time for developing and expressing one's unique identity. Not only are young adults bombarded with advertisements suggesting desirable clothing styles and appearances, they are also experiencing a period of maturation marked by new social experiences and freedoms.

Even more so now than in previous generations "a period of young adulthood does seem to exist now, a period during which certain kinds of changes occur or strong potential for such change exists, a period during which certain kinds of experiences may have substantial impact. This period merits special attention because mounting evidence indicates that patterns established at this time tend to persist long in to adulthood"

(Chickering, 1969: 2). As a result, post-secondary aged participants are likely to have critical reflections on their perceptions, interpretations, and experiences of shopping and of the retail spaces in which it takes place, and on how these spaces relate to, or impact upon, their identity formation and expression. For this reason I have chosen to interview young adult men and women, aged 17 to 24. While the sense of self of young adults may remain unconscious, fluid, and unclear, their presentation of self remains an issue that is actively addressed and displayed. It is this active consideration and display of self- presentation and identity, combined with a propensity for consumption, which makes young adults ideal candidates for this case study.

To be included in this research, participants were required to meet two criteria. 27 First, they had to have made a purchase at either a Gap or Old Navy store (or both) within the six months prior to the interview. Second, participants had to be between the ages of

17 and 24, as it is between these ages that the majority of students at post-secondary institutions fall. All of the participants identified themselves as regular shoppers at either, or both, the Gap and Old Navy and all had been shopping in at least one of the stores'

Toronto area locations. The majority of participants were enrolled in a post-secondary institution at the time of the interview, however on three occasions interviews were conducted with participants who had recently graduated from a post-secondary program.

Of these three post-secondary graduates, all were interviewed within three months of their graduation and none had begun employment at a full-time job, thus, although they were no longer students their lifestyles had not been significantly altered by their change in educational status. As one interviewee indicated, "I'm not a student anymore, but I'm definitely still living the student lifestyle!" (Fl, October 14, 2007). Participants were recruited using a variety of methods. Initially flyers were posted around the campuses of

York University and the University of Toronto, both the main campus in downtown

Toronto and a satellite campus in Mississauga. When these flyers yielded no results, I turned to pre-established social, academic and professional networks that I was involved in at both universities. A combination of message board postings, e-mails, personal phone calls and face-to-face requests were employed to recruit the necessary number of interviewees.

The research sample included ten male and ten female respondents ranging in age from 17 to 24 years of age. The average age of all participants was 22 years. The income 28 of participants was established using the short survey that preceded each interview. The majority of respondents, 65%, had a yearly income of $20,000 or less, while 30% had an annual income of $20,001 to $40,000. These respondents generally maintained part-time jobs while enrolled in school. In one unique case, a respondent who was enrolled in a full-time university program also held a full-time job and had a yearly income that fell between $40,001 and $60,000 (Figure 1). Students often have a variety of financial responsibilities that can take precedence over spending money on clothing and apparel.

As far as their education is concerned, students spend several thousand dollars on tuition and books. In addition to this, the majority of respondents were not living with their parents so they had living expenses such as rent, utilities, transportation and

Figure 1 Income level of interview participants Source: Field Data Collection, 2007-2008 food for which they were also financially responsible. Because of the varying expenses associated with being a student, the amount of money that was spent on clothing varied among participants. The majority, or 55%, of respondents spent a minimal amount of their annual income (0-20%) on clothing (6 male, 5 female) with 35% spending slightly

29 more (21-40%) on apparel (3 male, 4 female) and 10% of the sample spending 41-60% of their yearly income on clothes (1 male, 1 female) (Figure 2).

Figure 2 Percentage of personal income interview participants spend on clothing yearly Source: Field Data Collection, 2007-2008

As was discussed earlier in this chapter, early adulthood is an important time in the development of a personal identity. Closely associated with ideas of identity and conceptions of the self are ideas about body image and perception. Bodily satisfaction, or satisfaction with appearance, is determined by judging the perceived difference between a person's ideal body image and their perception of their body. Respondents in this research were asked to rate their satisfaction with their appearance on a scale from 1 to 5.

An answer of 1 represented high dissatisfaction, 2 represented feeling somewhat dissatisfied, with 3 indicating a neutral feeling, 4 representing feeling somewhat satisfied and 5 indicated a high level of satisfaction. Responses to this question were the most varied, ranging from 2, somewhat dissatisfied, to 5, highly satisfied. There were 20% of respondents (3 male, 1 female) who indicated a high level of satisfaction with their appearance and 30% of respondents (3 male, 2 female) who indicated feeling somewhat

30 satisfied. Thus, 50% of all respondents were at least somewhat satisfied with their appearance. It is important to note, however, that the majority of these respondents were male. In fact, 60% of the male respondents were at least somewhat satisfied with their appearance, while only 30% of female respondents fell into this same category. Another

45% of participants (3 male, 6 female) indicated that they had neutral feelings about their appearance, and only 5% (1 female) were somewhat dissatisfied with their appearance

(Figure 3). Again, the gendered difference in responses is significant; 70% of the female participants were less than somewhat satisfied with their appearance, while only 30% of male participants indicated having similar feelings.

Figure 3 Interview participants' level of satisfaction with their appearance Source: Field Data Collection, 2007-2008 The participants in this research were clearly divided on their feelings about their bodies, split almost evenly between being at least somewhat satisfied with their appearance and having neutral feelings about their appearance. This is especially interesting when the actual appearances of the participants are taken in to account. There was relatively little difference between the participants in terms of height and visual

31 proportion. Of the ten females interviewed, six were of average height and four were slightly above average height, however the actual height of these ten women ranged from

5'6" to 5' 11", a height difference of only five inches between the tallest and shortest female participants. Likewise, while I did not ask permission to measure each of the participants to obtain their proportions, none of the women had obviously disproportionately sized bodies; they all had some version of the 'hourglass' figure. Some of the females were slightly larger in the chest area, others slightly larger in the hip and thigh area, and still others had a less defined waist area, but all ten had proportions that created an 'hourglass' type figure. The similarities in the bodies of the ten males that I interviewed echo those found among the female participants; nine of the ten male participants were average height, with the tenth falling slightly below the average. The men ranged in height from 5'7" to 6'2", a difference of seven inches between the tallest and shortest male participants. While it is more difficult to judge the figure of a man based on proportions, none of the men that I interviewed appeared to be either excessively over- or under-weight. The differences that did exist between the appearances of the men were not in their proportions, which were generally very similar, but rather were in their degree of muscularity; two of the men could be described as very toned, while another two could be described as less muscular than the average man, with the remaining six males appearing to be of average build. It is also noteworthy to mention the overall similarity in dress among all 20 participants. While my form of dress varied from interview to interview, the standard clothing choice for my participants was jeans and a sweater. Of the 20 participants, 15 arrived at the interview wearing jeans. Among the 32 males it was more common to pair jeans with a collared shirt of some form, while among the females jeans were most commonly worn with a t-shirt or a layered t-shirt and sweater. Appendix A provides a summary profile for each of the participants. These statistics provide a general profile of each of the participants, outlining similarities and differences in consumption habits and feelings of bodily satisfaction among a group of young adults, whose experiences, opinions and perceptions will be drawn upon throughout the remainder of this thesis, helping to illustrate the unique relationship that exists between consumptive habits and the development of identity.

JUSTIFYING THE RESEARCH LOCALES

Given the vast number of approaches that can be taken when conducting qualitative research, it seems appropriate to address why I have chosen, in this instance, to undertake a case study. My goal with this project was to uncover, in the most real and accurate way, how people's identities and body images are affected by experiences of and in specific retail spaces. To do so requires recognizing that individuals have unique and diverse experiences of these spaces, making necessary the use of a research method conducive to the collection of a variety of lived experiences in a narrowly defined space.

Case studies involve studying phenomena within 'real-life' settings; "[r]ather than studying a phenomenon in general, a specific example within time and space is chosen for the study" (Kitchin & Tate, 2000: 225), thus allowing an issue to be studied in greater detail and from multiple perspectives. Despite the benefits of conducting research through employing a case study strategy, the method has received criticism questioning 33 the generalizability of findings based on a limited sample and on the representativeness of the sample itself (Kitchin & Tate, 2000). The focus, then, is not on explaining how and why Gap Incorporated subsidiaries the Gap and Old Navy are representative of apparel stores in the Canadian market; because this case study examines only one location for each of the retailers it makes no claims to generalizability or representativeness on a larger scale. Rather the goal of the research is to describe both phenomena that occur within a single location of each retailer, and the associated experiences of interview participants within these locations. What this section aims to describe is why, given the selected participants, these two stores are appropriate locations to incorporate into the case study, including how the Gap and Old Navy can offer interesting and useful insights into perceptions and experiences of retail space. Their financial success as established retailers (not fad stores or emergent chains), their geographical locations, and their merchandising, branding, and marketing techniques are among the multitude of reasons that I selected these stores as the locations for my research. In the following paragraphs I will elaborate on the factors that influenced my selection of the Gap and Old Navy.

In 2007 the Canadian apparel market recorded sales of over $31 billion, accounting for approximately 8% of all retail sales in Canada (RCC, 2008). Of that $31 billion, the Gap accounted for $336.6 million and Old Navy for $406.6 million (Gap Inc.,

2008), for a combined total sales equivalent to 2.4% of the market share for Canadian retail clothing sales for the year (RCC, 2008). Based on these figures it is clear that, in the

Canadian market, the Gap and Old Navy play a significant role. Such financial success may be attributed to the pervasiveness of these two retailers. Within the city of Toronto 34 alone there are eight Gap stores and four Old Navy stores (Figure 4). If this area is expanded to include a commuting region stretching from Kitchener-Waterloo to the west,

Barrie to the

Figure 4 Gap and Old Navy locations in Toronto, Ontario north, Oshawa to the east, and St. Catharines to the south, the number of Gap locations leaps to 25 (Figure 5) while the number of Old Navy stores jumps to 21 (Figure 6). The concentration of these stores in the Toronto area market makes them easily accessible to a wide range of consumers, making locating participants who shop there and finding a store site for observation easier than if my case study examined a smaller, or independent retailer.

To get a clearer idea of the success and market dominance of the Gap and Old

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36 Navy it may be useful to provide a comparison of their sales figures to those of comparable retailers. While there are no stores in the Canadian market that offer the same range of clothing styles and sizes for both men and women that is offered by the Gap and

Old Navy, Eddie Bauer, RW & Co., and Le Chateau all provide men's and women's clothing in one or two styles that are comparable. In 2007 the Gap had a total of 90 stores throughout Canada and annual sales of $336.6 million, while Old Navy had 65 Canadian locations and sales of $406.6 million for the year (Gap Inc., 2008). During the same period, Eddie Bauer had 39 stores in Canada, nine of which were in the Toronto area, with annual sales of $93.66 million (Eddie Bauer, 2008). RW & Co. had 18 stores in the

Toronto area, 45 stores throughout Canada and $50.98 million in sales (Reitmans, 2008), while Le Chateau also had 18 stores in the Toronto area, with 199 locations in all of

Canada and total yearly sales of $296.43 (Le Chateau, 2008). If the number of stores and the total sales for each of the three comparable stores are combined, the competitors have

283 stores throughout Canada while the Gap and Old Navy have just over half as many with 155. Despite this large difference in number of stores, the Gap Incorporated subsidiaries combined sales of $743.13 million in 2007 accounted for approximately

2.4% of the market, while the competitors' combined sales of just $441.07 million accounted for approximately 1.43% of the market. Thus, when compared to similar stores, the success and significance of both the Gap and Old Navy in the Canadian apparel market becomes strikingly clear.

Based on financial success and geographical availability alone, the Gap and Old

Navy are ideal retailers on whom to base this research, however the unique nature of their 37 merchandising, branding, and marketing techniques also makes them desirable subjects.

Both the Gap and Old Navy provide clothing for men and women in a wide variety of styles and sizes. This status as unisex retailers allows for the comparison of male and female consumer experiences within their store environments. Although both stores are subsidiaries of the parent company Gap Incorporated, they have distinctly different branding techniques with marketing targeted towards different consumer demographics.

The Gap has situated itself, in both its parent company and the larger apparel market, as a middle-market retailer offering casual, classic clothing to middle-class consumers, while

Old Navy's lower price points offer trendy, fashionable clothing aimed at younger customers and working-class consumers. Gap Incorporated describes Gap fashions as embodying "iconic American style" offering "wardrobe essentials... and updated casual clothing and accessories" (Gap Inc., 2008). Old Navy's clothing is described as "great fashion at great prices" (Gap Inc., 2008). The Gap claims to have become "a cultural icon by offering clothing and accessories rooted in cool, confident and casual style" which stands in contrast to the image presented by Old Navy, priding itself on a decade of bringing customers "a fun, energizing shopping environment" offering "on-trend apparels and accessories and updated basics at a surprising value" (Gap Inc., 2008). The incorporation of both retailers into this case study allows for a comparison not only between male and female experiences, but also between experiences in environments designed to cater to different consumer needs and demographics. Such comparisons will assist in developing a more complex understanding of the environmental factors that contribute to identity development. 38 RESEARCH STRATEGY

The primary material for my examination of the interaction between identity development and the retail landscapes of the Gap and Old Navy was derived from two separate qualitative methods; in-depth semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The interviews offered insights into people's perceptions of and experiences in retail landscapes and are complemented by descriptions of the Gap and Old Navy stores collected during participant observation. The decision to incorporate in-depth interviews as a source of data collection can be attributed to my desire to develop a research methodology that is sensitive to the highly individualized experience of space and the self-reflective nature of perceptions of one's own identity. Drawing on feminist theory, my research seeks to analyze and interpret the gendered processes and subjectivities underlying personal experiences (Rose, 1993; McDowell, 1999), specifically experiences of retail space and identity development. My research has also been influenced by feminist literature which argues that "there is no self-evident and universally acceptable reality against which the 'truth' of research conclusions can be checked" (Hoggart, Lees & Davies, 2002: 3), thus in-depth interviews as a data gathering technique are especially useful in that they provide multiple views of reality on which research can be based.

In-depth interviews are widely accepted by feminist researchers as facilitating an empathetic and non-hierarchical research encounter. The interview format can shift the basis of knowledge, and therefore the balance of power, away from the researcher, making the researcher dependent on the insights and experiences of the interviewee 39 (Dwyer & Limb, 2001). Although the power dynamic, as far as knowledge is concerned, may shift from researcher to researched I make no claim to the possibility of empowering participants as my involvement with my informants is minimal given the one-time nature of my interview strategy. The interview is a predominantly one-sided conversation that offers no immediate feedback or critical discussion of the feelings and opinions expressed by the informants, merely offering participants an opportunity to engage in a self- reflective dialogue about their consumption habits and identity development and expression. Furthermore, a one-time interview is minimally disruptive to the lives of my informants, most of whom are students themselves with busy schedules and multiple demands on their time, and allows for a more accurate depiction of their experiences and opinions than an in-depth ethnographic study would, as my accompanying them on a shopping excursion would significantly alter their perceptions of retail space. Interviews were chosen over focus groups as the preferred method for data collection due to the intimate nature of the research topic. Participants may have been hesitant to openly discuss their body image ideals and opinions in a large group of acquaintances or strangers such as those gathered for focus group discussions. Personal interviews offered a more private venue for such a dialogue. A more detailed discussion of the context and dynamics of the interviews conducted for this research will be undertaken later in this chapter.

In place of an ethnographic study and as a complement to the personalized accounts offered by my informants, I also engaged in participant observation. During multiple visits to the Yorkdale locations of the Gap and Old Navy, over a three month 40 period between October 2007 and December 2007,1 observed the physical characteristics of the environments, the characteristics of people who used these environments, both

consumers and employees, and the behavioural patterns of select consumers. The

Yorkdale locations were chosen as the sites for my research because of their central position and ease of accessibility. Yorkdale Shopping Centre is centrally located between

York University, the University of Toronto, and the University of Toronto's Mississauga

Campus, the three universities from which my participants were recruited. Additionally,

Yorkdale is a key node on various transportation networks within the Toronto region; the mall is accessible directly from the subway, Go Transit, bus routes, the Allen expressway, and from highway 401. These characteristics make the Gap and Old Navy

stores in Yorkdale Shopping Centre more ideal than any other locations as the sites for my data collection. The observations I recorded in these two stores included notes on the size and layout of both the Gap and Old Navy and the appearance of the areas immediately surrounding the entrance to each retailer. My observations also noted the merchandising practices of each store, and the advertisements present both within and outside each location. The sensory stimuli used within each location such as music and fragrance were also noted.

Engaging in participant observations and observing the shopping behaviour and patterns of consumers in both the Gap and Old Navy reinforced for me the benefits of combining participant observation with in-depth interviews. The majority of shoppers that I observed were either shopping alone or with one other person who, from an outside perspective, appeared to be a close acquaintance. Had I instead chosen to conduct 41 ethnographic research, my informants would have been shopping with me, someone with whom they are not familiar or well acquainted, which undoubtedly would have altered their behaviour and environmental experiences. Additionally, based on conversations overheard throughout the stores and, most prominently, in the fitting rooms, body image and presentation of the body were topics that were not openly discussed. Any reference to such topics was superficial ("I don't like it, it makes me look fat" Old Navy fitting room,

October 13,2007) and went unexplored in any detail. Multiple observations similar to the one from Old Navy''s fitting room served as evidence strengthening my decision to conduct in-depth interviews that allowed for the discussion of highly personal and sensitive topics, such as body image and presentation, in a private and controlled environment. When examined together, the in-depth interviews and participant observation provided me with a rich and detailed source of information about the places of consumption created by the Gap and Old Navy and the perceptions and experiences of consumers navigating these spaces. In the remaining sections of this chapter I discuss the theoretical underpinnings and practical applications of both participant observation and in-depth interviews as they relate to my research strategies and data collection.

PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION: A THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL DISCUSSION

I chose to undertake participant observation because the data gathered using this method can serve as a complement to the information gathered during interviews; "the rationale here is to gather additional descriptive information before, during, or after other more structured forms of data collection. The intent is to gain added value from time 'in 42 the field'" (Kearns, 2000: 105). Research conducted by Kearns, Smith and Abbott (1991) using a similar combination of interviewing and observation has shown the effectiveness of this blending of methodologies. In a different vein, previous research employing participant observation, such as that conducted by Ponga (1998, in Hay 2000) and Scott et. al. (1997, in Hay 2000), has shown the ability of observations to explore how built environments produce and are produced by social practices within them, providing the researcher with a contextual understanding of the environment. When a contextual understanding is desired, the goal of observation is "to construct an in-depth interpretation of a particular time and place through direct experience" (Kearns, 2000:

105). Given that the interviews provided multiple vague descriptions and perceptions of the retail environment, participant observation is a useful tool for constructing a detailed, descriptive account of the environment on which comparisons and discussion can be based.

The foundation of contemporary research using participant observation is grounded in three disciplines: Anthropology, Sociology, and Human Geography

(Hoggart, Lees & Davies, 2002). My research draws more from Sociology and Human

Geography, as anthropological participant observation is frequently ethnographic in style requiring the researcher to immerse him/herself in a foreign culture or society. Like observations undertaken by sociologists and human geographers, I am more concerned with observing the built landscape and how people interact with it, and understanding social processes. As Hoggart, Lees and Davies (2002: 254) discuss;

The Chicago School and humanist geography were premised on an interactionist 43 approach. These drew on a humanist theory of knowledge, experience, and reality... The pragmatic philosophy that underpins this perspective is concerned with the social construction of meaning; that is, how meaning is constructed in the practicalities of everyday life... For pragmatists, understanding is rooted in experience; as such it has to be inferred from situation and behaviour. Research attention thereby focuses on the interaction of individuals (society) rather than individuals as such.

Thus, in participating in and observing the interaction of individuals with retail space and with others in this space, I am able to develop a more nuanced understanding of the dynamic exchanges occurring in this environment.

While engaging in my fieldwork I had a unique advantage because of my familiarity with both of the store locations I was observing and the mall in which they were situated. Navigating these stores and being familiar with the appropriate behaviour to exhibit, such as browsing through clothing racks, picking up items and inspecting them, and not lingering in one place without examining something, proved to be advantageous in ensuring my observations were conducted discreetly. Such knowledge helped me to maintain my status as a covert researcher, as none of the customers in the store, nor any of the store's employees, were aware that I was observing them and the environment. I chose to remain covert in my observations because, as Kearns (2000: 109) acknowledges, "the mere presence of a researcher potentially alters the behaviour or the dispositions of those being observed." To avoid influencing the behaviour of shoppers and employees, and to ensure I was observing interactions in their most natural state, I kept my status as a researcher hidden. In an effort to appear less conspicuous my behaviour rotated from observing people, to observing the environment, to browsing through the merchandise. 44 The covert nature of my research, combined with my knowledge of the research locales and experiences with the social processes within them, made me an 'insider' in these locations. My status as an 'insider' was beneficial to the data gathering process in many ways. First, it helped me to blend in with the other consumers and remain inconspicuous, which allowed me to observe over a sustained period of time making the observations more thorough and detailed than they would have been had the time in the stores been fleeting. Additionally, because I had previous knowledge of the store environments from multiple personal shopping experiences I was able to identify environmental and behavioural anomalies. In one instance, I observed a potential shoplifter attempting to steal a sweater from Old Navy; I reported this behaviour to a fitting room clerk before I left the store. Despite the benefits of having 'insider' status when conducting participant observation, there are also some drawbacks. Specifically in these observations, it is possible that my status as an 'insider' in the retail spaces of the

Gap and Old Navy may have caused me to overlook, and as a result unconsciously exclude, behaviour and environmental characteristics which are typical or expected within these stores.

In addition to being an 'insider', there are other factors that influenced my experiences in the field. As Kearns (2000: 110) has written: "whatever one's position vis­ a-vis 'the observed' it is important to acknowledge that the act of observation is imbued by power dynamics... We cannot usually observe directly without being present, and bodily presence brings with it personal characteristics such as 'race', sex and age." My observations are unique in that they do not require me to participate in or observe a 45 culture or society to which I do not belong and in which I do not participate. The clientele in both the Gap and Old Navy come from a diverse array of backgrounds and represent a diversity of ethnicities and 'races'. Age was similarly a non-factor as the consumers in both stores, on any given day, ranged from infants and toddlers with their parents, to pre- teens, teens, adolescents, and young adults, right through adulthood to retirees, thus my position as a 'white' 24 year old had little influence on my experiences of and in the retail environment. Furthermore, unlike the role that my appearance played in influencing interactions with my respondents, during my fieldwork my appearance was not a factor. I attribute this to the wide array of bodily presentations present within each of the stores during the times of my observations.

One factor that did influence my observation experiences was my gender. As a female, I felt a very peculiar sense of 'belonging' in both stores. Unlike the male consumers, who when looking in the female sections of the stores were promptly approached with offers of assistance, I could browse through any section of the store, male or female, without a salesperson feeling the need to offer me assistance or alleviate my stress or burden. My sense of 'belonging' was enhanced by the fact that, in both the

Gap and Old Navy, the amount of clothing, floor space, and advertising targeting female consumers was considerably higher than that targeting male consumers. In the case of

Old Navy, male consumers had to walk through the women's clothing to the back of the store, go up an escalator, walk through the infants' and children's clothing, and go up another escalator simply to find clothing for themselves. In order to find clothing for myself I simply had to walk through the front door. Another way that being female 46 influenced my observations was the way it limited my access to certain spaces in the stores. Specifically, as a female I had access to the women's fitting rooms and the unisex fitting rooms, but I was not able to enter the fitting rooms reserved for men. As in the discussion concerning how factors such as these impacted upon my interactions with the interviewees, the simple acknowledgement of these factors does not remove their influence on the research. Although every effort was made to standardize field observations through the crafting of an observation guide (Appendix B) outlining various aspects of the retail environment to be observed, there is no way to standardize the additional observations recorded or the lens through which the observations were made; a lens informed by my various personal characteristics and experiences. While I did my best to remain objective, absolute objectivity is difficult, perhaps impossible, to achieve.

The observations were conducted over a three month period from October 2007 to

December 2007 at the Yorkdale Shopping Centre locations of the Gap and Old Navy in

Toronto, Ontario. Each observation lasted between two and three hours, with a minimum of 45 minutes spent in each store. There were four observations conducted of each store's environment and all four occurred on either a Friday evening or a Saturday afternoon to take advantage of the increased number of shoppers in the mall at these peak times. The observation guide that I used outlined two general areas of interest; location characteristics, and shopper and employee characteristics. Within these topic areas observations of such things as advertising appearance and placement, utilization of mannequins, clothing styles offered, store layout, number of shoppers and employees, and the characteristics of the shoppers and employees were observed and recorded. The 47 most time consuming process during the observations was recording the use of mannequins and advertisements. Old Navy used mannequins extensively, with three different styles (full bodies, upper bodies, and lower bodies) spread throughout the store, making counting the mannequins and recording their use difficult. The Gap, on the other hand, put print advertisements throughout their stores, using framing, spotlights, colour and contrast to draw attention. A challenge that I faced while in the field was finding appropriate and discreet places to record my observations. At times I picked up an item and went to the fitting room where I could write down my observations in the privacy of my own room. In other instances I found a bench in the mall, or went to the food court or a coffee shop and sat at a table to record what I had seen. Regardless of where they were recorded, all of the notes that I took in the field were brief; notes taken in the change rooms were recorded in three to five minute intervals and notes taken after exiting the stores, while sitting in the food court or on a bench, were typically recorded in 10 to 15 minute intervals. Immediately after leaving the mall I added more detailed accounts of my experiences and elaborated on my existing notes. I found doing the observations to be both mentally and physically exhausting and, as a result, observations were never conducted on consecutive days. Despite the challenges posed by the demanding nature of participant observation, my experience has proven it to be a valuable complementary source of information to accompany in-depth interviews.

