The Vietnam Era in Iowa Politics

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The Vietnam Era in Iowa Politics Masthead Logo The Palimpsest Volume 63 | Number 5 Article 3 9-1-1982 The ietnV am Era in Iowa Politics Thomas S. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.uiowa.edu/palimpsest Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Smith, Thomas S. "The ieV tnam Era in Iowa Politics." The Palimpsest 63 (1982), 138-141. Available at: https://ir.uiowa.edu/palimpsest/vol63/iss5/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the State Historical Society of Iowa at Iowa Research Online. It has been accepted for inclusion in The alP impsest by an authorized administrator of Iowa Research Online. For more information, please contact [email protected]. i The Palimpsest 139 owa’s heritage of agrarian Republican­ Miller in the general election, and in the same ism underwent a surprisingly colorful, election year Representative Schmidhauser — I though brief, transformation during the who had been praised by his Iowa constituents late 1960s. The charismatic Harold Hughes for his opposition to the activities of the House and a host of other political figures led Iowa Un-American Activities Committee during his politics on an ideological merry-go-round that first term in office — was also defeated. centered on the Vietnam War. By 1967, however, national anti-war senti­ In June 1965 Representative John Schmid- ment rose as President Johnson’s war efforts hauser, a freshman Democrat, heralded the met with increasing disapproval. Governor first sign of Iowa disenchantment with Presi­ Hughes, who had previously been a supporter dent Lyndon Johnson’s Vietnam policies. He of administration policies, boldly declared his joined twenty-seven other congressmen in opposition to the war. The conjunction of signing a petition that called for public hearings Hughes’ anti-war posture with the political ex­ on American involvement in Vietnam. citement generated by the presidential candi­ Opposition to the Vietnam War became a dacies of Senators Eugene McCarthy and campaign issue in the 1966 congressional elec­ Robert Kennedy catapulted Vietnam out of the tions when E.B. Smith, the Democratic sena­ sphere of campus demonstrations. The war be­ torial candidate, faced GOP incumbent Jack came an issue hotly debated by Iowa poli­ Miller. Smith, who had previously served in ticians. the U.S. State Department, was a history pro­ fessor at Iowa State University. Although he overnor Hughes, a well-known friend did not carry out a full-scale attack on admin­ and ally of Kennedy, stunned the state istration policy, Smith made an appeal to anti­ Gon August 22, 1968, when he endorsed war voters to oppose increased aerial bombing McCarthy for president. He cited Vietnam as of North Vietnam. He argued that his position the primary reason for his decision. “It is now on \ ietnam was “not too far from that of Iowa clear,” he said, “that we do not have the re­ independent peace candidate Robert Day. sources to provide guns and butter — or even Iowa voters were also exposed to national anti­ guns and margarine — in terms of our domestic war politics when Senator Robert Kennedy needs. V ietnam is not the only issue, but it is campaigned for the state Democratic ticket, the key issue. Hughes’ endorsement of criticizing Johnson’s escalation of the war. The McCarthy was quickly echoed by a number of huge crowds that greeted Kennedy throughout other prominent Democrats, including Lieu­ the state responded favorably to his speeches, tenant Governor Robert Fulton and former though it is uncertain whether they shared his Representative Schmidhauser. anti-war views. Those who argue that Hughes made this Nevertheless, Vietnam did not emerge as move for reasons of political expediency ignore the significant issue of the 1966 elections. the results of the Des Moines Register polls Smith s campaign stressed Senator Miller’s taken during this period. One poll indicated votes against Medicare, feed grain programs, that Richard Nixon would defeat McCarthy for and minimum wage legislation. Smith s foreign the presidency by a 50 to 34 percent margin in policy statements were not forceful enough to Iowa. The same poll also revealed that Iowa draw substantial supporters away from Robert voters, on the question of who “could best Day s campaign. Day, in fact, denounced handle the war,” preferred Nixon to McCarthy Smith s attempts to capitalize on Day’s own © Iowa State Historical Department/Division of the State His­ anti-war stance. Smith was overwhelmed by torical Society 1982 0031—0360/82/0910—138 $1.00 140 T he Palimpsest by a margin of 49 percent to 26 percent. Other munist tyranny’s attempt to block human Iowa newspapers adopted a more intrusive ap­ freedom. proach in commenting on Hughes’ decision. Stanley also tried to encourage voter back­ The Waterloo Courier accused Hughes of mov­ lash against anti-war activity. He attacked ing “to