Theocritus' Pharmacy: Poetry As Self-Care in the Idylls
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Feasting in Homeric Epic 303
HESPERIA 73 (2004) FEASTING IN Pages 301-337 HOMERIC EPIC ABSTRACT Feasting plays a centralrole in the Homeric epics.The elements of Homeric feasting-values, practices, vocabulary,and equipment-offer interesting comparisonsto the archaeologicalrecord. These comparisonsallow us to de- tect the possible contribution of different chronologicalperiods to what ap- pearsto be a cumulative,composite picture of around700 B.c.Homeric drink- ing practicesare of particularinterest in relation to the history of drinkingin the Aegean. By analyzing social and ideological attitudes to drinking in the epics in light of the archaeologicalrecord, we gain insight into both the pre- history of the epics and the prehistoryof drinkingitself. THE HOMERIC FEAST There is an impressive amount of what may generally be understood as feasting in the Homeric epics.' Feasting appears as arguably the single most frequent activity in the Odysseyand, apart from fighting, also in the Iliad. It is clearly not only an activity of Homeric heroes, but also one that helps demonstrate that they are indeed heroes. Thus, it seems, they are shown doing it at every opportunity,to the extent that much sense of real- ism is sometimes lost-just as a small child will invariablypicture a king wearing a crown, no matter how unsuitable the circumstances. In Iliad 9, for instance, Odysseus participates in two full-scale feasts in quick suc- cession in the course of a single night: first in Agamemnon's shelter (II. 1. thanks to John Bennet, My 9.89-92), and almost immediately afterward in the shelter of Achilles Peter Haarer,and Andrew Sherrattfor Later in the same on their return from their coming to my rescueon variouspoints (9.199-222). -
Philostratus' Imagines 2.18
Philostratus’ Imagines 2.18: Words and Images Vasiliki Kostopoulou CONSIDERABLE AMOUNT has been written about ec- phrasis during the time of the Second Sophistic,1 a period which, by placing a high premium on public A 2 displays and spectacles in general, stimulated the development of literary descriptions into rhetorical devices included in the technical handbooks (progymnasmata) of the sophists.3 A marked theoretical interest in defining ecphrasis is indeed easily attested in the Imperial period: Theon in the first century, Hermogenes of Tarsus in the second, Aphthonius and Nicolaus in the fourth and fifth all with minor variations emphasized the enargeia, 1 S. Bartsch, Decoding the Ancient Novel: The Reader and the Role of Description in Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius (Princeton 1989), is a classic discussion of ecphrasis in the novels. For ecphrasis in general the fundamental work remains P. Friedlander, Johannes von Gaza und Paulus Silentarius (Berlin 1912). For recent scholarly approaches, see among others J. Elsner (ed.), “The Verbal and the Visual: Cultures of Ekphrasis in Antiquity,” Special issue, Ramus 31 (2002), and S. Bartsch, J. Elsner (eds.), “Ekphrasis,” Special issue, CP 102 (2007), and the abundant bibliographies cited there. 2 See e.g. J. Onians, “Abstract and Imagination in Late Antiquity,” Art History 3 (1980) 1–24; S. Price, Rituals and Power (Cambridge 1984) 170– 206, although focused in particular on the impact of imperial image, high- lights the concentrated attention paid to the visual in the Roman world; S. Goldhill, “The Erotic Eye: Visual Stimulation and Cultural Conflict,” in S. Goldhill (ed.), Being Greek under Rome ( Cambridge 2001) 154–194, at 159– 160, discusses in particular the figure of the pepaideumenos theates whom he places within a “culture of display.” 3 On the progymnasmata see G. -
Slaves, Sex, and Transgression in Greek Old Comedy