THE INTERVIEW: A THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL DISCUSSION

As discussed earlier in this chapter, in-depth semi-structured interviews are one of 48 two sources of data collection for my research. I chose this interview format because it

"has some degree of predetermined order but still ensures flexibility in the way issues are addressed by the informant" (Dunn, 2000: 52). Thus, the interview will play out more like a casual, albeit one-sided, conversation than a rigid line of questioning. Previous geographical research employing similar methods (Valentine, 1997; Davies, 1999) has shown that interviews of this nature can "derive a more nuanced understanding of the meanings of social acts, as well as a greater appreciation of interacting and contextualized rationalities that impact upon behaviour" (Hoggart, Lees & Davies, 2002: 202). Another benefit of interviewing that appealed to me was its ability to investigate complex behaviours and motivations while collecting a diversity of opinion and experience (Dunn,

2000). Yet, for all of the benefits this method offers, critics still raise many issues.

Reliability and the generalizability of findings are among the most common issues raised; however, "many of these criticisms emerge from an epistemology affiliated with notions of detached, objective and value-free research" (Hoggart, Lees & Davies, 2002: 202).

These criticisms, in addition to a discussion about research positionality, will be addressed in the following paragraphs.

The reliability of research refers to "the repeatability or consistency of a finding"

(Kitchin & Tate, 2000: 34). In qualitative research such as interviews, the inconsistency of settings and interactions and the variability of the dialogue between the researcher and researched makes replication of the exact conversation in the exact circumstances nearly impossible, as is the case for this research. To increase the reliability of findings, qualitative researchers can ensure the completeness and accuracy of tape recordings and 49 transcriptions and can verify findings by comparing responses between informants.

Because my research deals with the highly subjective topic of identity, reliability in the classic sense would be difficult to achieve. For most people identity develops and changes as we grow, learn, and evolve throughout our life-spans; as a result, opinions about, and expressions of, identities are also constantly evolving. Instead of reliability in the classic sense, what this study aims for is 'synchronic reliability', the similarity of responses, from the same informants, within the same time period (Kitchin & Tate,

2000). Due to the fluidity and subjectivity of identity, to expect to replicate findings over time or between different informants is impractical, making 'synchronic reliability' the most functional and achievable goal for this research.

This research does not purport to have the achievement of classical research reliability as a goal, nor does it aim to produce findings that are widely generalizable. To make this study generalizable would require conducting interviews with a sample that is representative of the wider population, thus necessitating a much larger group of participants who have been selected using a more structured and scientific method, and conducting field work at multiple sites and locations to obtain a more representative sample of the environment being studied. Because I have chosen to undertake a case study, my research, rather than attempting to generalize findings based on large, representative samples, will instead examine a narrowly defined retail environment through participant observation in two locations and interviews conducted with a non- representative sample of twenty participants. Although this method could be criticized due to its failure to produce generalizable findings, its strength lies in the fact that the 50 findings produce a highly detailed and nuanced narrative of a particular phenomenon, in this case the intersection of consumption and identity, in a specific time and place. Part of

the usefulness of the case study method in conducting this research specifically is that it

allows for the recognition of identity as a highly personalized experience and

characteristic; because identity varies from person to person, the development of identity

occurs in many ways, and identity itself is expressed in a variety ways. As a result,

making generalizations about identity and identity development would be a difficult, perhaps impossible, task. The case study method also allows for the reporting of findings

about the retail environment from multiple perspectives. Thus while the findings cannot be applied to a larger population or geographical area, they are useful in producing a

deeper and more meaningful understanding of the phenomena they address.

To ensure that the research produced findings that were meaningful, detailed, and

addressed from multiple perspectives, in-depth interviews were conducted. Although

interviewing was selected for its unique ability to elicit detailed personalized narratives, I

do recognize, as Hoggart, Lees and Davies (2002: 210) state, that "intensive interviews

do not have direct access to others' experience. There is always a gap between lived experience and communication." Furthermore, it could be argued that this gap is

augmented by what Bryman (1988) calls the joint 'creation of knowledge'. In engaging in

conversation the researcher and researched jointly create knowledge about the topic being

discussed through their dialogue and word choice, verbal and non-verbal expressions, understanding and misunderstanding, and interactions and reactions. Such exchanges are very important to the outcome of the research because they may significantly influence 51 the information gathered. For example, the interviewees may tailor their responses to fit

into their notion of what the interviewer wants to hear, as was the case with one participant who responded to a question about whether or not her clothing was related to her identity by saying "Oh, absolutely. My clothes are a huge part of my identity" (F2,

October 20, 2007) but then when asked to elaborate could not explain what she meant by her comment or how her clothes and identity were related at all. Likewise, the way the

interviewer poses questions, reacts to answers, or interacts with the interviewee may

serve to alter responses. For this research it was particularly important, as the researcher, to remain as engaged and as receptive as possible when asking questions about sensitive

issues such as body image. This was to ensure that there were no arbitrary or unintended reactions or negative body language, on my part, that could potentially impact upon the participant and influence their answer. As the researcher plays an active role in creating knowledge with the participants it is important to consider not only how the actions of the researched influence the research, but also the experiences and characteristics of the researcher thus situating the researcher within the research project.

My situation as an average sized female consumer placed me in a unique position as both and insider and an outsider. In the context of the interviews I conducted I considered myself an insider based on the fact that I am a consumer, in approximately the same age range as my respondents, and I shop at the Gap and Old Navy. Thus, there is a

sense of shared experience felt between myself and my informants. Beyond this, I was also playing the role of an insider when interviewing female respondents who identified with a body type similar to my own. We had experienced the same environments in 52 similarly frustrating ways. Despite these instances of insider status, there were many times during my interviews when it became clear that I was an outsider. When interviewing females who did not possess a similarly 'average' body shape and size to my own, on account of things like height, weight or proportion, my position was very distinctly that of an outsider. I did not empathize with, or have an experience based comprehension of, the ease that some women had when purchasing clothing or the trials and tribulations felt by others. In these cases the similarities in our experiences ended with the fact that we were females who shopped in the same stores. This was similar to my role as an outsider during interviews with male informants. As a female, there are many aspects of the retail environment and shopping process that I experience very differently (or not at all in the case of gender-specific fitting rooms). Thus, my gender had an impact on my data collection process, allowing for the relative ease of access to information with female respondents and creating a barrier in my communication with male respondents. While my male informants and I shared a penchant for purchasing clothes at the Gap and Old Navy that is where the similarities in our experiences ended.

This concurrent position as insider and outsider was both beneficial and detrimental in eliciting information from my respondents. For some my position as an outsider made them weary of divulging too many experiences that they appeared to deem as unflattering for fear of my misunderstanding or misinterpreting their narrative. One respondent, after describing her difficulties finding suitable jeans, proclaimed "You wouldn't have that problem, so I'm sure you don't understand what I mean" (F6,

November 11, 2007). For others, however, my position as an outsider prompted lengthy 53 detailed accounts of their experiences to ensure that I fully comprehended their stories. In this way, being an outsider proved to be very beneficial. The insider position that I held with many of my respondents also proved to be beneficial. In these interviews, participants felt a heightened sense of understanding based on our shared experiences, as was explicitly stated by a respondent who said "You know how it feels to be a medium in

one store and a large in another. How frustrating. We're not big girls, why is finding a

size so hard?" (Fl, October 14, 2007). As a result, these interviews tended to last much longer and elicited a more detailed and descriptive dialogue about body image and identity issues than in other interviews. Regardless of my position as either insider or outsider, I experienced little difficulty in building trust and rapport with my respondents.

The trust building process was aided by the similarities in age and shopping preferences between myself and my respondents, and through the interview design and setup. Prior to the commencement of each interview I spent between five and ten minutes discussing with the respondents the interview format, the questionnaire, and general information about myself and my research. Additionally, the interview was designed in such a way that the questions posed at the beginning covered less sensitive topics, such as shopping frequency and preferred stores, and required answers that were less revealing than the questions and topics that were left to the later portion of the interview, covering such topics as identity and body image issues. Although the rapport building process took longer with some interviewees than with others, generally the combination of personal similarities, introductory discussion and deliberately arranged questions and topics proved to be an effective method of promoting the development of trust and rapport 54 between myself and my interviewees.

More important in my interactions with my respondents than my position as insider or outsider were my physical characteristics. As I alluded to in the previous paragraph, my appearance played a significant role in determining how the interaction between myself and my respondents proceeded. Not only did respondents' perceptions of my body shape and size play a role, so to did the way I presented myself through my choice of clothing. When I was dressed in more professional or 'adult' clothing, such as dress pants and a collared shirt or sweater, it took respondents longer to become comfortable with me and my research topic. In these instances questions of my age, my role as a researcher, and my own consumption habits were more common. Once I assured participants that I was a student conducting research for my thesis and that I too shopped at the Gap and Old Navy they became more at ease and conversation flowed more naturally. In contrast, when I was dressed more casually, in jeans and a sweatshirt or t- shirt, questions regarding my age, my status as a student or my shopping habits were rarely asked. Conversations had a more natural and relaxed feeling from the beginning of the interview and often began with a discussion of where my respondent and I had purchased various items of clothing that we were wearing. Other characteristics, like

'race' and sexuality, that are commonly addressed in researchers' discussion of their situation within their research did not, in any significant way, factor in to the interactions

I had with my respondents.

I interviewed twenty participants; two were non-white (1 black female and 1

Filipino-Canadian male), all were raised in Canada and identified primarily as Canadian, 55 and only three identified as non-heterosexual. While these differences between my informants provided me with unique opinions and experiences, during the interviews my position as a white, Canadian, heterosexual female did not influence the discussion or rapport in any expressed or observable way. For example, at no time during any of the interviews with the participants indicated above did either the interviewee or myself need to clarify our understanding of a cultural term or phenomenon, nor was it expressed by any of the participants that there existed certain nuances or experienced-based knowledge that I would be incapable of understanding due to my position as white or heterosexual.

Although 'race' and sexuality are characteristics that I address in my analysis of participants' opinions and experiences, gender and appearance were the characteristics that most prominently affected my data collection. Despite the acknowledgement that I have given these positional factors, it is not possible to alleviate their effect on my research. In an effort to standardize the interview process as much as possible the interviews were semi-structured with pre-determined topic areas to be discussed and key questions to be asked.

The interview was divided into four main topics: shopping preferences; experiences of the Gap and Old Navy; identity and body image issues; and experiences of store layouts and advertising. Within these key topics questions addressed issues such as reasons for shopping, desirable characteristics of the Gap and Old Navy, opinions about the images portrayed in Gap and Old Navy advertising, methods of identity expression, feelings about the body, experiences with advertising, and motivations to shop at a particular store. The questions listed in Appendix C are those that were posed, or 56 answered without prompting, during the course of each interview. Because of the conversational nature of the interviews, the order of the questions varied from interview to interview. Many respondents expressed concern over the difficulty they were experiencing articulating answers. Following a question about what makes a store a desirable place to shop an exasperated male respondent exclaimed "I don't know... I don't think about this stuff when I shop. I just shop" (M2, November 2, 2007), although after further consideration he was able to list some reasons for preferring one store to another. This uncertainty and difficulty in answering questions about the retail environment and consumption habits was common among many of the male participants

I interviewed. The majority of the males referred to shopping as something that they had to do, but did not prefer to do, and to the retail environment as a means to an end, not a space they actively observed. An interesting difference among the male participants was observed between the males who identified as heterosexual and those who identified as non-heterosexual. The heterosexually-identified males viewed the retail environment as a public space that they used and engaged with, but did not think about. The non- heterosexually-identified males viewed the retail environment in a very different way; for these men the retail environment possesses clearly defined expectations and norms. There are spaces that are open, safe and accepting of alternative expression, and there are spaces that are closed, rigid, and intolerant to difference. A more thorough analysis of this differential experience will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 5.

In addition to verbal cues such as the questions discussed above, I also used a set of images from the current advertising campaigns of both the Gap and Old Navy to spark 57 conversation. The images shown in Appendix D are the images from the Gap campaign, while the images in Appendix E are the images from the Old Navy campaign. Once the initial hurdle of reflecting on experiences and beginning a dialogue was overcome, it appeared as though most respondents were enthusiastic about discussing their consumption habits. In one interview a respondent commented, "I never realized how much thought I put in to clothes and shopping. No wonder I'm so tired after a trip to the mall" (M6, January 15,2008). Given that there was no incentive offered to participate in this research, it is gratifying to know that respondents are not walking away from interviews having gained nothing from the experience.

During the interviews the biggest challenges were keeping the conversation focused on relevant issues and eliciting a maximum amount of information in a minimal amount of time. Respondents had a tendency to want to elaborate either on complaints about sales associates, sizing, or selection, or on their preferences regarding style, colour, or brand. Such discussions were helpful but in some cases drifted too far from the research topic. The tendency for long answers and varied topics of discussion can be attributed to the open-ended nature of the questions. To balance the rigidity created by the semi-structured nature of the interview, the questions posed were open-ended to encourage self-reflection and personal narratives. This allowed respondents to answer questions in their own words and to draw from and explain their own experiences. This proved to be incredibly beneficial because several respondents addressed issues associated with identity development that I had not considered, such as social roles, employment or educational status, and relationship status, and it brought to my attention 58 various aspects of the retail environment, like fitting room configuration and placement, pricing and promotions, that I had otherwise neglected to consider.

At the outset of each interview my intention was to create a comfortable, casual atmosphere conducive to relaxed conversation or friendly discussion. Due to the intimate nature of some of the questions, specifically those addressing body image issues, I aimed to foster an interviewer-informant relationship that stood in contrast to the 'professional interviewing' described by Goode and Hatt (in Oakley, 1981: 191) who caution interviewers to remain detached from their informants: "the interviewer cannot merely lose himself (sic) in being friendly. He must introduce himself as though beginning a conversation, but from the beginning the additional element of respect, of professional competence, should be maintained." Instead I chose to employ methods of 'creative' or empathetic interviewing proposed by Oakley (1981) and Douglas (1985). In their view, detachment would undermine the development of an intimate and non-threatening relationship. Rather than demanding respect from informants, Douglas (1985) encouraged researchers to treat informants as 'Goddesses' (sic) who provide useful insights and knowledge. Thus, instead of remaining aloof during interviews, I attempted to keep an open posture and actively engage with my informants by maintaining eye- contact, taking few notes and asking follow-up questions based on their responses and comments. I believe this approach helped respondents to feel less vulnerable and more open to the conversations we were having.

Assisting with the respondents' levels of comfort were the locations chosen to conduct the interviews. I tried, whenever possible, to avoid conducting interviews in a 59 sterile location like an office or meeting room and instead met participants at quiet restaurants or cafes. On three occasions, when I was well acquainted with my participants, I met them in their home. These quiet, more intimate settings also helped to foster the laid back atmosphere I was striving for. On five other occasions it was necessary for me to conduct my interviews over the phone which allowed participants to stay in the comfort of their own home while the interview was conducted, further increasing the comfort of the interview atmosphere.

The duration of the interviews varied from 30 minutes to 1 hour and 20 minutes, with the average length being about 50 minutes. The interviews generally began with an introduction of myself and the participant followed by a brief overview of my research.

The participants were then asked to complete a one-page survey (Appendix F) that served to record basic demographic information and a few quantified responses about income and frequency of shopping excursions. I followed the survey by providing participants with a summary of the topics that were going to be addressed in the interview. Most respondents were interested in hearing my opinions about shopping and retail atmospheres, however to avoid influencing their responses I put off answering such questions until the end of the interview. At the conclusion of the interview many respondents remarked on their heightened awareness of the means through which they express their identity and their feelings about their bodies. One respondent remarked, "I'll never look at my closet the same way again" (M7, January 17, 2008). After turning off the tape recorder I addressed any questions that had been asked before the interview and we discussed my experiences with and opinions of the retail environment. This period of 60 personal sharing appeared to help ease any sense of exposure felt by participants after a lengthy period of one-sided sharing. At the close of the interview it was also common for respondents to express how grateful they were for the opportunity to participate. Initially, most were apprehensive because they did not feel they could make any valuable contribution, making comments like, "Will you even be able to use any of what I've said?" (Ml, October 17, 2007). They were also reluctant because they were unsure of how comfortable they would be divulging information about their body and their identity.

After hearing the questions and reflecting on their thoughts and opinions the process was generally perceived as refreshing, offering participants a chance to articulate opinions on issues that were typically internalized. Likening my role as an interviewer to that of a psychologist, a female respondent closed the interview by saying, "That felt good.

Almost like therapy!" (F4, November 1, 2007). Participants frequently questioned the geographical relevance of this project. Of the 20 participants, only two had more than a rudimentary understanding of the study of geography. I explained to them the relevance of the research and that there is more to geography than maps, countries and rocks. The participants generally left the interview with an increased awareness of their own consumption habits and identity presentation and an increased knowledge of the breadth of geographical inquiry.

SUMMARY

This research is a case study of two specific retailers and a select group of their consumers. It should not be considered a study of the retail environment as a whole, not

61 simply because that would ignore the diverse nature of retail spaces but also because it

does not look beyond the walls and racks of the Gap and Old Navy and therefore cannot

speak to atmospheres created by other retailers. It would also be inappropriate to perceive this research as providing a commentary on identity development for any group of people beyond the 20 participants in the study, as to do so would disregard both the subjective and individualized experiences of identity development and presentation, and the multitude of factors aside from the retail environment that serve to shape such experiences. Instead, this study should be seen as an account of particular people, having particular encounters, in particular places, at a particular time. It is the spatial experiences of this group of people during their period of young adulthood that I have sought to document. Like an outfit whose pieces have been carefully selected and coordinated, this thesis has been crafted from particular narratives, experiences and observations, and like outfits of any era, it is reflective of the time, places and social processes that have helped it come to fruition.

62 4

(DE)CONSTRUCTING THE RETAIL SPACES OF GAP INC.

In North American society today people are bombarded by opportunities to

consume. Beyond the traditional sites of the shopping mall, strip mall, department store,

fashion district and catalogues, and modern sites on the Internet and television,

opportunities for consumption have appeared in places like train stations, airports, gas

stations, sports arenas, museums, hotels, and even fitness clubs. Additionally, thanks to the emergence of outlet stores, big box retailers, and power centres during the past ten years, retail spaces have scaled up in size; where modestly sized mall stores used to be the norm and department stores seemed vast, the stores in malls now seem only slightly

larger than closets and department stores cramped in comparison to the new landscapes of consumption. Places of consumption are so pervasive, and shopping has become such

a culturally ingrained activity, that the time North Americans spend in such places follows only time spent at home and at work or school (Goss, 1993). Thus, despite increases in catalogue sales, e-commerce, and shopping through the television "shopping remains essentially a spatial activity - we still 'go' shopping" (Goss, 1993: 18). Due to the inherent spatiality of consumption, it is important to consider the characteristics and particularities of the sites of consumption when discussing consumption as a cultural

63 activity. To this end, this chapter addresses the implementation and effects of what Babin

and Darden (1996) term retail "atmospherics" - attempts by designers of retail space to

manipulate the physical environment in ways that promote consumption. Following this

is a discussion of the specific retail environments created by Gap Incorporated at the

Yorkdale Shopping Centre locations of the Gap and Old Navy, including an overview of how patrons of these stores utilize and perceive them. In this chapter I argue that, despite the various methods of spatial manipulation employed by the Gap and Old Navy, the

creation of their respective retail environments is a reciprocal process contributed to by both the company and the customers because, regardless of their intentions, retailers cannot control how customers interpret the spaces they have so meticulously designed;

furthermore, I contend that the use patterns and experiential accounts of patrons of these

stores suggest that the spatial construction of the stores, and the consumers' interpretations of the spaces, influence the development of their personal identity and body image.

CREATING ATMOSPHERE: A SHOPPER'S NATURAL HABITAT

/ enter the mall from the subway, walking along a glass enclosed hallway. At the end of the hallway I descend a short flight of stairs, part frosted glass double doors and continue walking, past services like a salon, a tailor and an optometrist. The hallway parts to the right and I follow. After making the turn I look up; near the end of the hallway, two storeys in the air, a flag hangs from a pole that juts out at a 45 degree angle from a large brick facade. As I get nearer I can see the bright blue capitalized lettering of the sign informing me that I am looking at Old Navy. The large industrial windows built into the brickfagade allow myself and others passing by a glimpse of the cement flooring, industrial ceiling complete with large orange and navy pipes, metal and wire shelving and racks, headless beige mannequins, and flashing lights highlighting the 'Deal of the Week.' The store is crowded and clothes are strewn atop the display tables that clutter

64 the floor. I continue walking. A few feet ahead the mall hallway comes to a fork and I turn to the left. I am now walking along another busy hallway. In the distance I see what I am looking for; a navy box with white capital lettering protrudes from the wall guiding my way to the Gap. The box is suspended above floor to ceiling windows covered in navy paint with letters stenciled in indicating a sale. The double glass doors are propped open to reveal ivory walls, faux hardwood flooring, chrome hanging fixtures, framed advertisements displayed under spotlights, and wood tables covered in neatly folded and organized merchandise. There are several people in the store, yet it does not appear crowded. I move to a table to look at a sweater and notice the multitude of headless, ivory mannequins on display. Just beyond a mannequin wearing the sweater I am inspecting I see a mirror; after holding the sweater against my body and contemplating my appearance in the mirror I have decided to buy it. As I head towards the cash in the centre of the store, a familiar song begins to play.

In North America spaces of consumption are ubiquitous; there is an ever- increasing number of stores selling a much less diverse array of products. "Retailers facing an increasingly competitive marketplace are finding it more difficult to differentiate their stores solely on the basis of merchandise, price, promotion or location.

The store itself, however, can offer a unique atmosphere, or environment" (Baker,

Grewal & Parasuraman, 1994: 328). Thus, rather than distinguishing themselves by what they sell, stores are now making efforts to distinguish themselves by how and where their products are sold. For example, Gap Incorporated has branched out in their retail locations, placing stores like the Gap and Old Navy not only in malls, but in power centers, box stores, and in street-side stores. Concomitantly, retail geographers have begun to study the spatial forms and atmospheres of places of consumption (see for example, Crewe, 2000; Hankins, 2002). An analysis of the retail atmosphere requires a detailed consideration of the ways in which the space within the store walls has been strategically designed and controlled.

Retail development and design has become a lucrative profession with an 65 increasing number of companies seeking to employ experts who have specialized knowledge of consumer behaviour and consumption patterns. "Developers and designers of the retail built environment exploit the power of place and an intuitive understanding of the structuration of space to facilitate consumption and thus the realization of retail profits. They strive to ... manipulate shoppers' behaviour through the configuration of space and consciously design a symbolic landscape that provokes associative moods and dispositions in the shopper" (Goss, 1993: 18). Gap Incorporated is amongst the retailers who have already built a team of advisors and designers to help increase sales. At the beginning of 2008, Gap Incorporated employed more than 150,000 people whose jobs were dedicated to making Gap Incorporated a "brand-builder" that "creates emotional connections with customers around the world through inspiring product design, unique store experiences and compelling marketing" (www.gapinc.com). Like those employed by Gap Incorporated, designers of retail space incorporate subtle details and nuances into the built environment and decor of stores that influence how shoppers perceive the space and how they move through it. This can be accomplished in two ways; through the use of decorative accessories and displays, and through the layout and physical fixtures of the store. "Promotional, merchandising, and store design policies are all motivated by the hopes that store patrons will consider and purchase store offerings in greater numbers"

(Babin & Darden, 1996: 201). Some methods that retailers employ include large banners and advertisements promoting sales (a preferred method for Old Navy), the incorporation of television screens to play commercials, creative use of mannequins (common in Gap stores), strategic music choices, and the development of a promotional or brand theme 66 around which to decorate. The implementation of this final method was examined in a study by Dwyer and Jackson (2003) that focused on a clothing retailer in the United

Kingdom that had branded itself as "exotic." The retailer used the idea of "the exotic" to create window and table displays and advertising campaigns. Unique and tropical flowers were placed on tables with clothing, Brazilian, Caribbean, and African music was played, and clothing lines and specific items were named after islands and other foreign places

(Dwyer & Jackson, 2003).