the far left of American politics” for his Governor Hughes policies of leniency towards endorsement of McCarthy. Such attacks did college disturbances in Iowa City in 1967. not intimidate Hughes, who chose to deliver Forty highway patrolmen who were sitting in the nominating speech for McCarthy at the a bus watching that riot wanted to help, but tumultuous Democratic National Convention couldn’t, because of an order from Des Moines in Chicago. to stay put. When these remarks are viewed in the context of his attacks on the Great Societv he Iowa electorate seemed fragmented social welfare policies, Stanley’s conservative by Hughes’ anti-war stance. An Iowa “law and order stance becomes clearer. T poll revealed that 29 percent of the elec­ Stanley’s rhetoric did not cause Governor torate believed that Hughes’ endorsement of Hughes to moderate his criticism of the war. McCarthy hurt his Senate candidacy, 20 per­ Hughes’ campaign may be seen as a classic cent believed it helped, 31 percent said it made example of a politician who sought to educate no difference, and 20 percent had no opinion. rather than inflame voters. Hughes responded Following a massive primary victory over to Stanley’s strident rhetoric with a serene op­ token opposition, Governor Hughes was con­ timism: fronted with the political struggle of his career We can find the strength to overcome in his 1968 Senate race. His opponent, David these forces that threaten our way of life. Stanley, a forty-year-old state senator from But military might alone will not assure Muscatine, was reputedly a moderate Republi­ peace among nations. We must also can. During the campaign, however, Stanley’s unite our people and hind the wounds of statements on Vietnam foreshadowed the poli­ our society. As the most powerful nation cy statements of Richard Nixon during the on earth, America can afford to take the “Vietnamization period. Declaring that “we initiative for peace, and we have a moral must build peace through strength,” Stanley obligation to take that initiative. attacked Hughes’ call for an unconditional bombing halt. Stanley’s campaign utilized Hughes’ campaign speeches presented audi­ much of the traditional rhetoric employed by ences with graphic descriptions of nuclear, anti-Communist partisans of the 1950s. For germ, and gas warfare in a determined attempt example, one campaign ad featured Stanley to dramatize the danger of militarism. In re­ gazing at the Berlin Wall. The caption quoted sponse to Stanley’s criticism of his call for a Stanley’s assertion that “this ugly Wall is Com­ bombing halt, Hughes simply asked, Do we want to end war by making more warP Note on Sources n November Hughes defeated Stanley This article is based on information found in Iowa news­ papers of the 1960s. including the Des Moines Register, by 6,000 votes. Nixon’s landslide in Iowa the Waterloo Courier, the Burlington Hawkeyet and the Cedar Rapids Gazette. Also useful were the election sta­ I and Stanley’s heavily financed campaign tistics printed in the biennial editions of the Iowa Official blunted Hughes’ reputation as one of the most Register and the analysis of Democratic party politics presented in James C. Larew, A Party Reborn: The powerful vote-getters in Iowa history. I he final Democrats of Iowa. 1950-1974 (Iowa City: State Histori­ cal Society of Iowa, 1980). results indicated a rather dramatic urban-rural split in the state, with Des Moines and Cedar The Palimpsest 141 Governor Harold Hughes (SHSI) Rapids as major Hughes strongholds. didates; John Schmidhauser was defeated in W hat impact did Vietnam have on the elec­ his 1968 comeback campaign in the First Dis­ tionJ Hughes educational campaign suc­ trict, and the Republican state senator Tom ceeded to a certain extent: one month before Riley, who ran on an anti-war platform against the election a Register poll revealed that Representative John Culver, was also defeated Hughes was thought to be best equipped to in the Second District race. handle the war by a 43 to 32 percent margin over Stanley, with 25 percent undecided. On estiges of the late 1960s anti-war senti­ the other hand, the depth of strong anti-war ment resurfaced in Iowa politics in the sentiment reflected in the poll is questionable, V election campaigns of the early 1970s. since the same poll showed the voters’ strong George McGovern made a relatively impres­ faith in Nixon s ability to find a solution to sive showing in 1972, and liberal Democrats \ ietnam. Hughes’ great advantage was his John Culver and Dick Clark won their respec­ enormous personal stature: when asked which tive races for the U. S. Senate in 1972 and 1974. candidate would make the best impression for Eventually, the Nixon administration re­ the State of Iowa” in the national spotlight, sponded to the growing national consensus that Hughes was chosen over Stanley by a margin of the Vietnam conflict should be terminated.
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