Slaves, Sex, and Transgression in Greek Old Comedy By Daniel Christopher Walin A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Mark Griffith, Chair Professor Donald J. Mastronarde Professor Kathleen McCarthy Professor Emily Mackil Spring 2012 1 Abstract Slaves, Sex, and Transgression in Greek Old Comedy by Daniel Christopher Walin Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Berkeley Professor Mark Griffith, Chair This dissertation examines the often surprising role of the slave characters of Greek Old Comedy in sexual humor, building on work I began in my 2009 Classical Quarterly article ("An Aristophanic Slave: Peace 819–1126"). The slave characters of New and Roman comedy have long been the subject of productive scholarly interest; slave characters in Old Comedy, by contrast, have received relatively little attention (the sole extensive study being Stefanis 1980). Yet a closer look at the ancestors of the later, more familiar comic slaves offers new perspectives on Greek attitudes toward sex and social status, as well as what an Athenian audience expected from and enjoyed in Old Comedy. Moreover, my arguments about how to read several passages involving slave characters, if accepted, will have larger implications for our interpretation of individual plays. The first chapter sets the stage for the discussion of "sexually presumptive" slave characters by treating the idea of sexual relations between slaves and free women in Greek literature generally and Old Comedy in particular. I first examine the various (non-comic) treatments of this theme in Greek historiography, then its exploitation for comic effect in the fifth mimiamb of Herodas and in Machon's Chreiai. -
The Theoi of Theocritus: Generic Divinity in Idyll 1
The Theoi of Theocritus: Generic Divinity in Idyll 1 It sounds like the beginning of a bad joke: “three gods walk up to a dying cowherd and…” Yet nevertheless, it is under such unusual circumstances that we are first introduced to Theocritus’ bucolic poetry. A programmatic poem designed to establish a new “lower” genre, Idyll 1, in fact, includes more divine figures than mortals. Theocritus’ unusual treatment of divinities begins most strikingly with his portrayal of the Nymphs, but culminates in his depiction of a trio of erotic deities—Hermes, Priapus, and Aphrodite, a set who do not occur together elsewhere in the Idylls. While the invocation of such diverse gods may seem Homeric, the presentation of these divine figures falls short of the expectations and patterns set up by Homer. In their encounters with Daphnis, their divinity is strangely suppressed, and the approaches, attire, and overall portrayal of the gods are reduced to simple, mundane terms that utterly lack the glory of epic. Interpretation of the roles of these gods has varied over time. A. S. F. Gow proposed that Hermes, at least, comes to Daphnis as a fellow herder, a “god of flocks and herds” who reminds the reader of the pastoral environment (1950); Kathryn Gutzwiller, focusing on Daphnis’ conflict with Aphrodite, explains his divine encounters as Theocritus’ attempt to emphasize Daphnis’ mythical prowess in rejecting love (1991); Marco Fantuzzi simply accepted the presence of these deities as a vestige of the mythical background of Daphnis (1998). There is no consensus among scholars; rather, there is a clear dichotomy, as Gow’s interpretation relies on the familiarity of a god and Gutzwiller and Fantuzzi’s on their divinity. -
And Hesiod's Theogony
MINUTE PARTICULAR Blake’s “Introduction” and Hesiod’s Theogony By Kurt Fosso Kurt Fosso ([email protected]) is an associate profes- sor of English at Lewis & Clark College, where he teach- es courses on British romanticism, literary theory, and classical studies. He is the author of Buried Commu- nities: Wordsworth and the Bonds of Mourning (SUNY Press, 2004) and, recently, “Oedipus Crux: Reasonable Doubt in Oedipus the King” (College Literature, summer 2012). His current research examines romantic-era de- pictions of animals and human animality. Piper sit thee down and write In a book that all may read …. (“Introduction” to Songs of Innocence, E 7)1 1 ORTHROP Frye was, so far as I can find, the first N critic to shine a light on the Greek poet Hesiod’s in- fluence upon William Blake. Specifically, Frye judged the divine characters Tharmas and Enion from The Four Zoas (c. 1796) to be “probably the Thaumas and Eione of Hes- iod’s Theogony.”2 Kathleen Raine, following upon Frye, in turn detected the Theogony’s presence in Blake’s The Book of Urizen (1794),3 and recently Paul Miner has uncovered sig- nificant Hesiodic allusions in The Book of Ahania (1795).4 Songs of Innocence copy B (1789), frontispiece. Lessing J. The Theogony’s influence can similarly be traced in the di- Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress. Image © the vine struggles described in the continental prophecies William Blake Archive <http://www.blakearchive.org>. America and Europe (1793, 1794). 2 Blake would likely have read Hesiod’s eighth-century ge- nealogy of the gods in Thomas Cooke’s English translation (1728),5 the first, and have found there a useful source not only for the names and attributes of those Greek deities 1. -
