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Lynching Photographs and the Images of Abu Ghraib Author(S): Dora Apel Reviewed Work(S): Source: Art Journal, Vol

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Lynching Photographs and the Images of Abu Ghraib Author(S): Dora Apel Reviewed Work(S): Source: Art Journal, Vol Torture Culture: Lynching Photographs and the Images of Abu Ghraib Author(s): Dora Apel Reviewed work(s): Source: Art Journal, Vol. 64, No. 2 (Summer, 2005), pp. 88-100 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20068386 . Accessed: 12/01/2012 18:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Art Journal. http://www.jstor.org In 2004, photographs of prisoner torture in Abu Ghraib prison became street murals inTehran. Photograph: Behrouz Merhri/ Getty Images. In the on the moral Abu several com topical commentary disgrace of Ghraib, mentators have noted a torture resemblance between the photos from Iraq and ' American lynching photos. These similarities have remained largely unexplored, most two sets however, including perhaps the significant effects of the of photos, is came to as sites acts which that both function of resistance against the very are in nature they represent. Between deeds that very different and motivation, and which took place at very different times and places, what DoraApel might we learn from the similarities? What indeed constitutes these similarities?2 In this essay, I examine the usefulness of par Torture Culture: allels between the photographs taken at Abu Ghraib and lynching photographs from the early decades of the twentieth century, Lynching Photographs and explore the political responses to the Abu Ghraib photos both through their public distribution and in contemporary and the of artworks and civic Images displays. We may think the similarity between the lynching and Abu Ghraib in torture prison photos resides the unabashed picturing of and But more in sets humiliation itself. shocking, even, both of are the we not to photos, proud perpetrators whose smug gloating do expect see and who flaunt an is we appalling shamelessness. This because identify the as not perpetrators the immediate criminals here, their prisoners/victims. In torture both cases, for us, national and international laws against and murder are clearly violated, the basic imperatives of humanity and decency dishonored, and acts at 1.See Luc Sante, "Tourists and Torturers," opinion the images, like the they represent, evoke revulsion the humiliation and New York I editorial, Times, May 1,2004, A23; it see barbarity of all. But the perpetrators don't it this way. These events, in part Susan Sontag, "The Pictures Are Us," New York for the occur because both sets of in their loftiest Times Magazine, May 23, 2004, 24ff; Frank Rich, staged camera, perpetrators, "ItWas the Porn That Made Them Do It,"New believe are rationalizations, they committing their deeds for the good of the York Times, May 30, 2004, Section 2, I ; "Abigail nation or, at the that their acts are sanctioned a and Solomon-Godeau, "Remote Control," Artforum, least, by larger community Summer 2004, 61. serve the interests of that community. This belief illuminates the fact that the 2. For texts on Abu Ghraib, see three articles key exercise of such sadism and humiliation is a act. The by Seymour Hersh in the New Yorker: "Torture fundamentally political at Abu Ghraib," posted April 30, 2004, available viewer ismeant to identify with the proud torturers in the context of the online at http://www.newyorker.com/fact/ defense of a and cultural content/articles/040510fa_fact; "Chain of political hierarchy.3 The sense of sanction was central to American and cre Command," posted May 9, 2004, available online community lynching at http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/ ated the conditions by which white townsmen would attack and drive out black articles/040517fa_fact2; and "The Gray Zone," even down the black section of town. a posted May 15, 2004, available online at residents, burning Following lynching, http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/arti to they would close ranks around individual perpetrators protect them from any cles/040524fa_fact; see also Hersh's book Chain threat of state or federal authorities. Those who have acted of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib prosecution by might York: For Abu as to turn (New HarperCollins, 2004). whistle blowers had nowhere and risked dire retribution. Many who Ghraib see Web sites such as images, http:// would find a instead found it sicken www.antiwar.com/news/?articleid=2444, and thought they spectacle lynching thrilling but in were http://www.rotten.com/library/crime/prison/ ing, they lived silence with these traumatic experiences. The effects The torture and abu-ghraib/. photographs major course more of far devastating for black members of the community. documents and reports have also been collected For white souvenir inMark Danner, Torture and