The importance of these seemingly small details was reinforced by my informants who indicated that they were more likely to shop in a store that had "lots of attractive displays and interesting music" (F5, January 7, 2008) or "unique and out of the ordinary promotions" (F8, January 15, 2008). Other respondents commented on stores' use of mannequins saying "the Gap always has lots of mannequins, which I like because it helps me pick out clothes that match. The more mannequins the more selection I have" (Ml,

October 24, 2007) and "the mannequins that a store uses, how they're dressed and what they look like, tell me a lot about whether or not I'll find something I want in the store. If they're dressed provocatively, or if they're unnaturally thin then I can't identify and I won't go in because they make me very aware that I won't look like they do in the clothes" (F10, January 30, 2008). This comment highlights one of the many ways that the retail environment influences identity development and body image. By displaying their clothes on mannequins that have a distinct body type, stores are conveying a meaning or value about bodies that is associated with their clothing. In the case of the female informant quoted above, this meaning is interpreted and internalized, affecting her 67 feelings about her own body and the appropriateness of her presence in retail spaces.

In addition to the careful monitoring of the decorative aspects of the retail environment, the layout and fixtures of the store are strategically designed through the creative use of lighting, mirrors, glass, and paint colours. Connor (1989) and Goss (1993) discuss the benefits of carefully positioned and monitored lighting, suggesting that softer lighting helps to highlight the natural colours of the clothing, while spotlights assist in showcasing the most expensive or most popular items in the store. Spotlights are common in the Gap where the majority of the lighting is soft with a few spotlights used to highlight framed advertisements or new arrivals. Goss (1993: 32) also states that

"mirrors and reflective glass add to the decorative multiplication of images and colours, double the space and the shopping crowd, and reflect shoppers, asking them to compare themselves with the manikins and magical commodities on display." Mirrors are also common in the Gap with one usually placed in every section of clothing, in addition to the mirrors in every fitting room. Details like paint colour and the quality of the fixtures in the store can be important elements of store design that convey to consumers the fashionability and level of quality of a store's merchandise. A store that is painted in contemporary colours - which requires constant maintenance in order to keep up with the trendiest colours - or in neutral colours like white, ivory, beige or grey with more expensive looking fixtures - made from materials like brass, chrome, nickel, hardwood, marble or granite - suggests to consumers a higher quality product and level of service, whereas a store with dated paint colours and cheaper looking fixtures suggests a lower quality product and level of service (Baker, Grewal & Parasuraman, 1994). In Gap stores 68 it is common to see neutral paint, chrome fixtures and wood floors which suggests to consumers a higher end product and quality service whereas, Old Navy stores are usually characterized by their cement floors, bright paint colours, and industrial lighting and display materials which is suggestive of lower quality merchandise and service.

The importance of the built environment in influencing shoppers' experiences of consumption was underlined during interviews with my informants, with the most common comments focused on ease of movement and lighting techniques. When asked about the features of a store that make it a desirable place to shop, one participant responded, "It needs to be well lit. I don't like not being able to see what's there. I like it to be laid out so that things aren't crammed together, but not so spread out that the store needs to be massive. And it obviously helps if the store itself looks good" (M2,

November 26, 2007), while another said, "the Gap is always very well organized and it's easy to find things, but at Old Navy clothes are all over the place and there are tables put in the middle of aisles so it's hard to move around" (F9, January 23,2008). These comments support the idea that consumers' experiences of space, specifically the aspects of space related to their ease of use, are indeed an important factor in assessing their consumption experiences. Additionally, although no interviewees discussed this aspect of the retail environment, the mirrors and reflective glass that retailers use in the hope that they cause shoppers to compare their reflections to the images in advertisements and on mannequins can have an effect on consumers similar to the one described by the female interviewee above. Seeing a self-reflection in a mirror or reflective glass adjacent to, or in the vicinity of, idealized images of models or mannequins wearing a store's clothing can 69 draw consumers to compare their bodies and how they look in clothes to the bodies and images of the models and mannequins in the same clothing. This could potentially have a negative effect on consumers' body images if there is a large discrepancy between how consumers' bodies look and how the bodies of the mannequins and models look. The use of mirrors and reflective surfaces is more common in the Gap where, as I mentioned above, a mirror is placed in every section and in every fitting room; in Old Navy mirrors are rarely placed on the sales floor, although each fitting room is outfitted with a mirror.

Consumers interact with environments of retailing and consumption during the majority of purchases they make and often their decisions about what and where to consume are influenced by the construction of these environments. "Thus, in-store elements such as colour, lighting, style, or music may have more immediate effects on consumer decision making than other marketing inputs that are not present at the point of purchase" (Baker, Grewal & Parasuraman, 1994: 328). More so than marketing and advertising, store layout and appearance are important factors in attracting and maintaining customer patronage. This idea was supported by an interviewee who, while reflecting on why he prefers the stores he shops in, stated, "I guess I just realized that the way a store looks is a reflection of the type of customer they want to attract and the way they want their clothes to be perceived. I find myself gravitating towards stores that look really good, you know, are decorated exceptionally well because I assume what they sell will look equally as good and I want that in my clothing" (M6, January 30, 2008).

Another participant revealed "I am far more likely to shop at the Gap because it is far less stressful an environment than Old Navy where everything is disorganized and chaotic. At 70 the Gap I can browse leisurely and find things without much trouble" (F6, January 14,

2008). Such statements underscore the usefulness of the role of retail designers in crafting spaces that are both attractive and suggestive of quality, and help to highlight the importance for both retailers and retail space designers to recognize retail spaces as concurrent spaces of selling and spaces of buying.

In spatial analyses, atmospheric designs, and usage projections done by retail developers, the agency of the people who use retail spaces as spaces of buying, namely consumers, is frequently underestimated; in design discourse and practice "consumers are constructed as passive, sensual, and vulnerable victims to the 'force field which they don't understand'" (Goss, 1993: 19). While it is possible for design principles to be implemented that will influence shoppers to navigate selling floors in a predetermined pattern, to paint walls and displays specific colours to grab attention, and to present merchandise in a way that allows maximum exposure to customers, these aspects of the physical environment are not the only external influences that consumers process while they are shopping. In addition to being influenced by factors such as other shoppers, personal mood, and spending freedom, shoppers also rely on their life experiences and points of view. Thus, while the Gap highlights their advertisements and intentionally uses neutral colours and higher end fixtures, and Old Navy designs window displays with vibrant coloured clothing and floor plans according to scientifically observed movement patterns, there is no guarantee that all consumers will experience and interpret their retail spaces in the intended way; this is because "the shopper is not merely the object of a technical and patriarchal discourse and design, but is also a subject who may interpret the 71 design aberrantly or intentionally appropriate meaning for her/his own purposes" (Goss,

1993: 19). Consumers have their own tastes, opinions, identities and body images; the collection of personality fragments that combine to construct a shoppers' personality also serve to influence how they experience the act and spaces of consumption. The assessment of the physical layout of retail spaces by consumers' discerning eyes is simply one of the many spatial aspects that influence consumption patterns and spatial interpretation, as the following paragraph outlines, store location is also important.

Summarizing the ideas of Glennie and Thrift (1992), Marston and Modarres

(2002: 86) identify consumption as "a cultivated and conscious process wherein normative judgments are made about the value of different physical spaces and social environments within which the act of consuming occurs." This is important because places where consumer goods are retailed and purchased have a meaningful role for consumers. Specifically, the location of a store conveys important messages to consumers about the values and lifestyles associated with the goods the store sells. For example, a store located in a suburban mall, such as the Gap or Old Navy, is suggestive of markedly different lifestyles and values than those suggested by a designer boutique in a city's fashion district (Marston & Modarres, 2002). When selecting locations and designing stores retailers must be aware of the messages that are conveyed to consumers about their brand and their products because multiple studies have shown that it is a consumer's reaction to the spaces of shopping that is the most significant determinant in how much time and how much money they will spend in a store (Babin & Darden, 1994; Donovan,

Rossiter, Marcoolyn & Nesdale, 1994; Wood, 2002; Pons, Laroche & Mourali, 2006). 72 This phenomenon is especially pronounced in places such as fitting rooms. Colls

(2004: 584) describes fitting rooms as spaces that provide "the medium through which emotional relationships are formed between... clothing and the body. They are places where clothing is displayed, touched, held upon the body, and experienced in relation to other bodies trying on clothes." At both the Gap and Old Navy, mirrors are placed within each fitting room. This allows customers to inspect the clothing and assess it on their bodies in the privacy of their own fitting room, away from the gaze and scrutiny of other customers. Fitting rooms, like other locations within the retail environment, provide spaces in which an emotional connection can be made between consumers and clothing, and are also spaces that facilitate, through the placement of mirrors and the presence of others trying on clothing, the development of such a relationship. Thus, as Howes (1996) suggested, the value and meaning associated with particular consumer items is created, consumed, and interpreted not simply in the spaces of retail, but also through them. In the following section the focus of my discussion will narrow, moving from a generalized discussion of retail spaces to a more nuanced and detailed analysis of spaces of consumption created by Gap Incorporated at the Gap and Old Navy.

RETAIL SPACES OF GAP INCORPORATED: THE GAP AND OLD NA VY

Gap Inc. is a brand-builder. We create emotional connections with customers around the world through inspiring product design, unique store experiences, and compelling marketing. Our purpose? Simply, to make it easy for you to express your personal style throughout your life. (www.gapinc.com, accessed January 15, 2008)

From their mission statement it can be inferred that Gap Incorporated views

73 shopping as "not only a means to satisfy basic needs but also as a forum where cultural ideas about identity, meaning and desire can be enacted" (Lowe, 2002: 6). Drawing from the work of Sallie Marston and Ali Modarres (2002), Lowe (2002: 6) goes on to state that

"Gap Inc. has been extremely successful in recognizing that the place where the brand is retailed and purchased is meaningful to the consumer. Goods are substantiated through place and place makes consumption meaningful. Thus, Gap Inc. as a company has assured itself a strong market by playing cleverly to the tune of the emerging geographies of retail." Gap Inc. has employed retail design and planning principles to both improve the interiors of their existing mall based stores and to expand their locations into the newly developed, or reemerging, retail spaces of downtown streets, box stores and power centers. The expansion of location possibilities has been an important development in the growth of the Gap Inc. brand.

Within Gap Incorporated, the Gap is the core division of the company offering

"extensive selections of classically styled, high-quality, casual apparel at moderate price points" (www.gapinc.com), while Old Navy was developed in 1994 "to address the market for value-priced family apparel" (www.gapinc.com). By locating stores of each brand in power centers and box stores, Gap Inc. is giving itself the opportunity to reach suburbanites in both target markets, while remaining contemporary in the kind of shopping experience it creates. In its 1999 Annual Report, Gap Inc. (www.gapinc.com) acknowledged their reliance on both retail design and location, stating "our ability to continually change and evolve our brand is what drives our long-term success, and our passion for innovation is what keeps Gap, Banana Republic, and Old Navy exciting. 74 From product design and distribution, to marketing, merchandising and shopping environments, we control our brands and what our customers touch see and feel." In the remainder of this section I discuss what I touched, saw and felt while observing the design and layout of the Gap and Old Navy stores at Yorkdale Shopping Centre in

Toronto.

The Gap and Old Navy stores at Yorkdale Shopping Centre are located in separate areas of the mall and neither store is visible from the other storefront. Although the two stores target different consumer populations and have very distinct styles and branding techniques they do possess some similar qualities. The Gap and Old Navy both have signage on the outer facade of their stores which incorporates their respective brand logos and is visible from several hundred feet away, both play loud Top 40 music, and they both utilize similar merchandising and display patterns in organizing and laying out then- product lines - for example, tables to display smaller items, ordering sizes from smallest to largest, colour blocking, and prominently displaying mannequins. Additionally, during my observations there were consistently more female customers than male customers in both stores, the stores were both split into gendered sections of clothing, each store had an ethnically diverse group of employees and customers, and both stores had a heavy reliance on mannequins for displaying clothing with female mannequins appearing more frequently than male mannequins in both stores.

Despite these similarities there were several distinct and significant differences between the two locations. The outer facades of the stores were different in scale, construction and aesthetic, the colours and lighting used were strikingly dissimilar, and 75 the use of advertising campaigns in the stores was different. In addition to the differences in the physical characteristics of the stores there were also detectable differences in the characteristics of the clientele and employees. For example, the average age of the customers and employees in the Gap was slightly older than the average age of the customers and employees at Old Navy; the clothing and fashions worn by the customers in the Gap differed significantly from the styles seen on the customers in Old Navy.

There were also noticeable differences in the physicality of the customers in the Gap compared to the customers in Old Navy such that, the customers in the Gap were generally slimmer than the customers in Old Navy. In the following paragraphs I elaborate and discuss in more detail the similarities and differences that I observed in the retail environments at these Gap and Old Navy locations.

As I discussed above, the facades of both stores have incorporated signage depicting their store's brand that is visible from several hundred feet down the mall corridor; however the signage that each store uses is as different as the outer facades that the stores have created. At the Gap, the outer facade on the mall walkway is made of a clear glass-like material with floor to ceiling windows that have graphic art stenciled on them advertising current promotions and the sign that is used is a lighted glass square

Gap logo. The Gap has an additional street entrance with a white stucco outer facade, large glass windows with mannequins on display, and a very large Gap sign that is visible from the street. The entranceways to the Gap have two sets of double doors propped open over buffed floors that are designed to look like hardwood. At Old Navy, the facade is three stories high and has been designed to look like a store with street frontage, with 76 large industrial windows, streetlights and bricks. The signage that is visible from down the mall walkway is in the form of flags that hang from the top level of the brick wall bearing Old Navy's brand logo. The entrance to Old Navy is a large opening in the brick wall, with industrial tiling on the floor.

The interiors of the stores are as different as the exteriors. The Gap is a single- storey store with the cash area and fitting rooms located in the centre of the store. When entering the Gap from the mall entrance, there is a large open area on the left that has high shelving used to display advertising pictures with racks underneath on which to hang the highlighted clothing. This area also has several strategically placed spotlights that are focused on the pictures and the items of clothing on display. On two of the occasions I visited the store during their fall season there was a round table of merchandise in this area as well. To the right of the doors is another display area however there is no shelf for advertisements and there is a long, rectangular, multi-level table that holds more clothing items. In the centre of the entrance is a round podium on which several mannequins are posed and beyond which the rest of the store's interior can be seen. The store has one main aisle that traverses the length of the store, from the mall entrance to the street entrance, and from the women's sections, past the cash, to the men's section. At various intervals along the main aisle there are rectangular cubbies cut into the walls where tables are placed in the centre to display clothing and racks are built in to hang clothing. The first cubby on the right is unique in that it has elements of design that are not seen in other parts of the store; there is wood paneling on the walls, and the table and racks used are designed to look like wood carved from a tree. The women's sections 77 progress from new arrivals and sale items at the front of the store, to business clothing, business casual clothing, casual clothing, athletic wear, sleepwear and lingerie, and denim near the cash. This pattern is repeated in reverse for the men's clothing (see

Appendix G for a floor plan of the Gap).

Old Navy is a three-storey store with women's clothing on the first level, infants' and children's clothing on the second level, and men's clothing on the top level. There is an elevator with access to all three levels in addition to two escalators. However, when taking the escalator from floor to floor it is necessary to walk through the infants' and children's clothes to get to the second escalator. When you enter the first level the cash area is immediately to the right and there is an elevated display of mannequin and clothing on a table directly in front of the doorway. This display has a flashing sign over it indicating that the items there are the 'Deal of the Week.' To the left is a section of casual clothing and denim with three walls covered in shelving from the floor to approximately six feet up and the remaining floor space covered by 'randomly' placed tables and rolling clothing racks. Beyond the 'Deal of the Week' is a square section in the middle of the store bounded on the left and right by six foot high temporary walls that have hangers and shelves to display seasonal clothing and contained at the front and back by tables for additional storage of seasonal items. To the left is a section of business clothes, to the right is a section of outerwear, and behind it is athletic and sleepwear. In the back left corner of the store is a section of sale items and the entrance to the fitting rooms, and in the back right corner is access to the elevator and escalator. The store is designed on a square grid pattern and has one continuous square walkway that navigates 78 the perimeter of the displays. All of the displays are constructed with the same materials and are designed to look industrial using corkboard, metal piping and wood and fiberglass paneling.

The men's section at Old Navy is on the third floor and is considerably smaller than the women's. At the top of the escalator there is a small rectangular section of casual clothing that has racks built into the walls and a multi-level table in the middle. Turning to the right the rest of the floor becomes visible. From here, to the left and directly ahead is the denim section with multiple tables of jeans and shelves of jeans built into the walls.

This section also has 'randomly' placed rolling racks of clothes on which t-shirts and sweatshirts hung during all of my observational visits. Also directly ahead is the entrance to the fitting rooms. To the right of the denim section is a section of casual clothes, and to the right of this is a section of business casual clothing. Across from the business casual clothing, along the wall that backs the escalator, is a small section of outerwear and then a section of built-in shelving that holds underwear and socks. In the middle of the floor there is a shelving unit that has been designed to look like an old, reworked car, with crates serving as shelves and additional tables positioned around it to hold extra items.

The men's section uses the same types of design fixtures and industrial elements as the women's section and is also configured like a square, however in the men's section there is nothing in the centre of the floor except for the car shelving unit and a few tables (see

Appendix H for a floor plan of Old Navy).

To supplement the observations that I made during my fieldwork, I asked the participants that I interviewed to describe some of the physical characteristics of Gap and 79 Old Navy stores that they had noticed. The most common comment related to the consistency of the stores' layouts, with interviewees saying things like "they always keep the configuration the same" (Ml, October 24, 2007), "the stores seem to have identical setups. A Gap here looks the same as a Gap anywhere else" (F4, January 5, 2008), and

"they always seem to have the same sections, and it seems like the sections are almost always in the same order" (F8, January 15, 2008). One male participant made a distinction between the size and organization of the two stores saying "Old Navy is usually bigger and not as well organized and the Gap tends to be smaller and more structured' (M2, November 26, 2007). This idea was supported by a female participant who said "I find that the Gap is a lot cleaner and kept better than Old Navy where it seems to be all over the place. It just seems like the Gap is higher class and takes more pride in the appearance of their stores. Old Navy I find just very messy and disorganized"

(F8, January 15, 2008). These comments are indicative of the awareness that consumers have of their surroundings when they are shopping.

The Gap and Old Navy also differ in their use of colour, lighting and mirrors. At the Gap, the colours are neutral. The walls and displays are painted white, off white, beige, brown or navy. Lighting is used in strategic places to highlight featured items and advertising, and to guide customers through the aisles. The general lighting throughout the store is soft and muted and there is at least one mirror in every section of the store so that customers do not have to go to the fitting rooms to see their reflection. At Old Navy the colours used are very vibrant, with shades of red, orange, yellow and blue visible.

There is flashing lighting used to highlight the 'Deal of the Week' but there are no other 80 lights used to highlight any items. The lighting throughout the store is very bright and is emitted from large industrial lights that are suspended from the ceiling. The only mirror that was visible on the selling floor at Old Navy was placed with the seasonal merchandise in the middle of the women's section.

Baker, Grewal and Parasuraman (1994) describe the importance of colour, lighting and mirrors in using the physical retail space to convey messages about the quality of items available for purchase; the more fashionable the colours, the lower the lighting and the more mirrors used, the higher end a store and its products will be perceived. A comment made by one of the men I interviewed supported this claim. He said "OldNavy feels a bit like a barn... all the bright lights and harsh colours. It's just not high end enough for me" (M6, January 30, 2008). This interviewee appears to be associating the quality of the store design with the quality of its merchandise, just as

Baker, Grewal and Parasuraman described. If this is common practice for consumers, then it is important for retailers to ensure that the quality and image of their retail environments matches how they would like the quality and image of their merchandise to be perceived.

The Gap and Old Navy share similarities in the methods that they use to display their clothing. Both retailers sort their clothing by style, by line, by colour and by size. At the Gap there are few shelves built in to the walls, and instead built in hanging racks are used. The Gap also uses tables to highlight featured items or to stack staple items that they have large quantities of. Whether the clothes are hung on racks, or folded and stacked on tables, the clothes at the Gap are always placed in order with size extra small 81 at the front or on top and size extra large at the back or on the bottom. A female participant commented on this practice, saying "I hate looking for my size. I either have to root through the hangers to the back of the racks or crouch over to find the largest size on the bottom shelves of tables" (F9, January 23,2008). Practices such as these convey important messages to consumers about how their body size is valued by the company.

Consumers who have an easy time finding their size because it is at the front of the rack or on the top of the pile receive positive reinforcement about their body size because they have easy access to appropriate sizes. Customers that have to search through clothes to find the appropriate sizes, like the female interviewee quoted above, are receiving negative reinforcement and may interpret the inaccessibility of the clothes as the company indicating that such sizes are less attractive or less valued than the smaller sizes.

Unlike the Gap, Old Navy has many shelves built directly into the walls and supplements these shelves with rolling racks and table displays; however, despite these differences

Old Navy utilizes the same size ordering strategy, putting their smallest sizes in the most accessible places and their largest sizes in the least accessible places.

The stores' use of mannequins is also problematic due to the messages that are being communicated to consumers. During my observational visits to the Gap there was an average of 58 female mannequins, 37 male mannequins, and 95 total mannequins on display in the store. At Old Navy there were fewer mannequins used than at the Gap with an average of 53 female mannequins, 19 male mannequins and 72 total mannequins. All of the mannequins for each gender had the same body type, which for women was slender and only moderately curvy, and for men was tall, slim and slightly muscular. An 82 interview participant addressed the problem of using mannequins with a single body type;

I certainly think that in terms of images portrayed, I think that a lot of that for both the Gap and Old Navy is portrayed through the mannequins and how they're dressed. Unfortunately I find that that's very restrictive because a lot of people don't identify with the body types of the mannequins. Although Old Navy uses fewer mannequins and has a larger range of sizes available, their mannequins are still very slim. I guess for the Gap they're trying to target a certain group of people, maintain an air of exclusivity, and that necessitates slim mannequins I guess (M6, January 30, 2008).

Just as the clothing positioned from smallest to largest suggests that the company values the smaller sizes more, the use of mannequins with a single body type suggests that the company has very rigid beliefs about what body size and shape is valued. None of the mannequins in either store had heads or faces which allowed the stores to display their clothing without referencing any specific ethnicity however the colouring of the mannequins did suggest a "racial" preference. In the Gap the mannequins were ivory in colour and in Old Navy they were beige; both of these colours suggest to consumers that the retailers favour white bodies over other "racial" bodily forms. Consumers who enter the store whose bodies do not conform to the images portrayed by the mannequins may have feelings of alienation, self-consciousness, or discomfort because they find themselves in an environment that does not cater to or lend legitimacy to their body image.

Another design difference that was detectable in the retail designs of the Gap and

Old Navy was the use of advertisements. At the Gap, there was specialized shelving installed at eye level and fitted with spotlights. The images that were being used in the

83 advertising campaign that was current at the time of my research were framed and put in the spotlight at various places throughout the store. At Old Navy there was no use of any of the advertisements from the current advertising campaign. There were no banners, no television screens, and no posters anywhere in the store.

During my observational visits to the Gap and Old Navy in addition to observing the retail atmosphere and physical layouts of the stores I also observed the employees and customers. At both the Gap and Old Navy the customers and employees appeared to be from various backgrounds and ethnicities, including Chinese, Indian, Muslim, Hispanic, black, and white; at no point during any of my observations was there an obvious imbalance in the ethnicities of the customers or employees that resulted in any given group constituting the majority of people in the store. Although there was no difference in the ethnicities of the customer and employees, there was a detectable difference in age.

At the Gap, the ages of the employees appeared to range from approximately 20 to 30 years old. At Old Navy there was a larger perceived age range, with employees appearing to range in age from approximately 16 to 45 years old. There also appeared to be a difference in the average ages of consumers at the stores. Customers at the Gap appeared to have an average age of approximately 28 to 32 years old, with the majority of customers falling in the 25 to 35 age bracket. At Old Navy, customers were varied in age from early teens to people approaching retirement. The average age of the customers in

Old Navy was between 18 and 21, with the majority of the customers being teenagers.

The difference in age that I observed between the Gap and Old Navy was reflected in comments that were made by three of my interview participants. One male 84 interviewee said "I think the Gap is more of a post-secondary and beyond kind of store.

There's no real age cap. Whereas Old Navy seems to cater to high schoolers, once you're out of your teens I think it would be difficult to relate to Old Navy" (Ml, October 24,

2007). Two female respondents characterized the Gap as "fit for a more mature shopper"

(F7, January 14,2008) and Old Navy as "targeting young people with families or teens"

(F6, January 14, 2008). Based on their experiences in the stores, and without having done any deliberate observations these interview participants were able to identify the different age demographics that the stores both target and attract.

The consumers that the Gap and Old Navy attract, in addition to differing in age, also differ in physicality. Shoppers at the Gap were generally slimmer and conformed more closely to the body type displayed by the mannequins. The shoppers at Old Navy varied in size, but were generally larger than the shoppers at the Gap, and only a few of

Old Navy's customers conformed closely to the body type displayed by the mannequins.

