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A Study of the Nigerian 2019 Election Postponement Speech of INEC Chairman

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A Study of the Nigerian 2019 Election Postponement Speech of INEC Chairman Ayo Osisanwo CJLS 8(2), 2020 Covenant Journal of Language Studies (CJLS) Vol. 8 No. 2, December, 2020 ISSN: p. 2354-3582 e. 2354-3523 An Open Access Journal Available Online Responsibilisation and Discourse: A Study of the Nigerian 2019 Election Postponement Speech of INEC Chairman Ayo Osisanwo University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria Received: June 1, 2020; Accepted: October 23, 2020 Date of Publication: December, 2020 Abstract: This paper identifies the discourse strategies and constructions in the representation of the postponement of the 2019 general elections in Nigeria. The INEC Chairman’s speech of the postponement shows how the electoral umpire ‘responsibilise’ involvements in the postponement of the Nigerian electoral project. Guided by aspects of Caffi’s deresponsibilisation and responsibilisation, and Hyland’s Stance theory, this paper subjects the 1624-word speech to discourse analysis. The analysis of the data revealed that there were two main constructions of the 2019 general elections postponement namely commitment to a successful electoral conduct and logistical challenges. The constructions were achieved through six discourse strategies: historical reference to antecedent success, emotional appeal and blackmail, self-glorification, blame avoidance and attribution, assuring and reassuring of control, and creating common ground. The INEC Chairman weakens excessive responsibility in order to safeguard his honour. Keywords: Deresponsibilisation and Responsibilisation, Independent National Electoral Commission, Speechmaking, Election Postponement, 2019 General Elections in Nigeria Introduction goals in different speeches such as acceptance speeches, inaugural speeches or Speechmaking as an art has become part of farewell speeches. The social or political the practice associated with political actors actors are influential people, that play a vital across the world. Suffice it to say that role in shaping issues in society and setting political leaders and actors alike use the boundaries of what is talked about and language to pursue their political agenda. how it is talked about (Henry and Tator, According to the Association of American 2002; Taiwo, 2008). Colleges and Universities, there are a core set of skills that are necessary ‘both for a Language scholars have emphasised the role globally engaged democracy and for a of context in language and the role of dynamic innovation fueled economy’ language in politics and elections. (Rhodes, 2010, p. 10), and speechmaking, According to Engholm (1965 cited in with particular reference to public speaking, Adeyanju (2002: 532), language is the key is listed as one of these core skills. Political to the heart of the people, if you lose it, you actors attempt to deploy the appropriate lose the people, if you keep it safe, it language usage to achieve their desired 1 Ayo Osisanwo CJLS 8(2), 2020 unlocks the people’s heart. Crystal (1987:2) From van Dijk’s submission, it can be observes that ‘since the use of language in argued that the speech of the INEC politics can easily hurt if it is unfeelingly Chairman cannot be said to be ideologically attacked, the user has to be conscious of its neutral. Hence, some questions are function as a public behaviour so that it is considered paramount to drive this study. easy for different usages to be noted’. What discourse strategies and ideological Language, which is used to drive the intent constructions have been deployed by the of the political actors to the heart of the INEC Chairman to represent the electorate, plays a significant role in postponement of the 2019 general elections political mobilisation. Politics involves in Nigeria? To what extent has the electoral wielding power and political actions are umpire responsibilised or deresponsibilised enacted through discursive formations (van involvement in the postponement of the Dijk, 2001). Van Dijk (2006:728) also 2019 general elections through ideological asserts that ‘politics is one of the social means? Thus, the aim of this paper is to domains whose practices are virtually identify the discourse strategies and exclusively discursive.’ The different constructions in the representation of the discursive choices made by the political postponement of the 2019 general elections actors, therefore, are consciously crafted in in Nigeria, and examine how the electoral order to persuade and convince the umpire ideologically responsibilises or electorate to belong to their camp. deresponsibilises involvement in the postponement. Political discourses can be broadly viewed as discourses that relate to political or Responsibilisation and electoral views. Van Dijk (2006:732-733) Deresponsibilisation argues that political discourse is defined in The introduction of the terms terms of political contexts; and that it is not “deresponsibilisation” and enough to observe that political discourse “responsibilisation” has been attributed to often features the renowned ‘political’ Caffi (2002, 2007). Respectively, the terms pronoun we, it is also vital to relate such use refer to the conceptualisation of uncertainty to such categories as who is speaking, when, and certainty in reports, events or utterances. where and with/to whom, that is, to specific In Caffi’s (2002:118) description, aspects of the political situation. In his “deresponsibilisation”, that is, paper, Politics, Ideology and Discourse, van “deresponsabilzzazione” or Dijk (2006:732) proposes a valuable “deresponsibilities” (2007:159), has to do framework for political discourse analysis with the act of avoiding responsibility, or a thus: ‘the social organisation of the field of text associated with “weakened politics, and hence of politicians and responsibility” (Caffi, 2007: 67). political groups, is largely based on Deresponsibilisation is achieved when a ideological differences, alliances, and speaker or rhetor consciously and or similarities. The overall organisation of deliberately avoids conflict, uses social beliefs as struggle between the left indirectness, deploys politeness-induced and the right is the result of the underlying vagueness, which Caffi (2002, 2007) polarisation of political ideologies that have labelled as “bush.” Deresponsibilisation, as permeated society as a whole. Elections, explained by Mey (forthcoming: 13) and parliaments, political campaigns, (Odebunmi, 2019), expresses certainty by propaganda, demonstrations, and many other the deployment of modified voices and phenomena of the political field are thus unclear choice of words. It “connotes the profoundly ideological,” and are reflective non-attributability of the ‘voices’ involved in some forms of political speeches. in uttering or writing” (Mey, forthcoming: 6). In other words, deresponsibilisation has 2 Ayo Osisanwo CJLS 8(2), 2020 to do with utterances that do not clearly This commission, which has evolved under commit the speaker or writer to the certainty different names, has conducted at least eight of a proposition. Responsibilisation, on the presidential elections in Nigeria, in the years other hand, has to do with the clear, 1979, 1993, 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015 unequivocal locution which directly and 2019. commits the speaker or rhetor to the During general elections in Nigeria, six certainty of their propositions. different elections are conducted within two Responsibilisation is seen in texts, speeches weeks. In the first week, three elections are or utterances devoid of hedges. It does not conducted – the Presidential, and the House convey information through another of Assembly elections. 109 senators elected utterer’s voice or the evocation of another across the 109 senatorial districts of the person’s authority. country and 360 members of the House of Representative. On a fortnight from the previous election, three other elections are Elections and the Electoral Commission held, namely the gubernatorial elections and the state House of Assembly and local in Nigeria government elections. Postponement of elections in Nigeria dates Nigeria gained its independence from back to 2011, when a parliamentary British rule in 1960 and was led by Dr. election that was to be held on April 2, was Nnamdi Azikiwe as the first President. postponed by two days to April 4, 2011. Nigeria has experienced three types of Also, the presidential election was shifted government from 1960 to 2015. From 1960 from April 9 to April 16. In 2015, the to 1966, it had a ceremonial government; general election was originally scheduled to from 1966-1979 and 1983-1999 Nigeria was hold on 14 February, but was postponed to ruled by military administrators. The 28 March for the presidential, senatorial and civilian government was voted to power house of representatives, while those of the from October 1, 1979 to December 31, 1983 governorship and state house of assemblies and May 29, 1999 to 2015, and remains in were postponed to 11 April 2015. In 2019, power from 2015 to date. There was also an the presidential and national assembly interim government of three months in 1993 elections were scheduled for 16 February (August – November). Under the 2019, while the governorship and state democratic government, especially since house of assemblies were scheduled for 2 1999, Nigeria became a Federal Republic March 2019. The elections were postponed with a democratically elected government by one week due to what INEC described as made up of three separate arms: executive, operational challenges. The elections were legislative and judiciary. Nigeria has been rescheduled for
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