Truth: America, Abu supremacists, lynching photos became ways of reliving and theWar on Terror York: New Ghraib, (New the erotic thrills torture of and mutilation produced under the guise of righteous York Review of Books, 2004). civic as well as a of a racial and that 3. In this regard, Deleuze notes the importance actions, way reaffirming gendered hierarchy of the revolution of 1789 for the Marquis de Sade white men on and at the In kept top blacks bottom. gendered terms, lynching and the revolution of 1848 for Leopold von meant white male control over the desire of white women Sacher-Masoch, whose writings invite the viewer asserting by punish to with either the sadistic torturer or the race barrier and a sense entitlement to identify ing transgressions against affirming of masochistic victim See Gilles respectively. the bodies of black women unbridled coercion. It also meant Deleuze, Sacher-Masoch: An Interpretation, trans. through indulging Jean McNeil (London: Faberand Faber, 1971). a covert form of homoerotic gratification through the subjugated bodies of black 89 art journal men, who would often be humiliated, tortured, and castrated. In addition to the the served as a means lynchings themselves, lynching photographs of continuing social control, extended tools of terror which ultimately justified the deeds they as was represented protecting whiteness, which code for America itself.4 After became code 9/11, "democracy" for America, and defending democracy meant arresting and imprisoning thousands of Middle Easterners in the United Guant?namo and as as in sense States, Bay, Afghanistan, well Iraq, where the of was community sanction fundamental to the torture and atrocities. The commu in was most more nity question immediately the military and broadly the white, W conservative, Christian culture represented by tjie regime of George Bush, the commander-in-chief, and reinforced by his cabinet and their chains of command. is now torture was a As known, the campaign of in Iraq top-secret program, code-named was Copper Green, which approved by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. Government turned in IBlH^Hi^HiflB^BiHi lawyers somersaults legal memorandums that to attempted skirt international treaties and show that the Geneva Conventions, The of Rubin 19, 1935, lynching Staceyjuly treatment which govern the of prisoners of war, did not and that President Fort Lauderdale, Florida. Photographs & apply Prints Center Bush could authorize torture a status Division, Schomburg for the of prisoners, effectively assigning him Research in Black New York Culture,The As a above the law. Harold Hongju Koh, dean of the Yale Law School, observed in Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. scathing rebuke of this unprecedented move, "If the president has commander in-chief to commit he has to commit to power torture, the power genocide, sanction to to slavery, promote apartheid, license summary execution."s In Bush's second term, Alberto Gonzalez, the architect of the memorandum charac the Geneva Conventions as U.S. terizing "quaint," became the Attorney General following the resignation of John Ashcroft. On October 25, 2004, theWhite House announced that to a new some according legal opinion, non-Iraqi prison ers were in Iraq still exempt from the rules of the Geneva Conventions. since to an to an Rumsfeld has admitted approving order hold Iraqi prisoner but keep his name off the prison rolls in order to shield him from Red Cross a violation of international law. An inspectors, outside investigative panel docu mented at seven more were least cases, followed by the admission that there dozens or to a hundred At cases up "ghost" detainees. least forty of prison deaths are being investigated as homicides, and this does not include all those who have in an died U.S.-run prisons, unknown number. At least three hundred incidents of abuse have been at Guant?namo in reported Bay, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Bush, war?a meanwhile, demanded that American prisoners of status the United States to to a moment refuses apply Iraqi "detainees"?be treated humanely, captured in the important and provocative film ControlRoom by Jehane Noujaim, about coverage of the war in its first months by the United States and Al Jazeera. At least some of the explicit photos of humiliation and torture, moreover, were meant as a apparently form of potential blackmail against the prisoners, threatening to shame them in front of their families and community if they did not become spies for the United States. One government consultant said, "I was told that was to create an the purpose of the photographs army of informants, 4. See my Imagery of Lynching: Black Men, White could insert into people you back the population." Seymour Hersh revealed the Women, and theMob (New Brunswick, NJ: facts in the New Yorker, an unnamed CIA official and both current and for Rutgers University Press, 2004).
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