The same patterns are true of the employees at the two stores; the employees at the Gap were slim and had body types that were similar to the mannequins, while the employees at Old Navy varied in shape and size and generally did not look like the mannequins that were on display. The body shapes and sizes of the employees and other customers in a store can have important ramifications for which consumers enter the store; one interviewee stated "if I walk past a store and don't see a single person that looks like me then I won't go in. What would be the point? The clothes wouldn't fit me anyway" (F9,

January 23, 2008). Another respondent stated "there have been times when I've walked in a store, looked around and felt like a giant, and then immediately left. If I'm buying 85 clothes I want to feel good about my body when I'm in the store" (M8, February 2,

2008). Thus, the mannequins and the merchandising practices are not the only factors that affect how consumers use and interpret the retail environment because, while the mannequins and clothing layouts may have a negative effect on consumers when the are in the store, the bodies of employees and other customers may prevent some customers from ever experiencing those factors if they cannot find another person in the store whose body type they identify with.

The final difference that I observed while in the spaces of the Gap and Old Navy was between the styles of clothing that the customers in each store were wearing. In the

Gap clothing styles ranged from full business suits to jeans to sweat pants and sweatshirts, however shoppers were generally dressed in business casual clothing; dress pants, sweaters, khakis, or collared shirts. In Old Navy, the clothing ranged from business casual wear to jeans to athletic wear. Generally the consumers in Old Navy were wearing more casual clothing; jeans, sweatshirts, t-shirts, or cardigans. These differences in fashion choice are similar to the differences in the perceived styles of each of the stores indicated by interviewees. One male participant summarized the differences as follows,

"The Gap is more expensive, it draws more of a higher end crowd and has dressier clothing. Old Navy draws a more general crowd encompassing more groups of people.

Plus it sells more casual clothing" (M5, January 30, 2008). From this comment it can be interpreted that commercials, advertisements and window displays are not the only sources from which consumers develop ideas about retailers' brands, clothing and images. It appears that consumers are also informed by the type of shoppers who are 86 found within the store environment and the style of clothes that they wear.

SUMMARY

The preceding discussion of the retail spaces created by the Gap and Old Navy

has clearly demonstrated that each retailer has successfully developed a store landscape

that is both unique and recognizable. Although the similarities and differences that exist

between the stores are easily recognizable, the way the store atmospheres are experienced

and the features that are noticed depend on the individual shopper. Among the

participants that I interviewed, there was a gendered difference in the way the

atmospheres of the Gap and Old Navy were perceived. Both the men and the women

identified Old Navy as targeting a younger audience and as having lower prices than other

retailers offering similar clothing. The men and the women also both identified that Old

Navy stores all appear to follow a similar pattern in terms of store layout and store size.

Several of the men commented on Old Navy's lack of clothing selections, stating that

there was very little variation in the styles of clothing that they carried. This differed from

the women who suggested that Old Navy carried a wide array of trendy, fashionable

styles. The women also noted that Old Navy stores are often cluttered, disorganized and

difficult to navigate through, a characteristic that was not mentioned by any of the men.

The Gap was characterized by men and women as targeting and older, more professional

audience of consumers. They also both noticed that Gap stores followed a similar configuration, used several mannequins in their displays, and were generally very

organized and clean. Interestingly, the men thought that the Gap had a wide selection of 87 styles and items that they characterized as trendy. The women, on the other hand, felt that the Gap had a more classic style and carried a limited number of items. The women also noted that the Gap had a more limited range of sizes available in comparison to Old

Navy, a fact that was not mentioned by the men. Based on these observations, it is clear that the way retail space is experienced is highly individualized; gender is just one characteristic that can serve to influence how a consumer interprets the retail landscape.

Spaces of consumption play an important role in processes of identity formation and body image development. The design of these spaces is highly regulated and strategically laid out in ways that are intended to increase purchasing and facilitate comparisons between shoppers and the mannequins and models that are on display in the store. While in retail environments consumers also compare themselves to the employees and other shoppers present, and take cues from the merchandising practices of the store and how accessible different sizes of clothing are. In many cases, the intentional practices of retailers, either in their store design or their merchandise displays, may have negative effects potentially causing consumers to become self-conscious, develop feelings of alienation, or to simply cease buying their products. This is true of the retail environments crafted by the Gap and Old Navy; their use of one-sized mannequins and their habits of putting the smallest sizes in plain sight while hiding the largest sizes may send very distinct messages to consumers who are of different shapes and sizes. Thus, depending on how consumers use and interpret the spaces, it is possible that the retailing practices of the Gap and Old Navy are influencing how their customers' body images develop. 88 5

THERE'S MORE THAN ONE WAY TO DRESS LIKE A MAN

In this chapter my attention turns to the role of the consumer in shaping the consumption experience. Specifically, I explore the possibility that a hegemonic masculine ideal exists that affects how men engage in consumption, interact with their bodies, and express their identities. Throughout the chapter I argue that, depending on their sexuality, men experience both the spaces and the act of consumption in markedly different ways. While heterosexual men may view consumption as a means for satisfying a necessity, thus playing into the hegemonic masculine ideal created by North American society, non-heterosexual men are likely to display more complex patterns of consumption and are generally more discriminating consumers, challenging dominant norms of masculine behaviour. Because heterosexual masculinity is the more privileged and therefore more dominant form of masculinity in North America, many spaces of consumption are designed to cater to the needs and lifestyles of consumers who fit such an image. This, often exclusive, focus on heterosexual masculinity can serve to subordinate non-heterosexual male consumers and can create spaces that are uncomfortable, intimidating or potentially hostile for some individuals. Recently, select retailers, such as Abercrombie and Fitch, Benetton, Diesel, Levi Strauss and Co., and

Dolce and Gabbana, have begun to acknowledge the prominence of alternative markets, 89 creating advertising and in-store displays that depict images of sexuality other than heterosexuality. Despite the 'progressive' nature of such retailers, the norm for advertising and displays in North American malls and store-fronts continues to reflect heterosexual relationships. The prominence of heterosexual imagery in retail environments affects how non-heterosexual consumers choose their clothing which, in turn, impacts upon their body image and identity expression. By addressing the consumption experiences of heterosexual and non-heterosexual male consumers in retail clothing stores, this chapter examines how these men use and interpret retail space. What effect does the construction of retail space have on their consumption habits? How are their opinions about their bodies affected? Do the retail spaces influence their identity expression? And how do experiences differ between men who identify with different sexualities? In examining the experiences often male consumers in the Toronto area, obtained through in-depth interviews, this chapter does not purport to provide a representative picture of male consumption. Instead, while I recognize that there are multiple lenses of difference through which consumption is experienced (for example age, 'race', ability, sexuality, socio-economic status, ethnicity), based on the characteristics of my informants (nine of whom identified as white, three who identified as non-heterosexual, seven who identified as heterosexual, and all of whom identified as able-bodied, middle-class, and primarily Canadian) sexuality lends itself as the lens most appropriate to examine. What this chapter does aim to do is illustrate how the perpetuation of a hegemonic masculine ideal influences how men feel about their bodies and how they use their bodies to express their identities. 90 HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY

Over the past 40 years, North American society has undergone a transition from a modern industrial, production-based culture to a postmodern, consumption-based culture

(Baudrillard, 1981; Bell, 1973; Derrida, 1966; Lyotard, 1984). As Alexander (2003: 535) points out, alongside the transformation of the material base of North American society,

"social institutions and cultural practices also undergo a transformation." This change is especially evident in gender roles and gender identity; traditionally, consumption is associated with female gender roles such as housewife or mother, and production is associated with the male gender role as a 'breadwinner.' In our postmodern consumer society of dual-income households, many traditional associations are challenged, forcing the development of new gender roles and identities that incorporate gendered modes of consumption. The postmodern shift in women's gender roles, including the increased number of women who are both wage earners and consumers, has been well documented

(Fraser, 1989; Hartmann, 1976; Nicholson, 1990); the postmodern shift in male gender roles, which emphasizes consumption as an important basis for masculine identities, has received considerably less attention. While there is a substantial body of literature which addresses non-heterosexual male consumption, including consumption of magazines

(Kates, 1999), brands (Kates, 2000; 2004), clothing (Walters & Curran, 1996), travel

(DeLozier & Rodrigue, 1996), and food and alcohol services (Bowes, 1996), the consumption habits of heterosexual men have been largely ignored.

The portrayal and presentation of gender roles is informed by society's 91 construction of gender ideals. Gender ideals are defined by Cohen (2001: 5) as "the

shared beliefs or models of gender that a majority of society accepts as appropriate masculinity or femininity"; because these ideals are socially constructed they are sensitive to cultural change and thus are likely to change over time. As gender ideals change, so too will gender roles. The construction and perpetuation of gender ideals serve to create dominant and culturally preferred ways of "being" male or female. This is especially significant for displays of masculinity. While there are many socially accepted ways of performing femininity, there is only one clearly defined and largely accepted way to perform masculinity. This form of masculinity has been coined "hegemonic masculinity" and can be defined as "the version of masculinity that is most highly valued, legitimated, and respected in society; it works to disempower women and to subordinate other men" (Bain, 2009: forthcoming). As Bain (2009: forthcoming) explains, hegemonic norms are important because they "tell men what is appropriate clothing, conduct, body shape, values and aspirations if they wish to be recognized in society as suitably masculine." Although a general definition exists, there are multiple ways of enacting and performing a hegemonic version of masculinity (see Brownlow, 2005; Bain 2007).

Connell and Messerschmidt (2005: 832) explain that the hegemonic masculine norms that are privileged in North American society are not statistically normal since only a minority of men may enact them; rather they are normative, embodying "the currently most honoured way of being a man." Connell and Messerschmidt (2005: 846) go on to explain that "cultural consent, discursive centrality, institutionalization, and the marginalization and delegitimation of alternatives are widely documented features of 92 socially dominant masculinities" and often result in symbols or exemplars of masculinity being given authority regardless of the fact that most males will not achieve a similar masculinity.

Currently, the most privileged version of masculinity in North American society is rational, heterosexual, white, muscular, dominant or powerful, 20-40 years old, and affluent (Alexander, 2003; Bain 2007). This brand of masculinity was supported by the participants that I interviewed. One male interviewee, when asked to describe his identity or personality responded, "I don't know, I'm just a typical 'guy's guy' you know? I like sports, I'm athletic. I don't really put much thought into my appearance or identity or whatever. I'm just a guy. You know, a masculine guy. I like girls and sports and action movies. I don't think that that says anything about my personality or identity, I really can't describe those. But that's me" (M9, February 5, 2008). This participant associates his masculinity with liking "girls and sports and action movies," which plays into

Alexander's description of hegemonic masculinity: as heterosexual, athletic and aggressive. Other traits that were commonly mentioned during the interview process as perceived indicators of masculinity included having a girlfriend, career goals, participating on a sports team, working out, possessing positions of authority, such as supervisory roles or leadership positions, and disregarding clothing styles. The first five traits can all be associated with one or more of the characteristics of the current idealized male. The final trait, a disregard for clothing styles, will be explored further later in this chapter.

In addition to finding support for the hegemonic masculine ideal created by 93 today's society among male interview participants, I also found the ideal was supported by the advertising campaigns of the Gap and Old Navy. In the advertising campaign that the Gap was promoting during the period I was undertaking my research there were twelve main images utilized (Appendix D), six of which depicted males. Of these six males, four were white, none were overweight, and one was very clearly emphasizing muscular definition. As these six men were all depicted alone in photographs their sexuality was unclear, although because they were all well-known celebrities (Davis

Guggenheim, John Mayer, Liev Schreiber, Marcel Wanders, Ken Watanabe, and Forest

Whitaker), viewers who are familiar with them would be able to make assessments about their sexual orientation (five of the six men are either married to women or have been romantically involved with women, the sixth man has kept his personal life private).

Finally, the men were all young (25-45 years old), and were dressed and posed in such a way as to suggest sophistication and affluence. For example, only one of the men was depicted with a smile, the other five either had serious looks or were shown with a slightly angered or pensive look, seemingly challenging the viewer to try to understand what they were thinking or emoting; all of the men had their hair and any facial hair neatly styled and groomed; three of the six men were wearing jeans however, only one of five was wearing a shirt that was not collared or layered with a collared jacket, styles that are typically linked with men who identify with the business class; and all six men were posed and photographed in a way that exuded confidence and self-assurance, either on the same level as or higher than the plane of the camera with the lighting drawing attention to their faces. 94 In the Old Navy advertising campaign that was current at the time of my research there were ten still images and two videos that were utilized (Appendix E). Within the images and videos there were seven different males shown, all of whom were white, and all of whom were depicted with female partners; while three of the male-female pairings did not indicate a sexual or romantic relationship (they could have been friends, siblings, or acquaintances) four of the pairings were very explicitly suggesting a romantic heterosexual relationship by showing the men and women in intimate embraces with their bodies and faces touching very closely, holding each other in bed, and getting dressed together in a bedroom-type setting. Additionally, all seven males appeared to be under 30 years old, none were overweight, and three were depicted emphasizing their muscularity by wearing tight-fitting sleeveless shirts or by being shown shirtless. The men in the Old

Navy advertisements were not depicted in the same manner as the men in the Gap advertisements. While the men in the Gap advertisements were deliberately posed, pictured alone, dressed in business clothing, and depicted as pensive and self-assured; the men in the Old Navy advertisements were photographed in more candid ways that were less posed and more natural, were pictured with other people and were often not the central focus of the image, were wearing more casual clothing, and their facial and bodily expressions received less attention as they were often shown as secondary characters to the females in the advertisements.

Another way that the advertising campaigns of the Gap and Old Navy promoted notions of hegemonic masculinity was through the prevalence of 'whiteness' in their campaigns. As I stated above, four of the six Gap models were white and all seven of the 95 Old Navy models were white. As Peake (2009: forthcoming) writes, "positioned as the

overarching (and invisibilized) norm from which all other racialized categorized are perceived and understood, whiteness operates as a position of structural advantage and privilege and as an epistemological 'standpoint' or place from which to look at oneself,

others and society." In utilizing mainly white models, the Gap and Old Navy are

suggesting to their consumers that white bodies are the bodies that they envision in their

clothing. While this may not be problematic for white consumers, who are often unaware

of the entrenched normalcy of'whiteness' in North American culture (Bonnett, 1997), it may serve to alienate non-white consumers. By largely excluding non-white models from

advertising, the Gap and Old Navy essentially ignore how race and ethnicity differently

shape the identities of their customers; the white bodies depicted in their advertising do not communicate universally to the men who see them. Although 'whiteness', as a marker of identity, is normalized and largely invisible, it nonetheless "impacts upon how non-white people understand themselves" (Peake, 2009: forthcoming). Thus, actions

ought to be taken by retailers and marketers to counteract the normalcy of 'whiteness' and incorporate racial and ethnic diversity into advertising campaigns. While it is done in a subtle way, advertising campaigns for both the Gap and Old Navy are helping to perpetuate the existence of a hegemonic masculine ideal that positions white, heterosexual, fit, affluent men as the most privileged and dominant class of man.

By casting hegemonic masculinity as the way to 'be a man,' society is serving to

subordinate all other forms of masculinity and methods of masculine expression. In their

2005 report, Connell and Messerschmidt explain that hegemony may be accomplished by 96 incorporating subordinated masculinities into a functioning gender order. They use the

example of contemporary Western gay cultures to demonstrate how "incorporation and

oppression can occur together... gay communities have a spectrum of experience ranging

from homophobic violence and cultural denigration to toleration and even cultural

celebration and political representation" (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005: 848). The relationship between heterosexual and non-heterosexual men plays an important role in

conceptions of hegemonic masculinity. As Connell (1992: 736) explains, "in the

dynamics of hegemony in contemporary Western masculinity, the relation between heterosexual and homosexual men is central, carrying a heavy symbolic freight. To many people, homosexuality is a negation of masculinity, and homosexual men must be

effeminate." Donaldson (1993: 645) expands on this idea, stating "conformity to the

demands of hegemonic masculinity pushes heterosexual men to homophobia and rewards them for it, in the form of social support and reduced anxiety about their own manliness.

In other words, male heterosexual identity is sustained and affirmed by hatred for, and

fear of, gay men." By characterizing non-heterosexual men as effeminate and reaffirming heterosexual masculinity through homophobia, hegemonic ideals are putting non- heterosexual men at a social disadvantage.

Smiler (2006: 621) elaborates on the effect that hegemonic masculinity has, arguing that "this focus on the dominant form of masculinity runs counter to the increasingly accepted idea that there are many masculinities. Based primarily on interview, ethnographic, and (anthropological) observational data, researchers have documented a variety of ways in which individual men construct and interpret their own 97 masculinity within their cultural context." One group of men who challenge the hegemonic masculine norm is men who identify with alternative sexualities, that is, men who do not identify as heterosexual (for example, bisexual, homosexual, two-spirited, or queer men). For many non-heterosexual men, constructions and performances of masculinity vary in significant ways from the hegemonic norms; "in our culture, men who have sex with men are generally oppressed, but they are not definitively excluded from masculinity. Rather they face structurally-induced conflicts about masculinity - conflicts between their sexuality and their social presence as men" (Connell, 1992: 736).

Although hegemonic masculine ideals play a significant role in perpetuating the oppression of alternative masculinities, like non-heterosexuality, alternative performances of masculinity can also serve to challenge hegemonic norms (Bain, 2008;

Connell, 1992).

Another group of men who challenge hegemonic masculine norms are

'metrosexuals.' The term was coined by British journalist Mark Simpson (1994: 22) to describe a male who is a "commodity fetishist, a collector of fantasies about the male sold to him by advertising." Not pigeon-holed as either heterosexual or non-heterosexual,

Simpson (1994: 22) described the metrosexual as "the single man living in the metropolis, and taking himself as his own love object." Over time, marketers and the general public have embraced the term and transformed its meaning. Currently, metrosexuality "is said to endorse equal opportunity vanity through cosmetics, softness, hair care products, wine bars, gyms, designer fashion, wealth, the culture industries, finance, cities, cosmetic surgery, David Beckham, and deodorants. Happy to be the object 98 of queer erotics and committed to daily exfoliation and Web surfing, metrosexuals are feminized males who blur the visual style of straight and gay in a restless search to spend,

shop and deep-condition" (Miller, 2005: 112). Metrosexuality now emphasizes feminized consumption by men who identify as heterosexual. When discussing social conceptions of non-heterosexual men and metrosexuals "the idea of hegemonic masculinity is important... because it emphasizes that despite the variety of different ways of doing masculinity, essentialized ideas about what it means to be a man remain deeply embedded and profoundly influential in society" (Bain, 2009: forthcoming). Thus, while non-heterosexual and metrosexual men are not denied their masculinity, their masculinity is nonetheless compared to hegemonic masculine ideals and placed on a hierarchy of masculinities according to how closely they conform to the socially privileged ideals characterized by hegemonic masculinity.

When non-heterosexual masculinity is described in terms of heteronormative, hegemonic masculinity, men who identify as non-heterosexual are often left feeling less masculine or not like 'real men.' As one interview participant complained, "I feel like we

(non-heterosexual men) are misunderstood. Not wanting to sleep with a woman doesn't make me less manly. Appreciating other men sexually doesn't make me less masculine.

Dressing well doesn't make me girly. It's just a different kind of masculinity. I guess it's not recognized as masculine because you don't see it as often in movies and TV shows and advertisements. But I am a man" (M6, January 30, 2008). This participant's frustration with the pervasive form of masculinity emphasizes what Alexander (2003:

538) identifies as being at the core of hegemonic masculinity, "the fear of being seen as 99 sissy, feminine, or anything less than a man." Many of the personality traits and identity characteristics associated with non-heterosexual men are also associated with femininity; tender-mindedness, attention to appearance, emotional openness, and low levels of aggression (DeLozier & Rorigue, 1996). The perceived similarities between non- heterosexual masculinity and femininity make it difficult for people to recognize non- heterosexual men as performing a brand, albeit alternative, of masculinity.

Society's inability to identify non-heterosexual performances of masculinity as legitimate versions of masculinity is problematic. The way non-heterosexual men interact and behave in public, use public spaces, consume and communicate are all affected by society's failure to recognize them as masculine. Of particular interest for my research is how consumption habits and the use of public retail spaces are influenced by hegemonic masculinity. Given that heterosexual and non-heterosexual men perform their masculinity in vastly different ways, it is reasonable to assume that an activity so intimately tied to identity, like consumption, would be undertaken in different ways. Additionally, while non-heterosexual men are often conscious of the public spaces that surround them and of the varying degrees of acceptance that they feel in different spaces (Oswin, 2008), some heterosexual men, specifically those who embody the hegemonic version of masculinity, are not conscious of the effect of their presence in public space (Brownlow, 2005). These different experiences form the basis for discussion in the following section.

MALE CONSUMPTION PATTERNS

There are marked differences between the performances of masculinity enacted 100 by heterosexual and non-heterosexual men. Similarly, there are equally as discernable differences in consumption patterns between these two groups. A study by Rudd (1996) found that, in comparison to heterosexual men, homosexual men spent more time shopping, enjoyed shopping more, and viewed shopping as a means of gathering fashion information without necessarily intending to purchase. Homosexual men were also found to spend more on apparel annually than heterosexual respondents (Rudd, 1996). There are many ways that these differences can be explained. It is possible that socialization processes are at fault. Heterosexual men are socialized to believe that "real men... give minimal attention to their clothes and hygiene" (Alexander, 2003: 537) and should not appear to care about their physical appearance (Duggan & McCreary, 2004). In contrast, non-heterosexual men are socialized to strongly value physical appearance, attractiveness, grooming, and dress (Rudd, 1996). This differentiated socialization process has led heterosexual and non-heterosexual men to approach consumption with different attitudes and for different reasons.

The shopping preferences and attitudes conveyed by the interview participants in my research support the claims of difference made in scholarly literature. It is important to note that this research focuses exclusively on clothing and fashion consumption and thus does not consider or account for other forms of retail consumption. The average number of times that male participants who identified as heterosexual went shopping for clothing was less than two times per month. Male participants who identified as non- heterosexual averaged approximately four shopping trips for clothing per month. Despite the increased frequency of shopping trips for non-heterosexual men, the percentage of 101 income spent on apparel annually was the same among the men with the most common response for each group indicating that 0 to 20% of income was spent on clothing. The inability to correlate the frequency of shopping excursions with the percentage of income spent is explained by the different reasons that men have for shopping. Heterosexual men attribute necessity as their main reason for shopping, stating that "I really don't like shopping that much" (Ml, October 24, 2007), "I shop out of necessity, it's just something

I have to do" (M2, November 26, 2007), "if I go shopping it's to get something I need; I don't like the shopping process which is generally why most of my clothes are gifts"

(M3, January 14, 2008), and "I probably only shop once a month, I'm not really a big shopper; I don't really like the mall unless I need something" (M5, January 30, 2008).

These comments correspond with the masculine ideals outlined by the socialization process described by Alexander, and Duggan and McCreary. The non-heterosexual males that I interviewed had very different reasons for shopping; these men identified shopping as a leisure activity. Interviewees said "I go shopping both to buy things and to browse and more often than not when I buy, I buy because I want something not because I need it" (M4, January 30, 2008), and "I window shop more frequently than I buy, but that would probably change if I had more money to spend; right now I budget to buy one or two things every month that I don't need, but can't live without, you know" (M6, January

30,2008). These accounts of consumption habits also conform to the group's socialized norms discussed above. One participant directly confirmed the results of Rudd's (1996) study that found fashion information gathering as a reason for homosexual men to shop, saying "I go shopping to see what's new. Looking at magazines is OK, but I prefer to see 102 the stuff, touch it. Sometimes I'll buy, not always, but it's relaxing to just wander and browse; plus, I'll know what to wear to look good" (M7, February 2,2008).

In addition to differing on their reasons for going shopping, the men that I interviewed also had distinct reasons for liking the clothes that they purchased. The heterosexual men bought clothes because they were comfortable and casual looking and were not overly trendy. One participant stated that he likes clothes that are "casual, but not too casual. Definitely comfortable and easy to wear" (M2, November 26, 2007), while another man stated "I'm not huge on trends. I like basic, casual stuff (M5, January

30,2008). These men expressed similar reasons for liking the clothes at the Gap and Old

Navy, with one participant saying "I like that Old Navy has lots of selection so I'm not stuck buying trendy stuff. And the Gap always has comfortable, classic sorts of clothes"

(M3, January 14, 2008). The non-heterosexual men that I interviewed preferred to buy clothes that looked good and were fashionable and trendy, saying "I shop at stores that carry brands that are current and fashionable. If a window display looks trendy I'll probably go in and look" (M4, January 30, 2008), and "I like clothes that have a retro- eclectic look, and definitely trendy clothes. There are a few stores where I consistently shop that are ultra-trendy, just the epitome of fashion" (M6, January 30, 2008). When discussing the Gap and Old Navy, one male participant who identified as non- heterosexual commented, "I have stuff from Old Navy and the Gap but it's just plain stuff that I combine with more trendy things. You know, like a white shirt, or jeans. There's nothing trendy about their clothes" (M7, February 2, 2008). Here too, the male participants are creating differentiated accounts of their shopping preferences with the 103 heterosexual men continuing to uphold ideals of masculinity that negate clothing consumption and concern with appearance as appropriate masculine pastimes, and the non-heterosexual men emphasizing fashion and appearance as important indicators of masculinity.