Pessoa's Antinous I
Pessoa’s Antinous J. D. Reed* Keywords Antinous, English poetry, Decadent poetry, Modernism, Fernando Pessoa. Abstract Pessoa’s Antinous follows a tradition of poems on mythological dying-god figures mourned by their divine lovers, transferring the tropes of that tradition to the Roman emperor Hadrian and his lover, who had been appropriated by fin-de-siècle literary homoeroticism. Palavras-chave Antinous, Poesia inglesa, Decadentismo, Modernismo, Fernando Pessoa. Resumo O Antinous (Antínoo) de Fernando Pessoa segue uma tradição de poemas sobre deuses mitológicos moribundos sendo lamentados por seus amantes divinos. Pessoa transfere os artifícios dessa tradição para duas personagens, o imperados romano Adriano e seu amante, o qual tinha sido apropriado pelo homoerotismo literário do fim do século XIX. * Professor of Classics and Comparative Literature, Brown University. Reed Pessoa's Antinous I. For the student of Classical reception, Pessoa’s Antinous (1918), with its picture of the Roman emperor Hadrian’s grief for his dead boyfriend, caps a roster of nineteenth-century English poems inspired by “dying god” figures, Greek mythological characters like Adonis, beloved by a powerful deity, lost objects of beauty.1 Examples are Shelley’s “Adonais,” his elegy on Keats under the guise of an Adonis-figure; Keats’s own “Endymion,” particularly the Adonis section; Swinburne’s take on the Tannhäuser legend, “Laus Veneris,” with its heated eroticism and hopeless roster of the vampiric Venus’ cast-off lovers. The “Epitaph on Adonis” of the ancient -
Illinois Classical Studies
An Unnoticed Allusion in Theocritus and Callimachus SIMON GOLDHILL The relative chronology of the major Hellenistic poets and also of poems within each poet's corpus is a subject where modem scholarship is forced to admit considerable uncertainty. Although it is a generally—and, in my view, rightly—held opinion that there is an extremely important degree of cross reference or significant interaction between different texts and poets of the period, it has proved highly problematic to use the perceived relationships between particular texts to demonstrate with any certainty influence between poets or respective dates of composition (as, for example, the disagreement of scholars on the priority of Theocritus' or Apollonius Rhodius' treatment of the Hylas story shows).^ In this short article, I \yant to point to what seems a significant echo between passages in Callimachus' Aitia prologue and Theocritus' first and seventh Idylls not commented on in the editions of either poet. It has become a communis opinio that the prologue of the Aitia was composed late in Callimachus' life, perhaps even as a prologue to a collected edition of his work (and thus later than Theocritus' Idylls)? Since the evidence is far from certain on this matter, as with other aspects of dating, I shall consider the relationship between the passages in question in two ways, first as a Callimachean echo in Theocritus and then as an echo of Theocritus in Callimachus. This primarily heuristic method of argumentation is not put forward with the expectation of finally clarifying the question of dating; but rather with the aim first of pointing out this unnoticed interplay, and second of showing the constant difficulties of using such echoes to prove priority or influence. -
The Ancient Reception of Euripides' Bacchae from Athens to Byzantium
Simon Perris and Fiachra Mac Góráin The ancient reception of Euripides’ Bacchae from Athens to Byzantium Abstract: This chapter offers a reception history of Euripides’ Bacchae from its original production until its intertextual transformation in the Byzantine Christus Patiens. It traces a broad arc from Classical Athens through the Roman Empire, taking in also Hellenistic Alexandria, the Greek-speaking East, Christianity, and Byzantine literature. By examining the cultural contexts and inflections of the different receptions of one poetic text – Greek, Roman and Italian, ‘Eastern’, and Christian – it exposes distinctions between religious or cultural attitudes to Bac- chus/Dionysus across a broad range of Greek and Latin sources. The discussion is divided into four thematic sections, within which receptions are mostly pre- sented in chronological order: Classic Bacchae; Performances; Narratives; and Christian discourse. These