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18 Chapter 1

Chapter 1 The Mountain Man of Xinluo

Food and clothing are necessities of life; mountains and streams are what human nature takes pleasure in. Now, I have abandoned the burden of such necessities and have embraced my human nature, which enjoys such pleasures.1 Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433), Preface to Travels to Famous Mountains ⸪ Hua Yan departed rural Fujian province for in his early twenties, and soon came to be regarded among local poets and artists as the mountain man of Xinluo. The sobriquet came to define his social persona, characterizing both the artist and his work within the lofty aims of eremitism—rustic, eru- dite, and intimate, as Xie Lingyun historically set forth in the Six Dynasties (220–589). Having left behind a life of poverty and his family of craftspeople, Hua Yan traveled to province as a self-taught poet, painter, and prac- titioner of the martial arts. Hangzhou attracted poets and artists like Hua Yan with its iconic surrounded by lush, rolling hills dotted by medieval and tea-growing plantations. Its sites commemorated the city’s rich history as the capital of the Southern (1279–1368), the heartland of Chan Buddhism and Han culture. Functioning as topoi, or both as a locus and a topic, Hangzhou’s land- marks marked a public and rhetorical commonplace textualized throughout writings over time.2 As poets and painters related to sites through their works, they intimately connected topoi to their social persona, both individually and collectively correlating the idealized self with the topos or place in which it dwelled. As Stephen Goldberg has explained, a pictorial or poetic image drew forth a comparison between the topos and the identity of the individual based on their similar nature, based on the principle that similar natures or kinds

1 Translation from Richard Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes: Travel Writing from Imperial (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 30. 2 Eugene Y. Wang, “Tope and Topos: The Leifeng and the Discourse of the Demonic,” in Writing and Materiality in China: Essays in Honor of Patrick Hanan, eds. Judith T. Zeitlin and Lydia H. Liu with Ellen Widmer. Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series 58 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center for Harvard-Yenching Institute, 2003), 488–552.

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The Mountain Man of Xinluo 19

(lei 類) mutually influence or respond to each other.3 Hua Yan’s portraits char- acterize him as a mountain man while his landscapes capture his sojourns in the wilderness, and so define his relationship to both the natural environment and his moment in history. As an epicenter of Qing antiquarian scholarship and the former capital of the Southern Song dynasty, Hangzhou represented a cultural heritage from which Hua Yan’s circle of poets and artists perceived themselves as descen- dants. Luminaries including the poet, calligrapher, painter, scholar, and states- man Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101) resided in Hangzhou as a magistrate, while Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072) sojourned in the city and composed numerous poems evoking the seasons and activities of West Lake. After the fall of the Northern Song to the Jurchen Jin, artists in Hangzhou such as 夏珪 (fl. 1195–1224) and 馬遠 (act. ca. 1190– after 1225) introduced a lyrical mode of paint- ing by coupling evocative poems with meticulous renderings of floral subjects or secluded, ethereal landscapes.4 Hangzhou naturally became the realm of the displaced, loyalist scholars of the Mongol (1279–1368),5 giv- ing rise to the Zhe School of the (1368–1644), founded by artists active in the area around Hangzhou, including Dai Jin 戴進 (1388–1462), who expanded upon the brushwork idioms of Ma Yuan and Xia Gui.6 In the late Ming, Zhejiang artists Hongshou and Ying investigated this local heritage through their figure and landscape . Although often is referred to as the last Zhe School painter,7 Hua Yan’s works suggest that Zhe School principles in both and poetry re- tained their currency into the Qing dynasty. Hua Yan’s portraits and landscapes, especially those composed in Hangzhou, embrace ideals of reclusion through

3 Stephen J. Goldberg, “Figures of Identity: Topoi and the Gendered Subject in ,” in Self as Image in Asian Theory and Practice, ed. Roger T. Ames with Thomas P. Kasulis and Wimal Dissanayake (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 36. 4 For Southern Song art, see Hui-shu Lee, Exquisite Moments: West Lake & Southern Song Art (New York: China Institute, 2001); Alfreda Murck, Poetry and Painting in Song China: The Subtle Art of Dissent (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2000). 5 On artistic responses to the fall of Southern Song Hangzhou to the Mongol Yuan, see Peter Charles Sturman, “Confronting Dynastic Change: Painting after Mongol Reunification of North and South China,” RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 35 (1999.1): 142–69. 6 For more on the Zhe School, see Richard M. Barnhart, Painters of the Great Ming: The Imperial Court and the Zhe School (Dallas: The Dallas Museum of Art, 1993), 2; Chen Jie-jin 陳階晉 and Lai Yu-chih 賴毓芝, eds., Zhuisuo Zhepai 追索浙派 (Tracing the Che School in ) (: National , 2008). 7 James Cahill, The Distant Mountains: Chinese Painting of the Late Ming Dynasty, 1570–1644 (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1982), 181.