In keeping with the emerging trend, heterosexual men differ from non- heterosexual men not only in their frequency of shopping, reasons for shopping, and reasons for liking clothes, but also in their reasons for liking specific stores. When asked why they liked the Gap and Old Navy, the majority of heterosexual male participants had a very difficult time explaining what made the stores desirable. When they were able to come up with reasons, most of the men simply stated liking the clothes and liking the prices as characteristics that drew them to a store. Responses to why they liked the Gap and Old Navy included "the clothes fit with my style" (M9, February 5, 2008), "they have good prices for the quality of what you get" (M2, November 26, 2007), and "I've just always shopped there" (M10, February 9, 2008). The vagueness of these answers combined with the occasional inability to produce a reason for liking a store suggests a lack of critical thought about the subject. That these men are putting limited thought into their clothing choices and shopping habits, or are at least trying to appear as though they give it little thought, supports the hegemonic masculine ideal which dictates that men ought not care about their clothes or appearance.

In stark contrast to the reasons heterosexual men choose stores, non-heterosexual men appear to be very discerning and conscious of the stores they choose. Common reasons that non-heterosexual male participants gave for liking specific stores included 104 the fit of the clothing (which, for the non-heterosexual men, referred to clothing that was more streamlined and hung closer to the body), the fashionability of the clothing, and the nature of the environment. This final reason for liking a store speaks to the gay subculture's recognition of safe physical places and social spaces (Kates, 2002) where members of the community can feel comfortable and secure to walk, talk, behave and consume; to identify these places and spaces "the gay subculture has developed markers of gay identity" like rainbows and pink triangles on stickers in store windows (Oakenfull

& Greenlee, 2005: 427). One respondent elaborated on these ideas, saying;

I absolutely feel more comfortable in stores that market to the gay community. There are three ways that I find these stores; first by reading gay magazines, second by seeing the very recognizable rainbow flag hanging in the front window or a little inconspicuous rainbow sticker that the trained gay eye can catch. Also, there's an assumption that if a store's in the gay village then it will be queer friendly. And third, by surfing a website called www.commercialcloset.org; it's a compilation of positive and negative portrayals of sexuality in the media. I see what stores are using and pick them that way. There is also something to be said for stores that market to 'alternative' crowds like plus-size buyers, emo buyers, punks; there is some comfort in shopping in places where you know other marginalized people will be. Plus, if a store communicates an openness to different lifestyles and hires employees that do not necessarily have the 'mainstream' look then you can make some assumptions about what the values of that store are. If they're alternative looking I'm more inclined to go in because I'd feel less judged. Definitely the underlying values, or at least my interpretation of them, make me comfortable. It's like choosing a doctor, I'm not going to go to a homophobic doctor (M6, January 30,2008).

For this respondent, the spatial characteristics of the store, the employees and customers seen in the store, and his perception of the store's 'openness' to alternative lifestyles are what dictate whether or not he enters. When discussing his perceptions of store's identities and values, he said of the Gap, "it doesn't seem to really have an identity. It's just very basic, average, everyday stuff. And although I like some of their clothes, I have 105 certainly never identified with any of their employees or models as far as my lifestyle is

concerned" (M6, January 30, 2008). As a member of a marginalized social group, he

feels more accepted in stores that cater to both his and other marginalized populations.

For non-heterosexual consumers, store selection is not only a more involved and complex task, but it also involves a heightened awareness of one's self, one's environmental

surroundings, and how one's body integrates with the surrounding environment.

As both the existing literature and the contributions of my interview participants have suggested, heterosexual men appear to pay less attention than non-heterosexual men to the finer details of consumption, conforming to the hegemonic ideal of a passive male consumer, unconcerned with looks and appearance. Heterosexual men seem to give less consideration to their appearance, minimal thought to the clothing they prefer to buy and wear, and seem to have limited awareness of either the environments in which they shop or how their bodily presence is perceived in these environments. Non-heterosexual men, on the other hand, take a very different approach to consumption, challenging the hegemonic masculine norm by closely monitoring their appearance and paying meticulous attention to their clothing choices. Non-heterosexual men also have interactions with spaces of consumption that are unique, resulting in non-heterosexual men developing a heightened awareness of the environments that surround them and how their embodiment is recognized in these spaces and places. The question that remains to be answered then is whether or not the heightened bodily self-awareness that non- heterosexual men develop in spaces of consumption influences their perceptions of their bodies and their body images in ways that the bodily perceptions and body images of 106 heterosexual men are not influenced because they do not experience this increased bodily awareness.

BODYIMAGE

In recent years, studies addressing male body image have become more popular among scholars (Agliata & Tantleff-Dunn, 2004; Lorenzen, Grieve & Thomas, 2004;

Rudd, 1996) and are beginning to examine issues regarding body image that were previously thought to be exclusive to females. Research has found that, "unlike their female counterparts who are motivated to be thin, men are more likely to associate attractiveness with increased muscle definition and leanness" (Duggan & McCreary,

2004: 47) which manifests in a, usually silent, drive for muscularity. Pope, Phillips and

Olivardia (2000: 6) call this phenomenon "the Adonis Complex", describing it as "an array of usually secret, but surprisingly common, body image concerns of boys and men" including a preoccupation with building muscles, eliminating fat, hair loss and removal, and penis size. The majority of these studies do not address sexuality or the differences in manifestations of bodily dissatisfaction between heterosexual and non-heterosexual men.

As a result, the findings are not generalizable for all men and, in fact, have been found to apply more specifically to heterosexual men (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Gettelman

& Thompson, 1993).

This drive for muscularity among heterosexual men develops based on social and cultural influences in men's lives. As I discussed earlier in this chapter, there is a hegemonic masculine ideal that exists in North American culture that strongly influences 107 how many men perform their masculinity. Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) explain that ideas of hegemonic masculinity are closely associated with and related to particular ways of representing and using men's bodies, encompassing things like body shape and size, athletic prowess, sexual performance, clothing styles, and employment.

Exacerbating concerns with bodily performance and muscularity are media images that depict exaggerated versions of hegemonic masculinity which become entrenched in social and cultural ideals, amplifying the drive for muscularity. Media and pop culture images that are said to have a negative effect on men's body images include G.I. Joe and other action figures, video game characters, sports figures, characters in movies, advertisements, and health and fitness magazines (Pope, Phillips & Olivardia, 2000).

Bodily dissatisfaction among heterosexual men stems from feelings of inferiority, beliefs that they are not living up to cultural standards of masculinity and therefore are in some ways less than men. If feelings of bodily dissatisfaction are able to develop among men who are socialized according to hegemonic masculine ideals that teach them not to be concerned with their appearance, then how are the body images of non-heterosexual men, who are socialized to place appearance and self-presentation as a priority, affected by the same social and cultural factors?

Research by Gettelman and Thompson (1993) and Duggan and McCreary (2004) has found that non-heterosexual men have higher and more consistent levels of body dissatisfaction than heterosexual men; Duggan and McCreary (2004) report that non- heterosexual men and heterosexual women are the demographic groups that have the highest incidence of body dissatisfaction. Other studies (Yager et. ah, 1980; Silberstein 108 et. ah, 1989) have found that non-heterosexual male participants, in comparison to heterosexual male participants, had a greater past or present fear of becoming fat, were

more likely to feel fat, were less satisfied with their upper body, shoulders and abdomen, were less satisfied with the functional aspects of their bodies, believed that physical

appearance was more important to their sense of self, and exercised more to improve physical attractiveness. The characteristics of bodily dissatisfaction described here serve to underline the socialization process that non-heterosexual males experience, that is, they help to further highlight the importance that the gay community places on physical appearance and attractiveness (Rudd, 1996).

The socialization of non-heterosexual males and the value the gay community places on appearance are often cited as the largest contributing factors in the development

of body dissatisfaction and body image issues among non-heterosexual men. Duggan and

McCreary (2004: 47) explain that dissatisfaction may be "due to an overemphasis on the importance of physical appearance in terms of attracting and pleasing men. From this perspective, gay men's body dissatisfaction reflects anxiety that their physical appearance may be unappealing to prospective partners." This idea is elaborated upon by Rudd

(1996) who cites "the relation of appearance and sexual behaviour, the socially conditioned attracting of some homosexual men to a narrow range of body types which results in an increased focus on physical attractiveness over other personal characteristics, and the threat of rejection if a man does not live up to some socialized standard of attractiveness himself," as reasons for a focus on appearance among non-heterosexual men, and thus as factors in the development of body dissatisfaction and body image 109 disturbances.

The men who participated in interviews as part of my research demonstrated, to varying degrees, the forms of bodily dissatisfaction that that researchers have associated with their sexual orientation. The heterosexual men that I interviewed rated their bodily satisfaction at an average of 4.2/5, or 84% satisfied. These men indicated that, generally, they were not conscious of their body or body image either on a day to day basis or when shopping for clothing. One participant stated, "I'm not really conscious of my body.

When I'm buying clothes I'm not thinking about my body type or how I will look in the clothes. I just buy stuff that I like" (M5, January 30, 2008). When the men were asked about how their clothing related to their feelings about their bodies most responses referred to clothing sizes and clothing fit. For example, one response was, "I do try to take care of my body. I like sports and athletic things and I work out, so I'll wear clothes that reflect that. But they have to be the right size. I don't want anything that doesn't fit me properly" (Ml, October 24,2007). Other men responded by saying, "I don't wear overly tight clothing and I don't wear overly loose clothing. I'm not sure how to answer you, I just don't think about how my body looks in clothes. I ask myself if something fits, and if it does I'll wear it" (M8, February 2, 2008) and, "If clothes fit then I wear them.

Whether or not something fits is all of the thought I give to my body and clothes" (M10,

February 9, 2008). With the exception of one participant who indicated that he worked out, none of the male participants in my research demonstrated a drive for muscularity and none of them suggested that they were dissatisfied with their physical appearance in any way. 110 Unlike the heterosexual participants who had difficulty connecting their opinions about their bodies to their clothing preferences and did not display any form of body dissatisfaction, the non-heterosexual participants had distinct opinions about how clothing looks on their bodies and how their appearances could be improved. The non- heterosexual male participants in my research ranked their bodily satisfaction 10% lower than the heterosexual males at 3.7/5, or 74% satisfied. This group of participants also indicated that they were very conscious of their body and body image. One participant discussed his body image in relation to his own feelings and how he feels about others' perceptions; "I am absolutely conscious of my body image. I try everything on. If it doesn't look good I won't buy it. But if I like it in the store and then I take it home and try it on and I don't like it anymore I'll keep it in the closet to avoid the shame I feel when I return something and they ask me the reason I'm returning it. I don't want to have to say that it doesn't fit or doesn't look good" (M4, January 30, 2008). For this man, bodily consciousness goes beyond how his body looks, it also incorporates social interactions where his body is the focus of attention; he is so aware of how his body is, or may be, perceived he avoids situations that may reflect negatively on his appearance and physicality. When asked about the connection between their clothing and their feelings about their bodes, the responses of the non-heterosexual men focused on appearance and whether or not they felt fat. These responses included statements like, "My body image has just recently begun to influence my clothing choices, because up to this point I have always been quite fit and trim. Recently I've gained a little bit of weight and that has changed the way I wear my jeans and cotton t-shirts that may cling to my belly. So up to 111 now it hasn't, but if I continue down this dark path it could become a real issue" (M6,

January 30, 2008), "I hate it when see something that I just love on a mannequin and then I try it on and just look like a blimp. Just absolutely huge. I mean, if I look fat in the dressing room mirrors that are engineered to make you look better, then how fat must I actually look?" (M7, February 2,2008), and "How I choose my clothes is totally dependent on how I'm feeling about my body. For example, shirts. I could have the exact same shirt, one in white and one in black, and if I try on the white one and look fatter than I do in the black one then I'll wear the black one just so that when I walk out the door I can have that little bit of extra confidence from that piece of clothing" (M4,

January 30,2008). Although these participants do not indicate what factors have influenced their bodily dissatisfaction, their heightened bodily awareness and body image disturbances are consistent with the trend toward feelings of negativity about physical appearance among non-heterosexual men.

During the interview I asked all of the male participants whether their feelings about their bodies influenced where they shopped for clothes. Not surprisingly, given that their clothing choices were not influenced by their body image, heterosexual men unanimously answered no. The majority of these responses were a version of, "No. I go to stores that have clothes I like" (M3, January 14, 2008). Non-heterosexual men, on the other hand, said that their body image definitely had an impact on where they shopped for clothes. Their responses discussed their desire for clothing that was dressy or casual, tighter or looser fitting, or masculine or effeminate. One participant said, "I'll have times when I think I'm heavier and I'll have times when I think I'm doing quite well. If I'm 112 feeling heavier I'll wear clothing that's baggier. Whereas if I'm feeling good about my weight then I'll wear more streamlined clothing from places like Le Chateau and Club

Monaco that have more tailored looking pieces" (M4, January 30, 2008). Another response stated, "I'll only wear really gay looking stuff when my body is tight. You know, clothes that are more effeminate, not typically male, probably very tight. So when

I'm toned I shop at stores that carry tight pants and fitted tops. When I'm flabbier I shop at more mainstream stores, like Old Navy, and even sometimes the Gap, that have loose, more casual clothes" (M7, February 2, 2008). Responses like these make it very clear that, when shopping for clothing, the non-heterosexual men that I interviewed are acutely aware of their bodies and how they look in clothing and adjust the stores they shop in according to how they feel about the look of their bodies. It is obvious that heterosexual men and non-heterosexual men experience both consumption and bodily dissatisfaction in different ways. In the final section of this chapter I will examine if and how these different experiences of consumption and bodily dissatisfaction manifest themselves in the development and expression of men's identities.

Is CONSUMPTION AFFECTING MEN'S IDENTITIES?

Is it possible that the consumer society that has developed in North America is affecting how men produce their identities? With the plethora of images men are exposed to on television, in magazines, on billboards, in newspapers and in movies that suggest appropriate ways of 'being' a man, and the vast number of stores that offer merchandise aimed at helping men to display, or achieve, their manliness, it seems impossible for men 113 to avoid having their identity influenced in some way. To find out how clothing consumption influences men's ideas about their identity I asked interviewees if where they shopped or what they wore said anything about their identity. For the men who identified as heterosexual the responses were split. Three respondents claimed that the clothes they wear and, as a result, where they shop say more about their personalities

(which they defined as a small portion of their identity related to how they interact with others) than their identities. One respondent summarized the feelings of these three men by saying, "I'd say my clothes definitely show my personality, but not so much my identity. I don't wear clothes because they are somehow associated with my being a man, or white. I wear them because they are nice and comfortable. They identify who I am by showing my personality; I'm a relaxed kind of guy, like my clothes. I'm not loud or flashy I'm toned down, like my clothes" (Ml, October 24, 2007). In addition to feeling like their clothes were more representative of their personalities than their identities, these men also expressed a lack of thought in choosing clothes on a daily basis, saying that the most they thought about was whether or not their clothes were clean and if they were appropriate for the activities they would be doing that day.

The other four heterosexually identified men had a slightly different opinion about how their clothes were related to their personality. While these men were hesitant to admit that their casual clothing said anything about their identities, they did say that they had different clothing that they wore for different aspects of their lives. The main distinction that was made was between casual clothes and professional clothes. The men suggested that when they wanted to be perceived by others as successful and professional 114 they wore suits, ties and more tailored clothing; "I suppose how much my clothes say about my identity depends on the situation. Usually I wouldn't care, but if I'm going for a job interview, or to work in an office, I'd dress more professionally. You know, in a suit and tie and stuff. Otherwise I'm just wearing whatever's clean, and that really has nothing to do with my identity" (M9, February 5,2008). Another identified times when he has to dress professionally, but not necessarily in a suit; "The Gap and Old Navy have styles that can work in different aspects of my life. Like they both have preppy sweaters and chinos, and polo shirts. Stuff I can wear to work when I don't need to be in a suit or a tie" (Ml, October 24, 2007). The belief that casual clothing was not related to identity was an opinion shared by all seven heterosexual men interviewed.

Like the heterosexual men, the non-heterosexual men that I interviewed also had two distinct opinions about how their clothing related to their identity, although these opinions were different still from those expressed by the heterosexual men. The first way that the non-heterosexual men felt that their clothing related to their identity was as a way of helping them to 'fit in.' The men described buying and wearing clothing that was described as 'typically male' and wearing clothing that would be socially expected in certain situations. Participants who expressed these ideas said things like, "I want to look good, but I want to fit in. It's all about the pop culture image; if you look like it you'll fit in and that's what I want to do. I want people to notice that I dress well, but I don't want to stand out as someone who is trying too hard or not trying hard enough" (M4, January

30, 2008) and, "There's an element to my clothing choice that makes me question how

'out there' I want to be. For example, I have certain ambitions that require me to appeal 115 to a certain audience, which indicates to me how I should dress" (M6, January 30, 2008).

For both of these men, dressing to 'fit in' meant dressing in clothes from the Gap and Old

Navy. One man said, "a lot of the stuff the Gap carries could be classified as business casual, which is a pretty popular and widely accepted style for men. It's stuff that you can wear and just look like everyone else, nothing flashy. That's part of the reason I shop there, because sometimes I just want to blend in" (M4, January 30, 2008). Thus, by wearing clothes that help them to 'fit in' or wearing clothing that is deemed socially acceptable, these men are conforming to social norms potentially at the expense of expressing their own, norm challenging, identities.

Another way that the non-heterosexual men felt that their clothing helped them to express their identities was by allowing them to display their uniqueness and difference.

These men described their clothing and store choices as very deliberate and informed.

Stores are chosen based on what kind of clothing is available; clothing is chosen based both on how accurately it depicts their unique identity and how good it looks when it is being worn. One respondent explained his feelings: "I like to challenge fashion norms, mix it up. I identify as someone who is socially different and I appreciate difference in both myself and others. I really enjoy going against the norms, challenging them. I'm always wearing something out of the norm, cutting edge, progressive even; which I think is a great description of who I am" (M6, January 30, 2008). Using clothing as an indicator of identity in this way appears to be a method of embracing feelings of difference or marginalization that these men may be feeling as a result of living in a society with rigidly defined norms for masculine expression. The respondent quoted 116 above also had strong feelings about how his image related to the image portrayed by the

Gap and Old Navy. He said, "I find that the Gap has no identity, and it's too preppy which, for me, equals safe. And I certainly don't always want to play it safe with my clothes. As for Old Navy, as awful as it sounds when I say it, it just isn't high end enough for me. There's no status or identity associated with those clothes either" (M6, January

30,2008). This respondent clearly feels that the clothing produced by the Gap and Old

Navy projects an image that is too mainstream, or 'safe', for the image he wishes to create for himself. As a result, he chooses not to shop in those stores as frequently and instead favours stores whose clothes have more character. Unlike the men who talked about using clothing as a way to 'fit in', thus repressing aspects of their identity, these men are embracing their uniqueness and using clothing to convey it to society.

Recently, academics have begun to recognize and explore the link between consumption and identity (Bovone, 2006; Jayne, 2006). As Ragusa (2005: 655) explains,

"social theorists linking the emergence of modern day sexualities with the growth of consumer society attest that identity is thoroughly intertwined with consumption." Where we shop, what we buy and how we use material goods have all become important indicators of who we are and what we value. Arguably, the most important aspect of consumption is how a good is used or displayed after it is purchased; this is especially true of clothing, as there are clearly defined social norms related to dress and appearance.

Thus, simply purchasing an item of clothing says little about one's identity when compared to how much is communicated about identity when the item is worn.

The relationship that exists between consumption and identity development may 117 be particularly problematic for men. In North American society a hegemonic masculinity exists that dictates how men should behave, look, and dress. These accepted norms suggest that men should be confident, successful, aggressive, heterosexual and invulnerable, should look fit and muscular, and should have little regard for their clothing and appearance (Alexander, 2003). As was discussed previously in this chapter, this version of masculinity speaks only to heterosexual norms, ignoring completely non- heterosexual performances of masculinity which, in the case of gay men, are markedly different in terms of expectations regarding appearance and dress. In the gay community, a strong emphasis is placed on looking good and dressing well, making the heteronormative masculine ideals which position a male presence in a retail space as 'less masculine' problematic. Society is sending men mixed signals; first, heterosexual men are being told that to be masculine is to pay little attention to clothing, while at the same time being told that consumption is a necessary component in developing identity; and second, non-heterosexual men are being told that it is acceptable, and even expected, for them to consume, but in doing so they are performing a version of masculinity that is not socially accepted.

Once men enter retail space, regardless of how accepting society is of their presence there, they are confronted with more representations of masculinity that they must integrate into their understanding of masculinity. These stores create and display advertisements that depict images of hegemonic masculinity; "in contemporary Western society, men are being told that their bodies define them, and they are bombarded by advertisements that capitalize on their physical insecurities" (Duggan & McCreary, 2004: 118 47). Such images are especially poignant for gay men, who participate in a culture that already places a strong emphasis on appearance, thus they are feeling pressure from multiple avenues to look good and take care of their appearance. The advertising campaigns created by retailers create different problems for heterosexual and non- heterosexual men. Heterosexual men are being shown images of muscularity and strength and are being told that these characteristics epitomize masculinity, however hegemonic norms of masculinity dictate that men should not talk about their desire to look like the advertisements, or the difficulties that they may encounter in trying to achieve the bodies that the advertisements depict. Non-heterosexual men, if they want to shop in

'mainstream' stores, are left shopping in retail environments that largely depict exclusively heterosexual male images in their advertisements. Thus, non-heterosexual men are consuming in spaces where the version of masculinity with which they identify may not be depicted, and is potentially not accepted as legitimate, and they are left feeling increased pressure to achieve and maintain a culturally desirable appearance.

SUMMARY

The mixed messages and cultural pressures that men receive make developing an identity, or identities, very difficult. For heterosexual men, identities must be developed based on conflicting cultural norms which, on the one hand suggest men be fit and muscular, and on the other hand suggest that it is 'unmanly' to talk or care about appearance. For non-heterosexual men, identities must be developed based on appearance and attractiveness in environments that do not express openness to or acceptance of their 119 cultural performances of masculinity. Regardless of their sexual orientation, society is sending men mixed signals when it comes to socio-culturally 'appropriate' or

'acceptable' performances of masculinity. Based on these differentiated and conflicting ideals, men are left to construct an individualized version of masculinity that integrates socially defined masculine traits into a cohesive masculine performance that is representative of their own values and identities.

120 6

FEMALE IDENTITY: DO CLOTHES MAKE THE WOMAN?

After examining male consumption patterns it is now appropriate to look at female consumption habits as an alternative perspective. Ideas perpetuated by the media, on television, in magazines, and in movies, have helped to develop cultural norms and beliefs that cast shopping as an inherently feminine activity or pastime; but how accurate is this characterization? In the analysis of male consumption patterns in the previous chapter it was shown that, despite the cultural belief that shopping is a feminine activity, there are men who enjoy shopping. If the idea that shopping is inherently feminine is being rejected by some men, how is it being accepted by women? Do women accept that shopping is a feminine activity and participate enthusiastically? This chapter examines how women's different experiences of shopping, including their acceptance or rejection of it as an enjoyable activity, impact upon their body ideals and identity development.

The analysis of female consumers does not consider differences in sexuality, ethnicity,

'race', or class because many of these differences were muted in the relatively homogeneous research sample. All ten women that I interviewed identified as heterosexual, middle-class, Anglo-Canadians. Nine of the ten women identified as white and one woman identified as black, however this woman did not relate her 'blackness' to

121 her consumption experiences in any significant way. She stated that "Yeah, I'm black, but that doesn't have any bearing on where I shop or what I buy. I don't look at stores or clothes and think 'oh that's a white store', or 'those are black jeans.' I don't understand how clothes get associated with skin colour. I just buy what looks good" (F3, November

25'2007). While I have chosen, based on the characteristics of my informants, to examine the particularities of white, heterosexual, middle-class, Anglo-Canadian women, there is a large body of research that exists which addresses the differences that this research does not (including, Gettelman & Thompson, 1993; Anderson-Fye, 2004; Le Grange, Louw,

Breen & Katzman, 2004; Pike & Borovy, 2004; Bessenoff & Del Priore, 2007; Franzoi &

Kaliber, 2007).

There are several questions that this chapter aims to address: How are the identities of the women who reject shopping as a female norm affected, if at all? Are women who accept the norm more likely to have negative body ideals? How do the spaces of consumption influence experiences of consumption and a woman's likelihood of liking or disliking shopping? And, are shopping experiences and identity development and expression processes different for women who shop frequently and those who do not? The following examination of the consumption experiences often women in the

Toronto area, communicated to me during in-depth interviews, does not aim to provide a representative account of female consumption; rather, the goal of this analysis is to describe how the characterization of consumption as an inherently feminine activity influences these women's experiences in spaces of consumption, with specific attention paid to their body image ideals and how their bodies are used as canvases for identity 122 expression.

FEMALE CONSUMPTION PATTERNS

It is common practice in Western society to associate shopping with femininity

(Colls, 2004; Goss, 2006; Hart et. ah, 2007). This is seen in magazines, television, movies, advertisements, and cultural attitudes. This sentiment was also articulated by both male and female participants that I interviewed. One male interviewee said "I like to get new stuff, sure. But do I like shopping? Hmmm, not really. It's kinda a girly thing to do, you know wander around the mall and try on clothes" (M8, February 2, 2008); while a female participant expressed the following opinion, "When I'm feeling a need to have some girl time I go to the mall. Sometimes it's with my girlfriends, sometimes it's alone.

There's just something about window shopping and trying on clothes that makes me feel ultra-feminine" (F10, January 30, 2008); perhaps these opinions have been informed by the culturally accepted belief (discussed in the previous chapter) that concern with appearance and fashion is a feminine characteristic, which would make the act of consuming objects related to appearance and fashion feminine as well. The characterization of shopping as a mainly female pastime is supported by various studies in geography, sociology, marketing, psychology, and economics (Dowling, 1993;

Campbell, 1997; Dholakia, 1999; Allegra, 2002; Duke, 2002; Bakewell & Mitchell,

2004). Hart et. al. (2007: 592) have efficiently summarized the scholarly findings on female consumption habits stating that:

For most shopping experiences females are generally characterized by: imagining 123 and envisioning the merchandise in use; weighing up of the pros and cons of the purchase; taking pride in their ability to shop; viewing the shopping process as a leisure activity; spending longer shopping than men; visiting more shops than men; shopping more frequently than men; including social interaction as an important part of the shopping experience; including entertainment in the shopping experience; and shopping to express love for families and social networks. Generally, women view the process of shopping as a very social experience.

These observations are, of course, generalizations because despite the common trend of classifying shopping as a 'girly' pastime and feminine activity, shopping is not universally accepted by women as an enjoyable or pleasant experience.

The female participants that I interviewed were divided on the enjoyability of the consumption experience. As a group, the women averaged three shopping trips per month with an average of 25% of their income spent on clothing. The frequency of the women's shopping is the same as the men's however they spent more money than then men - whose most common answer was 20% or less of income spent on clothes. Five of the women claimed to enjoy shopping characterizing it, in a way similar to the non- heterosexual men but markedly different from the heterosexual men who did not shop with friends, as both a social and a leisure activity with comments such as, "it's something to do with friends. We go to the mall, grab something to eat, browse through stores and try on clothes. It's just relaxing fun" (F3, November 25, 2008). These five women all went to the mall two or more times per month and spent an average of 30% of their income on clothing. Again, the frequency of trips to the mall is the same for these women as it was for the non-heterosexual men, but the women spent over 10% more of their income on clothing than the men. The remaining five participants articulated a marked dislike for shopping and the consumption experience. They view shopping as merely a necessary activity to satisfy their material needs. Comments such as "I don't like to shop. I'd guess I only go to the mall maybe once a month and that's only if I realize I need something. Otherwise I avoid it if I can" (Fl, October 19, 2007), and

"When I shop it's based on necessity more so than anything else. Like if I need new work clothes, or an outfit for an occasion. I just don't feel the need to spend the money if I don't have to, plus the crowds are annoying" (F6, January 14, 2008), echo common sentiments among these women and are very similar to the opinions that the heterosexual men had of shopping. The most negative opinions about shopping suggested it was a burdensome activity to be avoided whenever possible. These feelings were reflected in comments like "I hate the mall. If I never had to go there I would be quite satisfied.

Shopping just takes up a lot of time and energy that I would rather put into other things"

(F9, January 23, 2008). The five women who identified themselves as disliking shopping displayed shopping habits that were the same as the heterosexual men, going to the mall less than twice per month and spending only 15 to 20% of their income on clothing.

Interestingly, regardless of their opinions about how pleasant the shopping experience is, all ten women said that they would identify themselves as feminine and that their femininity was an important part of their identity even though half of them clearly prefer not to participate in an activity that is socially accepted as inherently feminine.

The different opinions that the women have of shopping do not appear to have an influence on why the women like the clothes that they like. The reasons that the women cited for liking the clothes that they do can be grouped into three categories; 125 fashionability, body flattering, and discount pricing. When the women discussed the

fashionability of their clothing they made reference to their personal style - which refers to the designs, shapes, textures, colours and patterns of their clothes, and is relatively consistent and cohesive throughout their wardrobe - and current trends. Some of the comments the women made about the fashionability of their clothes were; "I like the clothes I buy because they're my style. Trendy but not too trendy. Fun but respectable"

(F6, January 14, 2008), and "I don't know that other people would call my clothes trendy, but I would definitely say they're in fashion. They're fashionable to me anyway. That's why I like them" (F8, January 15, 2008). Concern with the trendiness and fashionability of clothing was shared among both the women and the non-heterosexual men. Liking clothes that were body flattering was common among the majority of the women, with special emphasis placed on looking good in the clothes and hiding perceived flaws. For the women that I interviewed, flattering clothes emphasized their best features, which for many was their chest or their butt, and made them appear lean. The most common perceived flaws that clothing was expected to hide was a flabby stomach, large hips, and large thighs. These feelings were articulated through comments such as; "I only buy clothes that fit well. Why would I get something that doesn't look good? The better

something makes me look, the more I like it" (F4, January 5, 2008), and "My favourite pants are the ones that camouflage my hips, thighs and stomach. They make my body look better so obviously I'm going to love them" (F7, January 14, 2008). Here again there are similarities between the women and the non-heterosexual men; both groups expected clothes to hide perceived flaws like flabby stomachs, and to flatter their bodies, however 126 while the women wanted to emphasize their chests and butts, then men wanted their clothing to fit tighter. The final reason that the women gave for liking specific clothes was their price; comments such as "I love finding a cute shirt for a great price. Not

spending a fortune on something definitely makes me appreciate it more" (F5, January 7,

2008), suggest that the women are more likely to like an article of clothing if they get it on sale, or feel that it is a bargain, a fact that was not mentioned by any of my male informants.

The reasons the women expressed for liking the stores in which they shopped are similar to the reasons they cited for liking the clothes that they like. The fashions and styles that a store offers were quoted as important factors in deciding whether or not the women liked a store. They made comments like, "The stores I shop in have a good mix of basic items and trendy things. I like the style options and the colours and the patterns"

(F2, October 24,2007). When the women described the fashionability of the Gap and

Old Navy the common trend was to characterize the Gap as a store with classic styles and colours, and Old Navy a store with trendier colours and styles, with remarks such as,

"The Gap has more classic stuff that you could wear forever, whereas Old Navy has trendy stuff that's in style right now. So I like the Gap for my wardrobe staples I suppose, but I like to go to Old Navy to get the new, 'in' things" (F3, November 25, 2008). The men that I interviewed agreed that the Gap carried classic styles and colours, however they did not communicate a belief that Old Navy was trendy like the women did.

A second reason that was given for liking a store was the fit of the clothing. When discussing the fit of the clothing, the women were referring to how the proportions of the 127 clothing matched the proportions of their bodies. The closer the match between the proportions of the clothes and the proportions of a woman's body, the better the woman will feel an article of clothing fits. While proportions play an important role in determining fit, it is also subjective because, regardless of proportions, some women prefer clothing that sits snugly on their bodies while others prefer a looser, more relaxed fit. The women preferred stores where there was a reliable sizing system that they knew would fit and flatter the contours of their bodies. One interviewee stated, "I've been really turned-off of a store because they've changed their sizing. Now the stores that I go to most have consistent sizes. I know what I'm getting and I know they are proportioned for my body shape" (F8, January 15, 2008). When discussing the Gap and Old Navy the women made comments such as, "I like the Gap because normally their jeans fit me.

They're very consistent that way" (Fl, October 19,2007) and "There's a range of sizes at

Old Navy. They have lots of size options and they seem to do okay with getting the proportions right too" (F5, January 7, 2008). The women also identified price as an important factor in helping them to determine whether or not they liked a store, although this characteristic was associated more with Old Navy than with the Gap as is reflected in the following statement; "The prices at Old Navy are great. Even when things aren't on sale I feel like I'm getting a deal. It's totally different from the Gap. Maybe it's just because I'm a student, but I rarely buy full priced things at the Gap because they're just too expensive" (F2, October 24, 2007). The women offered more critical reflection about a store's desirability than the men did. While the heterosexual men had a difficult time identifying desirable store characteristics, eventually indicating style and price as 128 important factors in choosing where to shop - which is similar to the women - the non- heterosexual men had more detailed reflections that were similar to the women's, emphasizing the importance of both fashionability and fit in selecting preferred retailers.

In the justifications the women gave for liking the stores in which they shop a fourth category emerged; ease of spatial use. Several women discussed features such as knowing where things are located, being able to see clearly, and being able to move around easily as characteristics that make a store desirable. These sentiments were especially common among the women who identified themselves as disliking shopping; four of the five women who do not like shopping discussed the importance of elements of a store's space in making it a desirable environment for consumption. One woman commented, "If a store is always crowded, or too loud, or too dark then I will avoid it. I prefer being able to move around without bumping into people or tables and being able to see whatever it is I'm buying" (F6, January 14,2008). Another woman, speaking more specifically about the Gap and Old Navy, said, "There's something about Old Navy that just feels industrial. The stores are always huge, and there are clothes all over the place and people everywhere. But in the Gap it feels more serene. It's not as noisy and crowded and the clothes are laid out much better, there's not as much selection but it's far less stressful than Old Navy" (F9, January 23,2008). These statements demonstrate a more detailed observation of the spaces of consumption by women than by their heterosexual male counterparts who did not mention any spatial aspects in their discussion of desirable store characteristics. Like the non-heterosexual men, spatial aspects of a store are important to women, although for different reasons; the non-heterosexual men were 129 looking for openness to alternative lifestyles, whereas the above comments suggest that, when they do shop, the women who dislike it place a strong value on being able to consume in an environment where it is calm, orderly, and easy to move around.

Regardless of whether or not the women I interviewed enjoyed shopping as a leisure activity, they all had definite opinions on their experiences with shopping and spaces of consumption. For some, shopping was a way to express their femininity by dedicating time to their appearance and adorning their bodies in fashionable clothes, for others it was used as a time to socialize, and for others still it was an unpleasant but necessary task. While it was clear that the women who enjoy shopping spent considerably more time in places of consumption than the women who do not like shopping, what is not clear is whether or not the differences in exposure to these spaces has affected their body image ideals or identity development. In the next section of this chapter I explore whether or not a propensity for shopping, and the resulting increase in exposure to retail spaces, influences the way these women perceive their bodies and develop their body images.

BODY IMAGE

Examinations of women's body images are not unfamiliar in academic literature.

The issue has been addressed from various angles in a wide range of disciplines, including anthropology, psychology, medicine, sociology, and media studies. Scholars have studied body image in relation to eating disorders, pop culture, clothing, fitness magazines, advertisements and runway models (Katzman, Herman, Van Hoeken & Hoek, 130 2004; Lester, 2004; Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Grogan, 2006). There have been

few studies however, that have examined how body image is linked to spaces of consumption. Based on the interviews that I conducted and the literature that I have

examined I have found four key factors that impact upon female consumers' body image

development. These factors include: 1) a general desire to be thinner or change their appearance; 2) self-comparison to fashion advertisements; 3) in-store displays and self- comparisons; and 4) bodily evaluation based on clothing size and fit. In the remainder of this section I address the issues associated with each of these factors individually.

Desire to Alter Appearance

It is a pervasive and perpetual feeling among North American women to want to alter their physical appearance (Ben-Tovim & Walker, 1994; Stephens, Hill & Hanson,

1994; Martin & Gentry, 1997; Monteath & McCabe, 1997; Spitzer, Henderson & Zivian,

1999; McLaren & Gauvin, 2003; Dittmar, 2005; Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006). Although there is not one particular feature that all women have a desire to change - depending on their situation women may desire to change anything from their hair, eye, or skin colour, to the size of their breasts, stomach, or thighs, to the appearance of their nose, cheeks, or lips - the most common desire is to be thinner. This fact has been documented by multiple scholars (Gettleman & Thompson, 1993; Monteath & McCabe, 1997; Gillen &

Lefkowitz, 2006) including McLaren and Gauvin (2003) who point to the 'thin ideal' as a primary feature underlying women's widespread dissatisfaction with their bodies and appearance. They point out that "the size of this 'ideal' is far smaller than the size of the 131 average woman, and compared against this stringent standard, the majority of women feel

that they are 'too fat' or otherwise do not measure up" (McLaren & Gauvin, 2003: 327).

The 'thin ideal' was referenced by several interviewees with comments like; "Right now

my body is bigger than I'd like it to be. I need to lose some inches in my waist and hips"

(F8, January 15,2008), "I just bought two new pairs of pants because my old ones don't

fit. But I want to fit into them again so I kept them for when I get skinnier" (F2, October

24,2007), and "Doesn't everyone have their own body issues? Most girls I know,

including me, would like to drop a size or two" (Fl, October 19, 2007).

It is important to note that a woman's actual size, shape, weight, and appearance are not as important as hex perceptions of her size, shape, weight, and appearance;

"perceived appearance consistently emerges as the strongest single predictor of self-

esteem" (Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005: 452), and when it comes to appearance women

are often their own harshest critics. Multiple surveys conducted on North American women (Klesges, 1983; Wooley & Wooley, 1984; Cash, 1990; Blair, 1992) have found that one-half to three-quarters of females who are normal in weight perceive themselves

as too heavy and that a staggering 40% of underweight women regarded their weight as normal. These survey findings support Ben-Tovim and Walker's (1994: 478) description

of body weight as "a normative discontent for most Westernized women." Studies by

Martin (1997), Spitzer, Henderson and Zivian (1999), and Gillen and Lefkowitz (2006) have found that levels of discontent are typically highest in late adolescent and post-

secondary aged women.

This fact is particularly relevant to my interviewees who were between 17 and 24 132 years of age and were either enrolled in or had recently (within three months) graduated

from a post-secondary institution. When asked about their body image some of the

women's responses included: "It's a tough thing to talk about, because I know there are parts of my body that I want to change, but I don't want to draw other people's attention

to them by talking about them" (F10, January 30,2008); "When I started university I was petrified of the 'freshman 15' and now four years later I don't even want to tell you how much weight I've gained" (F4, January 5, 2008); and "My body image would probably be better if I didn't notice pictures of thin, beautiful women everywhere" (F6, January 14,

2008). These comments are in line with North American studies that have reported body dissatisfaction prevalence of higher than 80% for women in university (Rosen & Gross,

1987; Paxton et. ah, 1991; Garner, 1997). A similar study conducted in California found that exposure to images of ultra-thin women produced depression, stress, guilt, shame,

insecurity, and body dissatisfaction in female college students (Stice & Shaw, 1994).

While these statistics and personal account of body dissatisfaction paint a bleak picture, these women are not alone; as Rodin, Silberstein and Striegel-Moore (1984) have

suggested, for many Western women, feeling overweight is an everyday part of life.

Fashion Advertisements and Self-Comparison

Fashion advertisements have been shown to play a significant role in the creation of an unrealistic ideal for female beauty (Martin, 1997; Cussins, 2001; Jordan, 2003;

Ruggerone, 2006). Clay, Vignoles and Dittmar (2005) argue that body image develops in the context of socio-cultural factors such as unrealistic images of female beauty; 133 "advertising has been vilified for upholding - perhaps even creating - the emaciated

standard of beauty by which girls are taught from childhood to judge the worth of their

own bodies" (Stephens, Hill & Hanson, 1994: 138). Martin (1997: 19) claims that

advertising "unintentionally imposes a 'sense of inadequacy' on women's self-concepts" by "creating and reinforcing a preoccupation with physical attractiveness and influencing consumer perception of what constitutes an acceptable level of physical attractiveness."

Often women are aware that images are negative or unrealistic but are, nonetheless, still affected by them. This was the case for the women I interviewed. Some of their observations included; "I think advertising has improved in the last few years, like the models are size 4 now instead of size 0. But I still feel like they're too small. Why not use an average sized woman? It would make me feel better" (F7, January 14,1008), "I have a problem with the amount of airbrushing that is done in ads and magazines. It's very unrealistic to expect anyone to look like that naturally. I mean obviously I would love to, but it's not going to happen" (F8, January 15, 2008), "I think that ads are too sexualized.

They portray women in very overtly sexual ways, and although I know that it is unrealistic, that isn't the case for all of the people who view the ads" (F6, January 14,

2008). Despite the negative feelings that unrealistic images evoke, they are effective in selling products and so marketing companies continue to use them.

Jordan (2003: 250) explains why, despite the negative feelings that many advertisements create, they continue to be effective:

The motivation driving these presentations is that although the shopper may recognize that they can never look exactly like the model, they can acquire the more accessible features of the fantasy - the clothes or the diet program - and 134 thereby gain closer access to the desired image. Nonetheless, each abstract model, whether a Barbie doll or a professional catalog model, also shares a significant rhetorical impediment: the model's body - no matter how attractive or desirable it may be in the eyes of the shopper - is inescapably different from the shopper's own body. This difference between the shopper's body and the image of the fantasy model is an omnipresent obstacle standing in the way of the requisite rhetorical identification needed to induce consumption.

There are several possibilities for differences to occur between the shopper's body and the body of the model, including skin colour, hair colour, facial attractiveness, ethnicity, height, weight, and proportion. Some of these characteristics have been identified by my interview participants after looking at advertisements for the Gap and Old Navy; comments about Old Navy included, "I noticed that as much as Old Navy tried to incorporate diversity into their campaign by including a random person of colour in a few pictures, by far most of the models are white. And it seemed as though they were favouring heterosexual couples, even though in our society today that is anything but the norm" (F2, October 24, 2007), and "particularly in the Old Navy pictures, they were definitely promoting very skinny individuals. I know that the one video advertisement talks about 'fits for different shapes,' and there are different fits shown in the pictures too, they're three different fits for skinny people" (F9, January 23, 2008). Observations about advertisements from the Gap were different in that they tended to highlight the inclusion of diversity rather than criticize a lack of diversity; for example, one woman said, "the Gap ads included people from different ethnic backgrounds. And I noticed that they had a range of ages, and I think in one picture there were even two girls holding hands" (F3, November 25, 2007). Responses to Old Navy advertisements were more negative than the responses to the Gap's advertisements; the Old Navy advertisements 135 were perceived as lacking in 'racial', sexual, ethnic, and figure diversity, whereas the

Gap advertisements were seen, in a limited capacity, as embracing 'racial', sexual and

ethnic diversity.

The advertisements that these women are referring to are six print advertisements by Gap (see Appendix D), and five print advertisements and two television commercials by Old Navy (see Appendix E) that were current at the time of the interviews. In the six

Gap images seven female celebrities were pictured, three of whom were white (Selma

Blair, Sarah Silverman, and Twyla Tharp), two of whom were Japanese (singing duo Ami

Yumi), one who was Chinese (Lucy Liu), and one who was black (Regina King); a more diverse group than the images of men which depicted four white men, one black man and a Japanese man. All of these images were shown in black and white, with the women dressed in a variety of clothing, similar to the clothes the men in the Gap advertisements were wearing, ranging from casual denim and t-shirts, to athletic wear, to a dress, to business clothes. All seven women were shown facing the camera, and in each image the women's bodies were shown from head to foot, unlike the men who were mostly shown

from the waist up. In the Old Navy campaign seventeen women were shown (more than

double the number of men Old Navy pictured), eleven of whom were white, four were black, and two were Chinese. Again, Old Navy's group of female models is more diverse than their group of male models who were all white. The women in the Old Navy

advertisements were shown doing a wider variety of activities; some of them were walking outside, some were posed looking directly at the camera, some had their faces hidden or were shown walking away from the camera, and others were depicted in scenes 136 throughout the home. Again, these women were wearing a variety of clothing ranging

from denim and t-shirts, to outerwear, to dress clothes, to casual office-wear. Although the women in both campaigns ranged in age from approximately 18 to 60 years of age - with the majority falling somewhere between 20 and 30 years of age - all of them

appeared to be very slim with toning or muscle definition evident in their arms and legs and, on some, visibly protruding collar bones. While curves were visible on all of the women in the chest, waist and thigh areas, they all still appeared to have a below average weight.

As was observed by my interviewees and reflected in my summary of the characteristics of the Gap and Old Navy models, the Gap appears to be far more

cognizant of the fact that their consumers are not all white, possessing white facial

features, hair textures and body types, whereas Old Navy has done less to 'diversify' the

images portrayed by their models. By ignoring the presence of other bodies Old Navy is

serving to codify whiteness as a lifestyle "with the white body - white skin, straight blonde hair and blue eyes - being the ideal to be emulated" (Peake, 2009: forthcoming)

and may alienate consumers who do not wish to ignore their ethnicity in favour of whiteness. Although the inherent whiteness of the Old Navy advertisements was not an

issue for the women I interviewed - nine of the women were white, and the tenth woman, who was black, indicated that she had a unique way of observing advertisements and buying clothes that did not relate to her 'blackness' but rather to what fit her individual body and style - it is important for retailers, advertisers, marketers, and scholars to "stop

finding whiteness normal and unexceptional. The social power that enables white identity to be imagined as 'mainstream', 'non-exotic', even 'boring', needs to be identified and a new and more reflexive and inclusive phase of 'race' scholarship needs to begin"

(Bonnett, 1997: 199). This requires recognizing the unique qualities possessed by white women, black women, Chinese women, Hispanic women, and women of all other 'races'.

Including images of non-white women in advertisements is a start, but it is not enough; companies ought to embrace the physical differences that make women unique and create both advertising and store environments where women of multiple ethnicities, sizes, shapes, and sexualities can feel comfortable and accommodated.

Store Environments and Comparative Self-Evaluation

As I have outlined above, bodily dissatisfaction is a common feeling among North

American women and although advertising contributes to the problem, it is not the only factor. Feelings of discontent or a desire to change, or 'improve', one's appearance - through diet, exercise, or, in extreme cases, surgical procedures - may be amplified in retail spaces while women are shopping for clothing because they are forced to consider and critically assess their body in relation to new clothes (Colls, 2004). The women that I interviewed reported an average level of satisfaction with their appearance of 3.35/5 or

67% satisfied, which is 13% lower than the men. This is consistent with the findings of

Stephens, Hill and Hanson (1994: 141) who analyzed various American studies of female bodily dissatisfaction and reported that "worries about body weight appear to be a far more common and more important component of body dissatisfaction experienced by women than that experienced by men." The responses of my interviewees can be 138 analyzed further by examining their levels of satisfaction according to the frequency of

their shopping trips. The women who shop two or more times per month reported an

average level of satisfaction with their appearance of 3.6/5 or 72% satisfied, while the

women who shop less than twice per month averaged 3.1/5 or 67% satisfied. At first

glance these findings appear to contradict the previously proposed idea that exposure to retail environments, specifically clothing stores, may serve to decrease satisfaction with

appearance. Based on the responses of my interviewees, women who feel good about their bodies are more likely to shop and women who do not feel good about their bodies

are less likely to shop. For many, this pattern makes sense. An examination of the

interview material and the comments made by these women about their shopping

experiences and their body images will help to explain the reasons the women have

differing levels of satisfaction with their appearances and how experiences with retail

spaces contribute to increased or decreased satisfaction.

The women who spent the most time shopping were the most satisfied with their

appearance. This is unexpected because, as Ruggerone (2006: 354) argues "among all the

forms of visual culture that exist in our social landscape, fashion images constitute a

special case... because they become, at least for women, an important reference point for the construction of their own image and for their conceptions of their selves." Women who spend more time shopping are exposed to more fashion images and thus have more opportunities to compare their bodies to the idealized bodies of fashion models and mannequins. Despite this, the women's bodily satisfaction appears to be only minimally affected. I propose two possible explanations for this; either there are minimal differences 139 between the idealized bodies of the models in the store display and the perceptions the women have of their bodies, or the women have developed an 'immunity' to the images in the display and instead rely on other cues for the development of their body ideals. For the majority of the women who shopped most frequently, the first scenario applies; the women compare their bodies to the images depicted by mannequins in store displays - which, at the Gap and Old Navy are ivory and light beige in colour, slim and only slightly curvy, headless and, at the Gap, armless - and models in advertisements, but the perceived differences are small. One woman commented, "I absolutely look at the mannequins in the store. Sometimes I even try on the exact outfit that they're wearing.

Especially at the Gap. But I don't find that there's much difference. I don't know if that's because the sizes of the mannequins are changing or if I'm just lucky" (F5, January 14,

2008). Another woman stated, "I think I'm probably very close to the mannequins' sizes so I don't have the problem of trying on something that the mannequins are displaying and having it look totally different. I know that some of my girlfriends have that problem, particularly at Old Navy where the mannequins are quite small, and it's really frustrating for them, but I have a small frame so the proportions are very close" (F3, November 25,

2007). For these women, the comparison between their bodies and the bodies of the mannequins is based on size; skin colour and the mannequins' lack of arms do not appear to be important. Among the women who enjoyed shopping and had higher levels of satisfaction with their appearance the clothing sizes ranged from 4 to 8. The mannequins that I observed in the Gap and Old Navy were designed to wear a size 4 or smaller so, although this is smaller than the women I interviewed, it is close enough that the women 140 can see similarities between themselves and the mannequins. The fact that the mannequins do not have heads or faces may also help to foster a positive comparison between the women and the mannequins because the only bases for comparison are body

size, body shape, and skin colour; the mannequins do not have faces to which the women

can compare the attractiveness of their own facial features.

The second possible explanation for why women who spend more time in spaces of consumption have positive opinions about their bodies, despite their increased exposure to images of ideal female bodies is that they have developed an immunity to the idealized images. This immunity can manifest itself in an awareness of the unattainability of the idealized female form depicted by mannequins and fashion models. One participant communicated such an awareness in the following statement, "I see the ads, they're impossible to miss. But just because Old Navy has taken a picture of a really skinny girl in super-tight jeans it doesn't mean that I need to look like that. Just like I don't expect to look like the mannequins at the Gap... I'm 24, I'm curvy. Those mannequins look pre-pubescent" (F4, January 5,2008). As this comment demonstrates, it is possible for women to be aware of the images that are promoted through fashion advertising and to reject, or fail to internalize them. The images depict societal ideals, but those ideals are not necessarily the same for all women; some women, like the one quoted above, are cognizant of the ideals but prefer that their own bodies look another way.

In contrast to the women discussed above, the women who spent the least amount of time shopping rated their bodily satisfaction lowest. While this may have been expected based on the fact that women who are unhappy with their bodies are less likely 141 to spend time in places that are dedicated to examining physical features, I am interested

in uncovering what has caused these women to develop negative attitudes about their bodies and how their experiences with consumption are involved. I propose three possible factors that may negatively contribute to the women's body images. First, it is

possible that the differences between the bodily representations of the models and

mannequins and the perceived bodily appearance of the women are significant, thus

causing the women to view their bodies in a negative way. This is the case for three of

the women who said, "I would love to look like the mannequins in (OldNavy's) store

windows, but the fact is I have hips and an ass. And they're big" (F6, January 14, 2008),

"Let's face it. I'm not overweight, but I'm certainly not model-skinny. Besides, my chest

is much bigger than any model's" (F10, January 30, 2008), and "I have an athletic figure.

So yes, my chest is small like the mannequins, but my waist and hips are not nearly as

defined. I'm rectangular in shape, not hourglass... a dress isn't going to look the same on

me as it does on a Gap model" (F2, October 24, 2008). Even though these three women

all wear a size that is equivalent with the average North American woman (between size

10 and size 14), the differences between their bodies and the bodies of the mannequins

have caused them to feel inadequate.

The comments of the women discussed above are consistent with Jordan's (2003:

250) discussion of cultural indicators of beauty; "Barbie dolls, 'sculpted mannequins'

gracing storefront windows, professional models seen in fashion catalogs and health club

ads - all of these suggest to everyday consumers an idealized notion of beauty and serve

as models for desirable bodies. Although fantasy images, they are nevertheless 142 compelling and useful marketing devices." Embedded in the cultural objects discussed by

Jordan and in the displays at the Gap and Old Navy - both of whom use ivory or light

beige coloured mannequins - is the privileging of whiteness as the norm to be aspired to.

Not only are images of white models and mannequins utilized, but often the lighting on

sales floors and in fitting rooms is designed to flatter 'white' skin above all others

(McGuiness, 2000). This again may serve to alienate consumers who do not or cannot

conform to ideals of whiteness.

A second possible explanation for why the women who shop the least are the least

satisfied with their bodies is that they are receiving cues about the bodies and

appearances from sources other than retail spaces. This could include peers, television,

movies, and magazines. For one of the interviewees, bodily dissatisfaction stems from

familial pressure to maintain a certain figure; "My mother is always telling me that I need

to exercise or lose weight or diet. She has very vocal opinions about what an attractive body is and she has made it very clear that mine is not attractive" (F9, January 23, 2008).

Rather than using mannequins or models as reference points to which she can compare

her body, this woman is internalizing the feelings her mother has about her body and

adopting a negative perception that is similar to the perception her mother has of her body.

The third possible explanation that I propose is that, at one time, these women

shopped more frequently. During such a time the women would have been exposed to the

store environments and had the opportunity to compare their bodies to the bodies of the

models and the mannequins, which could have caused them to develop dissatisfaction 143 with their appearance. One participant articulated an experience such as this, saying

"When I was in high school I used to shop a lot more than I do now. It just got so

frustrating going into stores and seeing small mannequins, and small sizes, and small

sales people. I don't feel big unless I'm in an environment like that, so I've stopped going there" (Fl, October 19, 2008). Based on her negative experiences in retail spaces she has limited the frequency of her shopping excursions, although this does not appear to have helped her to overcome the negativity she feels about her appearance. As Cussins (2001:

106) argues "it seems unlikely that the fashion and advertising industries will call an end to using very thin models when the marketability of fashion and consumer goods has been shown to be so effective by doing just that"; this is despite the fact that skinny mannequins and models cause some women to develop negative feelings about their bodies, and in a few cases negative feelings about the store itself,

Clothing Size and Bodily Assessment

Negative feelings about advertisements and negative encounters with store environments are not the only experiences that cause consumers to limit, or suspend altogether, the amount of shopping they do in a given store; negative experiences with clothing fit and sizing can also turn a customer off of a store. For the women I interviewed, fit and sizing were two very influential factors in determining where they purchased clothing. The fit of the clothing refers to the proportions the retailers use in constructing garments, and how closely those proportions match the proportions of the women's bodies. Size simply refers to the number or category assigned to individual 144 garments.

At the Gap women's sizes are categorized on three scales; sizes extra-small to

extra-extra-large (although this largest size is very limited), waist measurements 24 to 33,

and sizes 0 to 20 (with sizes 16 and higher available in limited styles and quantities). The

Gap also has 'tall' and 'petite' lines for women whose height is above or below average however, like the larger sizes, these lines have limited availability. Women's clothing at

Old Navy is categorized on two scales with three 'specialty' lines; they carry sizes extra-

extra-small to extra-extra-large, and sizes 0 to 20. They also have 'tall' and 'petite' lines available in a limited number of styles, in addition to a 'plus size' line of clothing carrying sizes 16 to 30 but available exclusively on their website. Each size and

'specialty' line is designed according to specific proportions meant to cater to the line's intended customers. For example, the clothing in the 'tall' line has longer legs, arms and torsos while the 'petite' clothing has shorter legs, arms, and torsos. 'Plus size' is also designed with longer legs, arms and torsos in addition to a more generous fit in the bust, midsection, waist, and thigh areas to accommodate fuller figured women. Sizes that do not have 'specialty' labels are often referred to as 'regular' sizes and have been designed according to the retailer's interpretation of an average woman's proportions.

The use of 'specialty' size labels, although somewhat practical in identifying for the consumer what a garment's proportions are, causes some women to develop feelings of frustration and discontent; "It gets to me that plus size starts at 14.1 wear a 12 or 14 and I wouldn't consider myself fat, or plus sized or whatever. I'm very average, so to tell me that I'm plus sized is ridiculous. Shouldn't the average woman's clothes be called 145 regular size and everything else have special labels?" (Fl, October 19, 2008). Two other women commented on the availability of larger sizes, saying, "As much as my opinion of my body matters, the stores' opinions of my body matter more. They make the sizes, so no matter how much I like the clothes, if they don't make sizes to fit me I can't shop there" (F4, January 5, 2008), and "The fact that I wear a larger size definitely dictates what I can and can't wear because trendier stores just don't make larger clothes. Even in stores like the Gap, they carry my size but it's never available, so maybe they only order one or two. I don't know" (F8, January 15, 2008). The availability, or lack thereof, of

'specialty' sizes in a store also sends an important message to consumers. The wider the variety of sizes and proportions that a store carries, the less likely it is that women will develop negative feelings about the store, or about their bodies while in the store, because they have a better chance of fitting clothing items with the proportions of their bodies. By excluding 'specialty' sizes or, like Old Navy, making them available exclusively online, stores are sending a clear message to women who wear such size; by not having a 'plus size' line the Gap is suggesting to fuller figured women that their body sizes and shapes are not valued by the company, while Old Navy is suggesting to the same women that their bodies are valued, but not enough to warrant a dedicated space in retail locations.

Once women have found clothing lines that cater to their body's proportions they are then faced with the task of finding articles of clothing that 'fit'. This task was identified as problematic by the majority of the women I interviewed. The women made comments like, "My top is not balanced with my bottom so it's difficult to find a good fit.

I always find that if the bottom fits, the top is way too big. It's tough" (Fl, October 19, 146 2007), "I would hate to wear pants that squeeze my thighs, or are too tight in the waist. I like wearing clothes that fit. I guess in order not to draw attention to the problem areas on my body I just wear things that aren't huge on me and hide my body, but also that aren't skin tight and show rolls and lumps" (F2, October 24, 2007), "I used to buy jeans at Old

Navy but they've changed the cut and they don't fit as well anymore, they're tight in the thighs now. But the dress pants at the Gap are great. They fit perfect in the waist and just skim the rest of my legs, no pulling or unwanted tightness" (F6, January 14,2008). For these women, finding clothes that 'fit' meant more than just finding clothes that they could get onto their body or get their body into; it meant finding clothes that were flattering to their figures, that accentuated good features, and that disguised or hid unpleasant features.

Closely related to the fit of clothing is the size of clothing. For women especially, clothing size is of particular significance; "numbers, or numerical sizing, provide the means for women to solidify their body's material form and fix it both spatially and temporally. Therefore, numerical sizing can have a meaning beyond that of the immediate quantification of a body that instead enables women to make links between past and present, emotional as well as physical, 'well-being'" (Colls, 2004: 587). This was echoed by some of my interview participants: "I was at least three sizes smaller in high school. I'd really like to get back to that size, but realistically I know that it won't happen" (F10, January 30, 2008); "I've kept some of my clothes from a few years ago, they're only a size smaller than what I wear now, so hopefully one day they'll fit again:

(F2, October 24, 2007). While for some women a change in the size of their clothing is indicative of a change in their body, others may be victims of retail manufacturing:

Even though women's ready-to-wear clothing may be labeled by the same size code, garments made by different manufacturers are often made to fit different figure types, body measurements and proportions. Also, clothing manufacturers continuously revise their own size code standards. Consequently, the standard body measurements associated with specific size codes have varied, not only among different manufacturers but also within individual manufacturers over time (Yoon & Radwin 1994: 557).

As the women I interviewed demonstrated, some women are aware of the sizing

differences between stores; "When I go to H&M I know that I wear a size 8, but at Le

Chateau I'm a size 10.1 fluctuate a full size in the ten minutes it takes me to walk from

one store to another. Obviously that's the stores" (F7, January 14, 2008). A few of the women even described difficulties with sizing discrepancies within Gap Inc.; "The Gap

and Old Navy are owned by the same company right? So then it doesn't make sense that I would wear a medium at the Gap and a small at Old Navy. Shouldn't they be the same?"

(F3, November 25, 2008), "Three years ago I couldn't fit into Gap clothes. Now, even though I haven't lost any weight, their clothes fit. Did they change their sizes?" (F9,

January 23,2008). Although the sizing differences between stores make shopping difficult for the women who are aware of them, they are even more problematic for the women who are not aware. As Colls (2004: 587) argues, "it is the inconsistency of clothes sizing from shop to shop that provides women with an uncertainty as to how the consumption moment will be experienced. Consequently, the space a sized body takes up in clothing is not guaranteed and therefore presents a number of corporeal possibilities for consumers." Rather than blaming a change in size on the retailer, some women may be left believing that it is their bodies that have changed. 148 The development of a woman's body image is a complex process informed by both social norms and personal perceptions. "It is important to consider the fleshy space of the body and how this body is experienced, managed, and produced through a woman's relationship with her clothing" (Colls, 2004: 587) because clothing facilitates the merging of social norms with personal perceptions of one's body. How a woman manages and interprets culturally idealized images of women's bodies, images of her own body, displays and advertisements in retail spaces, and the appearance of clothing on her body will help to determine how she feels about her body image. The question that remains however, is, does a woman's feelings about her body influence how she chooses to use her physicality to express herself? To conclude this chapter I will examine if and how women's experiences with consumption and feelings of bodily dissatisfaction impact upon their identity development and expression.

Is CONSUMPTION AFFECTING WOMEN'S IDENTITIES?

Women, specifically post-secondary aged women, constitute a unique consumer group; it is these women, aged 17 to 25, who are the target of most fashion advertisement and marketing. Combine this with the fact that these women generally have more freedom of movement and access to places where advertisements may be seen (such as the mall, the subway, highways with billboards) than younger females, and more leisure time than older women, and the pervasive presence of fashion images in their lives, conscious or not, becomes clear. But does this exposure influence the development and exhibition of their identities? And if it does, how does it manifest itself? To find out how 149 clothing consumption is related to women's identity expression I asked my interview participants to reflect on why they shop at the stores they shop at and what the stores and

their clothes suggest about their identity. The responses of all ten interviewees follow one

of three opinions: they either felt that the stores have no relationship to their identity but

the clothing does; that they have multiple styles that convey multiple identities; or that

their clothing is not related to their identity at all.

The women who felt that their clothes were related to their identity but the stores where they were purchased were not had many reasons for believing so. One woman

explained that she did not identify with the images in a store's advertising, or with the

style the store promoted, but she could still find articles of clothing in the store that fit her well and worked with her style. She stated, "There's really nothing about the store that I

can identify with. I don't like how they style their mannequins and I don't like their ads, but I never have a problem finding something to buy. Although when I wear a piece of

clothing that I've bought there, it looks nothing like it does in their ads. I wear it totally

differently" (F10, January 30, 2008). Another woman explained why she felt there was a

disconnect between stores and her identity by saying, "Take Old Navy for example. I

shop there because I find things that I like. I don't go there trying to find something of theirs to wear. My identity isn't tied to the store or its image, I'm expressing my identity while using the clothes Old Navy provides as a tool" (F3, November 25, 2008). For these women, the stores simply assist them in building a wardrobe that expresses their identity; there is a connection between their identity expression and their clothes, but there is not connection between their identity and the store. 150 Other women described their identity expression as varied. For these women, their identities were complex and could not be expressed in any single way. Instead, they described having multiple identities, serving multiple purposes in their lives, which are expressed in distinct ways. One participant described her identity as transitional. She said, "I'm transitioning right now from student to professional. On the weekends I still act and feel like a student, but through the week I have to go to work and present myself as professionally as possible. So for work I wear clothes from the Gap, classic stuff. But on the weekend I wear things from Old Navy that are much more casual" (Fl, October

19, 2007). A similar opinion was expressed by a woman who had begun a teaching job directly out of university; "Now that I'm teaching I have to make sure I dress the part.

I'm not much older than the students so I need to wear clothes that set me apart. On the weekends I would definitely look a lot more like my students, but that's not appropriate for work" (F8, January 15, 2008). These women have identified multiple roles that they play that affect how their identities are expressed. Roles are different from identity; while identity is consistent and ever-present, regardless of circumstance, roles are defined and performed according to socially expected behaviour in particular circumstances. The women above have made a distinction between their professional roles and their roles as students and young adults. In their roles as professionals there are certain behaviours, and styles of dress, that are expected and deemed appropriate which differ from the appropriate behaviours and styles of dress that are associated with their roles as students and young adults. In performing a role, the women are concealing some aspects of their identity and highlighting others, thus, while identity is enduring and is the same 151 regardless of circumstance, the aspects of identity that are appropriate to display in a given role differ. Depending on the situation that they face, and the role that they need to play, their clothing choices allow the women to express aspects of their identity that are appropriate.

The final opinion that was expressed by women that I interviewed was that their clothing is not related to their identity. One woman believed that her clothing was more indicative of her personality than her identity. She stated, "My clothing doesn't express my identity so much as my personality. I like to dress casually and I feel as though I'm a casual person. I really don't think that has anything to do with my identity. My clothes don't define me" (F7, January 14, 2008). Similar opinions were held by two other interviewees however, despite affirming their belief that their clothes are not related to their identity, two of these women, including the one quoted above, contradicted themselves later in their interview. The woman above went on to say, "I would say that I shop at stores that I think are trendy, that reflect my idea of what works on my body. I buy things that are representative of my style and how I want to be perceived. I don't shop at West 49 because I'm not a skater. But I am a little preppy, so I shop at the Gap"

(F7, January 14, 2008). This uncertainty about how identity is expressed suggests that, for some, the use of clothing as an exhibition site for identity may be an unconscious practice.

Based on the narratives above, clothing appears, at least for the women I interviewed, to play an integral role in presentations of their identity. In a 2006 article

Ruggerone addressed this phenomenon saying "we may assume that this (using clothing to express identity) happens because of the peculiar character of clothing items, which both spatially and mentally, are located more closely to the individual than other artefacts. To garments, much more than to other objects, is assigned the task of representing us... and of revealing to others our personality" (Ruggerone, 2006: 354). As

Ruggerone has observed, clothing is an effective medium through which to communicate one's identity, but is women's ability to represent themselves through clothing limited? It is a definite possibility.

SUMMARY

There are various aspects of fashion consumption that women must consider when forming an integrated and cohesive self image. To find and purchase clothing that is representative of their identities, women must first critically appraise their body's appearance, or at the very least their perceptions of their body. The next step is to locate a store, based on advertisements and in-store displays, that caters to both the image they wish to present and their body's physical form. Once they have located such a store women are faced with a final challenge of finding garments within the store that are appropriately sized and proportioned to fit their body in the desired way. To add to the complexity of this already complicated process many women have to navigate these steps and construct a personal style while coping with bodily dissatisfaction, advertisements and displays with which they cannot identify because of differences in body shape, skin colour, or beauty ideal, and retail clothing lines that alienate or exclude them because of limited size and fit options. Thus, for many women, retail spaces such as the Gap and Old 153 Navy are not simply places of leisure, socializing, and consumption; they are spaces that instigate self-reflection, the development of intimate bodily awareness, and critical thought about one's identity. For these women shopping is more than a frivolous pastime, it is an involved and exhausting exercise in personal development and self-expression.

154 7

CONCLUSION

Shopping is at once an economic, cultural and social activity. This thesis has explored the relationship between the economically driven spatial design of retail locations, the culturally informed depictions of appearance and beauty that are promoted in spaces of fashion retail, and the socially significant act of displaying identity. Using the retail spaces of Gap Incorporated as a case study, I have investigated how twenty consumers, ten men and ten women, perceive and interpret characteristics of retail spaces and how these perceptions and interpretations may have influenced their identity development processes. In this concluding chapter I examine the gendered nature of consumption and the resulting differentiated processes and challenges of forming and presenting identity among idealized images of bodies and beauty in the fantastical spaces of fashion retail. As Gould (2001: 233) states, "concern with the self is a major element of consumer behaviour in terms of constructing one's identity and embodying and/or signifying it through the use of goods"; although men and women interpret and utilize spaces of consumption in markedly different ways and are consequently influenced by these spaces in vastly different ways, the processes of identity development and expression for both males and females appear to nonetheless be similarly influenced by

155 retail landscapes. The final sections of this chapter consider the wider implications for the

discipline of geography - specifically, how my research has contributed to the study of

retail geography, geographies of consumption, and geographies of the body - followed by

suggestions for further investigation.

MASCULINITY, CONSUMPTION & IDENTITY: WHAT IS 'MANLY'?

Cultural beliefs about masculinity appear to be of particular importance when

discussing male consumption and identity formation. At the crux of such discussions are

lenses of difference such as age, 'race', sexuality, ability, class, and ethnicity. Although

questions of age, 'race', ability, class and ethnicity are beyond the scope of this thesis, the

interplay of masculinity and sexuality was examined. The conclusions drawn from this

research can speak only to the experiences of men who identify as either heterosexual or

non-heterosexual - experiences of men who identify as 'metrosexual', as discussed in

Chapter 5, and experiences of non-heterosexual men who identify more specifically as

queer, bisexual, gay, or transgendered have not been examined and, based on their

uniqueness, are therefore not included in the following conclusions.

In presentations of heterosexual masculine identity, clothing does not appear to play any significant role. The heterosexual men that I discussed in Chapter 5

communicated an aversion to shopping and clothing consumption and a general disregard

for considerations of clothing or style choices; they viewed shopping for clothes as a necessary albeit unpleasant activity, and suggested that their daily clothing selection was

largely guided by what in their wardrobe was clean. The majority of the men interviewed 156 did not feel that that their identities were presented through their clothing choices, but

rather that their clothing aided in the communication of their personalities. Despite this

unanimous rejection of clothing as an indicator of identity, four of the men admitted that

there are situations, such as when they are at work, when their clothing may be indicative

of their personalities; although they recognize that people make assumptions about their

identities based on the clothing they wear in such situations, the men implied that they do

not choose their clothes according to their identity. In place of clothing, it was believed

among the heterosexually identified men that their actions and attitudes provide a better

reflection of their identities. One of the participants commented,

I don't see how a sweatshirt and jeans or a white shirt and blue tie could say anything about my identity. What do they have to do with who I am? I play baseball and hockey. I'm majoring in management. I'm white, middle class and Canadian. I grew up in the suburbs. I'm an older brother. I'm straight. I'm confident but I'm shy. I'm a fan of rock music. I like Seinfeld. You know... All of these things are more indicative of my identity than whatever I happen to put on in the morning (M9, February 5,2008).

Similar comments were made by several other men who also believed that their interests,

the roles they played in their families and groups of friends, positions on teams or in

clubs, their chosen educational or career paths, and their personal histories were factors

that contributed more to creating and expressing their identities than clothing. For these

men, clothing was simply something to cover their bodies.

The men's abhorrence for shopping, disregard for appearance and belief that

activities and attitudes are indicative of their personal identity all fall in line with the hegemonic masculine norms that are culturally embedded in North American society. As

I discussed in Chapter 5, "culturally sanctioned ways of being male are generally 157 associated with evidence of power, physical strength, authoritativeness, confidence, and

(hetero)sexual prowess" (Bain, 2009: forthcoming); this includes rejecting 'typically

feminine' interests and activities such as shopping, personal hygiene and appearance

maintenance. An interesting divergence does occur however, between masculine ideals of

strength and power, and 'feminine' concern with appearance. The men indicated that a

part of their identity, or desired identity, was achieving and maintaining a strong,

muscular physique. Although the men referred to their desired bodies in terms of

athleticism, muscularity and fitness, they are nonetheless communicating a concern for

their appearance.

The masculine desire for muscularity and a strong physical appearance is a

Westernized ideal that has developed during the last three decades. This is largely a

product of media-generated images of masculinity; "young Western men display unrealistic body ideals and Western advertising seems to place an increasing value on the

male body" (Yang, Gray & Pope, 2005). Through their television and print advertising,

and the use of in-store mannequins, many clothing retailers - including the Gap and Old

Navy - are also helping to promote hegemonic masculine ideals. Advertisements depict tall, fit, muscular models often engaged in either a display of strength, and athletic feat,

or a heterosexual encounter, while mannequins are designed to be tall and trim, with defined arm and abdominal muscles. The use of such images sends two possible messages to male consumers; men may interpret the images as suggesting that it is

'manly' to shop in the store that is advertised, or they may interpret the images as promoting the idea that men are strong, powerful, and confident, and how a man looks 158 and dresses is not as important as how he acts. Because retailers are promoting this

message through advertisements in addition to mannequins, men do not need to spend a

lot of time in retail spaces to view and understand the values that retailers place on the

male form. Based on the aforementioned attitudes that the men I interviewed hold about

shopping and clothes it appears as though the second, more blatantly hegemonic message

is more powerful. Thus, while society is giving men mixed signals about what is

masculine by casting concern with appearance as feminine and yet promoting muscularity as masculine, fashion retailers seem to be exacerbating the situation. By promoting hegemonic masculine images it is possible that retailers are affecting men's

identity development by aggravating the already present cultural pressures to look and act

'like a man.'

Unlike presentations of heterosexual masculine identity, in presentations of non- heterosexual masculine identity clothing appears to be situated as an important communicative tool. Accordingly, and again unlike the heterosexual men, the non- heterosexual men that I interviewed indicated that they enjoy shopping and carefully consider the clothes they wear and how they look. The attention that these men pay to their appearance has developed out of the cultural significance of clothing and appearance in Western gay culture; as Freitas, Kaiser and Hammidi (1996: 83) state,

"gays use clothing and appearance style to signal membership in or separation from specific cultures or communities." Appearance also plays an important role in attracting sexual attention within the gay community (Freitas, Kaiser & Hammidi, 1996). Thus, for the non-heterosexual men I interviewed, appearance is meticulously monitored and 159 presented because of both its role as an indicator of group membership and belonging and

its ability to attract positive sexual advances.

The non-heterosexual men that I interviewed indicated two ways that they use

clothing to communicate social messages; clothing is used either as a way to stand out

and demonstrate uniqueness, or as a way to 'fit in' and blend with the crowd. A participant who used clothing to make himself stand out said, "I love bright colours, bold patterns, retro styles, unexpected things. The clothes do make me stand out, but I don't have a problem with it. I'm just having fun and being me" (M7, February 2,2008). For this man, standing out is not the reason he chooses his clothing, his clothing choices are based on his own individuality and identity, standing out is simply a side-effect of his uniqueness. The men who used clothing as a way to 'fit in' expressed two reasons for wanting to do so. First, clothing was used to help the men 'fit in' in a professional atmosphere where there were clearly defined expectations of dress. One man observed, "I have certain career goals and aspirations so, while I'm sure nobody would say anything to me if I wore some of the more eccentric clothes I wear on the weekend to work, they certainly wouldn't help me to create a professional image for myself (M6, January 30,

2008). Clothing from the Gap was also used by these men to fit in during social situations:

Sometimes I'm going out to places that I know are not 'gay friendly' so I make a conscious effort to wear something that would just blend in with what I expect the other men in attendance will be wearing. Other times I don't want a lot of attention when I'm out walking or shopping so again, in those instances, I'll wear something that will blend in with the crowd (M4, January 30, 2008).

In the situations discussed above, the men are using clothes as ways of expressing their 160 identities; for the men who want to stand out, clothing gives them a tool to express their uniqueness and difference, while for the men who wish to 'fit in' clothing provides a means for concealing their uniqueness and difference.

The concern that some of the non-heterosexually identified men I interviewed

expressed may be a consequence of the marginalization that they face. The marginalization of non-heterosexual men in North America may be attributed, at least in part, to the hegemonic masculine norms embedded in North American culture. As I discussed earlier in this section and in Chapter 5, in addition to confidence, strength, power, and heterosexuality, homophobia is a common characteristic of hegemonic masculinity. Because of both the pervasiveness of hegemonic norms and the hostility, and sometimes violence, that accompanies homophobia, non-heterosexual men have developed a consciousness of the spaces they inhabit. Cultural symbols have been developed to indicate that certain public and private spaces are 'safe,' accepting, and open to alternative lifestyles such as homosexuality. Although there are fashion retailers who have created 'safe' and accepting spaces, and who depict images of masculinity other than heterosexuality, these stores are mainly sequestered in, or near, gay neighbourhoods away from mainstream shopping districts and malls. The majority of mainstream fashion retailers found in shopping districts and malls promote hegemonic masculine norms in their advertisements and in-store displays. This makes it difficult for non-heterosexual men to identify with the images and ultimately excludes them from the space.

Culturally, non-heterosexual men are socialized to be concerned with their 161 clothing and appearance; however, these same men are socially excluded from places that

are dedicated to clothing and appearance - fashion retail stores. Non-heterosexual men

feel cultural pressure to develop identities based on dress and appearance but, in many

cases, they are forced to do so in spaces where their culture is not represented and they

are unable to identify with the images of masculinity that are present. Because of this, retailers, including the Gap and Old Navy, may be affecting the development of non- heterosexual masculine identity by promoting, almost exclusively, images of hegemonic masculinity; in doing so, non-heterosexual men are alienated by images with which they cannot identify and are left to create identities in atmospheres that suggest the version of masculinity which they present is something less than 'manly'.

FEMININITY, CONSUMPTION & IDENTITY: INTERPRETING "HOW DO I LOOK?"

For women, clothing is positioned as an integral part of their identity formation and expression; because of this, consumption also plays a significant role in the process of developing identity. As Dittmar (2005: 837) writes, "women are more concerned than men with emotional, social and identity-related dimensions of shopping." For women retail atmospheres are more than simply places for consumption, they provide opportunities to create, express, and change identities. They also create a self-awareness in women about their bodies and appearances; this self-awareness contributes to women's understandings of themselves and ultimately influences how they choose to express and convey their identity to others. There are three different and competing sets of images present in retail spaces that contribute to women's self-awareness. The first are the ideal 162 images of women's bodies promoted by the retailer through advertisements and mannequins. The second are the women' & perceived images of their own bodies and the third are the real images of women's bodies, which may or may not be the same as the perceived images. Female interpretations of space and identity expression are influenced by these ideal, perceived and real images of women's bodies.

Ideal images of women's bodies are the most common images of women in the media; they are seen in movies, on television, in commercials, and in print advertisements. These images expose women to what Posavac, Posavac and Weigel

(2001) call the "thin ideal," a standard of beauty which suggests that a woman needs to be very thin to be attractive. This ideal is aggravated by retailing practices such as using very slim mannequins in in-store displays, offering a limited selection of sizes, and displaying merchandise with the smallest sizes most visible and easily accessed and the largest sizes hidden from view and difficult to locate. The combination of the images of women depicted in the media and the images of women created by mannequins is especially problematic because it promotes an ideal female image characterized most commonly as a thin, white, blonde woman with blue eyes - this is especially true of the female images promoted by Old Navy. The pervasiveness of the images in society and in retail locations creates, for some women, a strong pressure to conform. This pressure was explained by one woman as follows:

Everywhere I look I see pictures of beautiful women. I would love to look like those women. I'd love to be 20 pounds lighter and have perfect skin and hair. I think it's a common feeling for women. And I do try I suppose, I go to the gym, I watch what I eat, I take care of myself. But if I'm being realistic with myself I know that I'll never look like that, it just isn't me. However, knowing that doesn't 163 change my mind about wanting to look like the models and actresses in ads (F9, January 23, 2008).

For this woman, the cultural ideal of women's beauty is something to strive for, despite the knowledge that it is largely unattainable. For other women, identifying with ideal images in any way is impossible because of differences in such characteristics as size,

'race', or ethnicity.

Women who are unable to identify with ideal female images in advertisements and in-store displays may have a higher risk of developing unhealthy perceptions of their bodies than women who are able to relate to ideal images in some way. This is because perceived images are based on comparison. There are two comparisons that the women I interviewed identified as important contributors to the development of perceived images of their bodies; comparisons between themselves and ideals images, and comparisons between their desired bodies and their actual bodies. In the following quotation a female interview participant discusses the comparisons she has made to her own body:

How do I feel about my body? Good and bad... it really depends. I'd like to loose some weight, you know, firm up. And it'd be great if my hips were smaller and my chest was bigger. So when I think about that I guess I don't feel great about my body. And it definitely doesn't help when I go shopping and see pictures of perfectly proportioned models. I'd be happy to look like them too, but seeing pictures of them just reminds me that I don't (Fl, October 19, 2008).

This woman, like many others that I interviewed, is basing her perceptions of her body on comparison to other women's bodies, real or otherwise. This process is problematic because, as Posavac, Posavac and Weigel (2001: 324) write, "women routinely compare their bodies with images of feminine beauty contained in the media and consequently become less satisfied with their own bodies." Discontent that develops from comparisons 164 to ideal images of models and mannequins is especially unhealthy because women are

comparing themselves to, and striving for, images of the female body that are unrealistic;

often these images are digitally enhanced or altered and do not provide an accurate

depiction of a woman's real body. Also, as I discussed above and in Chapter 6, ideal

images frequently depict white women, who have body shapes and features that are

distinct from those of women from non-white 'races' and ethnicities; this may cause

comparisons between ideal images and images of women who are not white to be quite

different, resulting in the development of negative self-perceptions.

The second comparison that contributes to a woman's perception of her body is

the comparison of her real body to her desired body. When there are only small

differences between a woman's real body and her desired body, more positive bodily perceptions develop. However, when there are large differences between real and desired bodies women often develop negative perceptions because they focus on the perceived negative aspects of their body that they wish to change rather than focusing on their positive traits. For many women, the comparison between their real body and their

desired body is a difficult one to make because women frequently have trouble

identifying what the image of their real body looks like.

An image of a real, or lived, body is a woman's image of her actual physical

appearance. Many women have difficulty comprehending and identifying what their body's real image looks like because of the influence that media images have in shaping perceptions of beauty. To understand real images of their bodies, women need to accept

'flaws' and 'imperfections', which is not an easy task in a society that so frequently 165 promotes ideals and encourages women to aspire to them. Aside from looking in the mirror, where images women see are influenced by their perceptions, women can also turn to peers for help in comprehending their body's real image. Women may ask "how do I look" in an attempt to gain a better understanding of their real bodies; they can then

integrate the perceptions of others with their own ideas about their bodies. This, of course, may still not lead to an accurate reflection of a woman's real body because just as women's images of their bodies are influenced by ideals and perceptions, so too are the images of others.

Women choose their clothing based on how they feel about their body. For women with positive perceptions of their bodies and realistic images of their physical form, clothing choice is relatively easy because they are not focusing on 'flaws' and areas of their bodies that they would like to improve. Clothing is chosen based on what they like, what looks good and what is representative of their personal identity. For women who have negative perceptions of their bodies and distorted images of their physical form, clothing choice is more problematic. These women focus on the perceived problems their bodies have; when they try on clothing they are more likely to compare their bodies to the bodies of the ideal women pictured in advertisements and the mannequins. Women with negative perceptions of their bodies are constrained in the clothing that they buy because of their heightened concern with camouflaging 'flaws' and making their bodies look more like the ideal. The identity-related aspects of clothing consumption are secondary to the body image issues that arise. Thus, for women it appears retail spaces, including the spaces of the Gap and Old Navy, may negatively 166 influence identity development through the promotion of ideal images of female beauty.

When women are in retail spaces, surrounded by ideal images of female beauty and attempting to form their identity, their clothing choices may be constrained by the negative perceptions of their bodies that they have developed.

While the conclusions of this research are based on gendered differences in consumption and identity formation - and for the men, differences based on sexuality - it is conceivable, and even probable, that other lenses of difference such as age, 'race', ability, class, and ethnicity create experiences of consumption and identity formation that are equally as unique.

GEOGRAPHICAL IMPLICATIONS

The conclusions that this study has drawn about the relationship between retail spaces and processes of identity development and presentation have wider implications in human geography. Since the 'cultural turn' that took place in geographical discourse in the 1980s, human geography has become more attentive to questions of culture - including issues of meaning, identity, social belonging - and its associated processes. The influence of cultural considerations has been seen in more recent studies in retail geography (Ducatel & Blomley, 1990; Wrigley & Lowe, 1996), geographies of consumption (Warde, 1997; Miller et. ah, 1998; Kneale & Dwyer, 2004), and geographies of the body (Valentine, 1989, 2001; Colls, 2004; Longhurst, 2005).

However, while issues of culture are addressed in each of these sub-disciplines in isolation, few studies have addressed cultural issues as they simultaneously relate to these 167 areas of inquiry.

In retail geography, which has traditionally been approached from an economic perspective, scholars are advocating for more nuanced analyses of the role that consumers play in the formation of retail space (Ducatel & Blomley, 1990) and for more critical discussion about the social and cultural influences on, and implications of, retailing (Wrigley & Lowe, 1996). There is a need to look beyond spatial patterns, retail location, profitability, and consumer economic behaviour. In the past, studies of these topics have asked 'what' questions: "what are the patterns?'; "what increases/decreases profitability?"; "what are the behaviours?" To incorporate culture, retail geographers need to begin asking 'why': "why is one location better than another?"; "why is campaign A more effective than campaign B?"; "why do consumers behave the way they do?" By answering questions of 'why', the cultural underpinnings of retail activity can be revealed.

In his definition of retail geography, Blomley (2000) made three points on which I wish to expand. First, he stated that studies of retail geography have generally examined either retail spatial patterns and locations or consumer behaviour. While such a mutually exclusive approach may be effective in examinations of economic activity, a more integrated analysis - such as the study I have presented in this thesis - can provide a better understanding of the relevant social and cultural issues related to geographies of retailing. A second point made by Blomley (2000) is that the relationship between retail spaces and consumers is mutually constitutive. The study I have presented in this thesis has expanded on this idea by illustrating multiple aspects of the retail environment whose 168 processes of creation and meaning are reciprocal among retail firms and consumers. The final point that I wish to discuss is Blomley's (2000) contention that retail spaces are actively cast in the production and expression of identities. As my research has shown, consumption plays an important role in the development of identity. Within retail spaces, in the presence of other consumers and the images promoted by retail firms, consumers' identities are developed, expressed, contested and presented.

In a tradition similar to retail geography, geographies of consumption, until the mid- to late-1980s, were also largely economic in focus. Early approaches concentrated on the purchase of goods and paid little attention to how goods were used. The logic of capitalism and mass production played a formative role and, as a result, consumer agency and creativity was overlooked. With the 'cultural turn' and the emergence of social and cultural questions, geographies of consumption began to address issues of social belonging (Leiss, 1986; Featherstone, 1991; Warde, 1997) and identity development

(Miller et al, 1998; Crewe, 2001; Kneale & Dwyer, 2004; Dittmar, 2005). In these more recent studies, consumers are no longer considered slaves to the economic forces of capitalism; they have been reconceptualized as actively creating and engaging in consumption in socially and culturally significant ways.

There have been various authors (Warde, 1997 Miller et al., 1998; Crewe, 2001;

Kneale & Dwyer, 2004) who have addressed issues of identity development as they relate to consumption. Generally these studies have examined the purchase and display of goods and the attribution of social and cultural meaning to these goods. While my research addresses the relationship between consumption and identity formation and expression, I look beyond the end result of consumption - the purchase - and examine the process. Rather than examining how clothes express meaning and identity after they have been purchased, my research has looked at how consumers come to understand and display their identities within the spaces where goods are consumed. Thus, while I recognize that the meaning and display of goods after purchase has important implications for understandings of identity, the experience of being in spaces of consumption prior to purchases is also important.

In addition to contributing to existing geographies of retailing and consumption, my research also has implication for geographies of the body. In the past, geographers have paid particular attention to the body as a site of display (Valentine, 2001; Longhurst,

2005; Crane & Bovone, 2006) and as a vehicle through which spaces are experienced

(Valentine, 1989; Alexander, 2003; Colls, 2004; Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005). My research expands on the work of Colls (2004) who examined clothing and its representation on the body; she suggested that to gain an understanding of clothing it is important to understand both how the body is experienced through clothing and how the body is represented in the fashion system. This thesis also contributes to a body of work created by Valentine (1989), Alexander (2003) and Clay, Vignoles and Dittmar (2005) who examined gendered differences in bodily understandings and experiences of space. I add to this literature by providing an examination of gendered experiences of the body, and of the body in space as they relate to processes of identity formation. Included in my analysis is an examination of how male sexuality contributes to and complicates understandings of masculine bodies and spatial experiences. 170 Marston and Modarres (2002: 84) argue that "retailing cannot be conceptualized as a straightforward economic process," and suggest that geographers begin "to explore how the retailing strategies of firms influence and respond to cultural practices; practices that are enacted through consumption and are influenced by social and cultural identities and processes." It is important for geographers to recognize the intimate link that exists between retail geographies and geographies of consumption. When discussing more specific retailing and consumption, such as how they are related to the fashion industry, it is also necessary to include considerations of the body as the site of display for fashion products. Integrating questions of consumption with inquiries about retailing and considerations of the body would provide a more holistic account of the social and cultural processes that underlie retail and consumer activity. With this in mind, my research has combined the study of geographies of consumption with the study of retail geography and geographies of the body to obtain a comprehensive account of how consumers experience consumption spatially, socially, culturally, physically and emotionally.

AVENUES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

I will conclude my discussion by suggesting various areas where there are possibilities to pursue interesting research initiatives. The present study involved a small and relatively homogenous group of post-secondary students living in the Toronto area.

A useful addition to the study I have conducted would be a replication of this study with a larger and more diverse group of participants. A more diverse group of participants 171 would offer the opportunity to discover how experiences of retail spaces, consumption and identity formation differ from, or are similar to, the experiences of the mostly white, middle-class, Anglo-Canadian participants I interviewed. Additionally, my research examines the particular experiences of participants who are enrolled in post-secondary institutions. It may be interesting to conduct research that examines these experiences at different stages in the life-cycle; this could be done by expanding the age range for study participants or by undertaking a longitudinal study to track changes among the same group of participants.

Another interesting alternative to the study I have conducted would be to examine processes of consumption and identity formation in places other than Toronto. A comparison of these processes in Toronto to the same processes in other large Census

Metropolitan Areas of Canada, such as Vancouver and Montreal could provide insight into the regional nature of consumption habits and identity formation and presentation.

Examining consumption habits and identity processes in terms of rural and urban patterns could also provide interesting information about the influence of the availability of sites of consumption. Similarly, a comparison could be made between experiences in a second-tier global city like Toronto and other global cities with strong fashion industries such as New York, London, or Tokyo.

Finally, an opportunity for further research presents itself in the existence of an innumerable amount of clothing retailers and retail spaces beyond those of the Gap and

Old Navy. An examination of consumer experiences in retail spaces created by other retailers may provide alternative accounts of identity formation that diverge from those 172 described by patrons of the Gap and Old Navy. Here too, there is the possibility for comparative analysis; a comparison could be made between the retail spaces of Gap

Incorporated and the retail spaces of another fashion retailer, or a comparison that draws on two new retailers could be undertaken.

Hidden in the malls, box stores, fashion districts and power centers that are spread across the retail landscape, camouflaged among the diverse throngs of people that flock to sites of consumption, and concealed within the cultural beliefs that position consumption among the most highly effective tools for communicating identity, an abundance of possibilities exist for the pursuit of alternative understandings of consumption and its relationship with processes of identity formation and expression.

173 REFERENCES

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181 Participant Gender Age Appearance Mall Visits Annual % of Primary Secondary Satisfaction Per Month Personal Income Method for Method for Income (S) Spent on Acquiring Acquiring Clothing Clothing Clothing Fl Female 23 3.5 Less than 2 20,001-40,000 0-20 Personal money Gifts F2 Female 21 2 2-4 20,000 or less 41-60 Personal money Others' money

F3 Female 17 5 2-4 20:000 or less 21-40 Personal money Others' money F4 Female 24 -) Less than 2 20,000 or less 21-40 Personal money Others' money

F5 Female 23 4 Less than 2 20r000 or less 0-20 Personal money Gifts F6 Female 24 3 Less than 2 20,00140,000 0-20 Personal money N/A F7 Female 24 3 Less than 2 20,000 or less 0-20 Personal money Gifts F8 Female 24 3 2-4 20,000 or less 0-20 Personal money Others' money F9 Female 23 3 2-4 20,000 or less 21-40 Personal money Gifts F10 Female 22 4 5 or more 20.00140.000 21-40 Personal money N/A Ml Male 22 s Less than 2 20,000 or less 41-60 Personal money N/A M2 Male 24 4 2-4 20,00140,000 0-20 Personal money N/A M3 Male 3 2-4 20,000 or less 0-20 Gifts Personal money M4 Male 24 4 5 or more 20,00140,000 21-40 Personal money N/A MS Male 22 5 Less than 2 20.000 or less 2140 Personal money Others' money M6 Male 24 4 24 40.001-60.000 0-20 Personal money N/A M7 Male 24 3 24 20,000 or less 0-20 Gifts Personal money M8 Male 23 4 2-4 20.00140,000 0-20 Personal money Others' money M9 Male 23 5 Less than 2 20,000 or less 21-40 Gifts Personal money i MIO Male VT j Less than 2 20,000 or less 0-20 Personal money N/A APPENDIX B

Participant Observation Guide

GENERAL INFORMATION

The observations will be recorded over a period of 3 months, with 3-4 visits made to each store to ensure that observations are made of different lines of clothing and different seasonal collections. Each visit will last a minimum of 30 minutes, provided I am not approached due to unusual behaviour. If a staff member approaches me and enquires about my behaviour I will explain that I am collecting information about their store for my Masters research. If I am asked to leave, I will comply and return at a later date to continue my observations. If I am asked not to return I will focus my attention on an alternate location.

LOCATION CHARACTERISTICS

Where is the store located within the mall? (what stores are around it, is it near a thoroughfare, near an exit, external advertising) What does the store front look like? (advertising, displays, prices, store identifiers) What kind of advertising is placed in and around the store? (description) How are mannequins utilized? (types of clothing, number of mannequins, shape/size/gender) What kinds of clothing are on sale? How is the clothing displayed? (colours, styles, sizes, collections, male/female) How are the fitting rooms configured? (number, privacy, mirrors, male/female, location within store, advertisements) What kind of sensory triggers are utilized? (lighting, music, scents, televisions) What is the layout of the store? (how is it configured, decorated, how are the walkways laid out)

SHOPPER/EMPLOYEE CHARACTERISTICS

How many shoppers are in the store? How many employees? Where are the shoppers located? Where are the employees located? What are the characteristics of the shoppers/employees? (gender, age, ethnicity, clothing choice) Do the shoppers/employees reflect the images of the store portrayed in the advertising? (why/why not)

OTHER

Brief explanation/description of how I, as a consumer, feel within the environment.

183 APPENDIX C

Interview Guide

SHOPPING PREFERENCES

How often do you shop for clothing and accessories? (do you shop for both? Do you buy one more than the other?) What are your reasons for shopping? (necessity, boredom, trends) What are some of the stores that you most frequently shop at? (why these stores? price, style, accessability, sizes) What do you like/dislike about shopping for clothing? (different styles, atmosphere, crowds, socializing, trying clothes on) Do you prefer going to a store to shop or shopping through alternative means (catalogues, internet, telephone)?

GAP & OLD NAVY

How often do you make purchases at the Gap/Old Navy? What was the last thing you purchased at Gap/Old Navy? (why did you buy it? how is it worn? how does it reflect your personality?) What do you like about the company? (stores, clothing, ads, prices) What do you dislike? Do you prefer one store to the other (Gap vs. Old Navy)? (why or why not?) Are there any observations you've made or patterns that you've noticed about the stores and their products? (staffing, layout, colours, styles, prices, decorations, ads) How does Gap/Old Navy reflect your personality? how do you identify with the image portrayed by the store? Have a look at these advertisements, which are current advertisements used by the Gap and Old Navy. What are your opinions/observations/feelings about the images depicted? (do you feel that any of these images depicts the type of image that you wish to portray?) How would you describe the image that the Gap/Old Navy is attempting to portray?

IDENTITY/BODY IMAGE

Do you use clothing as a means of expressing your identity or personality? (how) Is clothing choice something that you think about as far as your image is concerned? or do you just pull anything on in the morning? In what ways does clothing/fashion allow you to express yourself? in what ways is your expression limited by clothing/fashion? Do you find that you have a consistent style/identity expression, or does it change? (why) How does body image factor in to your clothing purchases and style choices? (is your body something you are conscious of, how do you feel about it) Do your opinions about your body impact where you shop for clothing? (explain, how? why?) Does the image/personality you wish to express impact the stores you shop in? (explain, how? why?) Are the images presented in advertising for the Gap/Old Navy consistent with the identity you want to express? (why or why not, how do you use the company's products to express yourself) What does your current outfit say about who you are? how does it reflect your personality? (could I take a picture of what you are wearing - without identifying you) 184 STORE LAYOUTS/ADVERTISING

Have you ever been motivated by advertising to buy clothing? (what company? why was the ad effective? what did it look like/portray?) What types of advertisements do you feel are the most effective? least effective? (why?) Generally, what are your opinions about current fashion advertisements? (models, brands, clothing) Where do you notice most advertising? (in store, public places, billboards, magazines, tv) What characteristics make a store desirable? (layout, music, scent, decoration) Do you have any opinions about the way companies lay their stores out? merchandise their products? (front vs. back, sizing, colour blocking, male/female, specialty sizes, current lines vs. sale items vs. staples)

OTHER

Do you have any questions or any other comments that you would like to add?

185 APPENDIX D

Gap Advertising Images

Source: www.gapinc.com

186 APPENDIX E

Old Navy Advertising Images

Source: www.gapinc.com

187 APPENDIX F

Introductory Interview Survey

1. With which gender do you identify?

• male D female • other (specify)

2. What is your age?

3. What is your approximate personal yearly income?

• $20,000 or less • $20,001 - $40,000 • $40,001 - $60,000 • $60,001 or more

4. What percentage of your personal income do you spend on clothing yearly?

• 0-20% • 21-40% D 41-60% D 61 - 80% • 81-100%

5. Check all of the following methods through which you acquire clothing (please circle the method through which you acquire the majority of your clothing).

D bought with personal money • bought with others' money D gifts D other (please specify)

6. How often do you go to a mall to shop?

D less than twice per month • 2-4 times per month • 5 or more times per month

7. In general, how satisfied are you with your physical appearance?

5 4 3 2 1 very satisfied neutral very dissatisfied

188 APPENDIX G

Floor Plan of the Gap at Yorkdale Shopping Centre, Toronto

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189 APPENDIX H

Floor Plan of Old Navy at Yorkdale Shopping Centre, Toronto

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Women's Department, First Floor

Men's Department, Third Floor