sections encompass drama, epic, didactic, epyllion, historiography, biography, epigram, scholarly citations, and theological texts. A selection of the most significant case studies receive in-depth discussion in the body of the chapter; for completeness, the reception history of Bacchae is filled out by listing additional receptions in summary form in an appendix. Introduction Euripides’ Bacchae was undoubtedly the single most influential literary text for constructions of Dionysus throughout Greco-Roman antiquity. In this chapter, we examine how receptions of the play across the spectrum of Greek and Roman literature act as a barometer for cultural attitudes to Dionysus. Many of the most significant and revealing receptions occur in Latin texts or in Greek texts that deal with Roman subjects, whether Plutarch’s Antony, Greek epigrams about Italian pantomime performances, or Christian writings polemicizing against Greek and Roman cults. -
The Turing Test
THE TURING TEST Nick Totton It is within language that the world speaks to us in a voice that is not our own. This is, I believe, a first and fundamental experience of dictation and correspondence - the dead speaking to us in language is only one level of the outside that ceaselessly invades our thought. (Robin Blaser, The Practice of Outside) This sort of thing is more difficult to do than it looked. (Professor A.W. Verrall, posthumously) Dead Authors In the early years of the twentieth century an unusual literary project was initiated, which continued for over thirty years: a project known generally as the 'Cross Correspondences': a collaboration between a number of authors and/or transcribers, some of them friends and relatives, others complete strangers, and in widely varying circumstances. These variations include important factors like class and education; but most striking, perhaps, is that several of the more prominent figures involved were dead at the time. The project1 consists of a number of separate texts, no one or several of which contains the work itself. The work - like the structure of a myth - emerges solely from the relationship between these different texts: it is a second-order reality, an epiphenomenon. One could appropriately say that the work itself is incarnate in the texts, though identifiable with none of them, nor yet with the sum of the parts. In one sense the Cross Correspondences are very much of their time: a strikingly Modernist texture, inhabiting the same world as Joyce and Eliot, as a small sample of the enormous material will show: Lots of wars - A Siege I hear the sound of chipping. -
The Lament for Adonis: Questions of Authorship
The Lament For Adonis: Questions Of Authorship The Lament for Adonis or Epitaphios Adonidos has since the mid-sixteenth century commonly been known as 'Bion 1'. In editions of Greek Bucolic it comes along with four long and four short poems allegedly by Moschus, a number of short poems or fragments by Bion of Smyrna, and a long fragment (32 lines) also since 1568 often attributed to him. This subcollection is sometimes conveniently called 'Minor Bucolic': 'minor' in relation to the much bulkier surviving work of Theocritus and 'bucolic' apparently only by association with him and through the clear reputation of Moschus and Bion in ancient times as bucolic writers. Editions of Minor Bucolic, i.e. Moschus and Bion published other than as an appendix to Theocritus (though sometimes combined with Callimachus, Musaeus, or 'the Nine Poetesses'), appeared in 1565 (Meetkercke, Bruges), 1568 (Orsini, Rome), 1655 (Whitford, London), 1686 (Longepierre, Paris), and then copiously in the eighteenth century; I count at least eight in the years 1746-1795. Since then, following the example of Ludolf Ahrens and August Meineke in the mid-nineteenth century, it has been the practice to re-attach Moschus and Bion to Theocritus,1 thus rein forcing the supposedly bucolic character of poems printed under their names. What is 'bucolic' about the Epitaphios Adonidos? or about Bion, will be ex amined in this paper, as will the correctness of its ascription to Bion of Smyrna, since such ascription has no ancient authority. The Epitaphios Adonidos (hereafter Ep. Ad) is transmitted to us in only two primary manuscripts, namely Vaticanus Graecus 1824 (= V) and Parisinus Graecus 2832 (=Tr). -
Momolina Marconi: an Italian Passionate Scholar of the Goddess
Momolina Marconi: An Italian Passionate Scholar of the Goddess Luciana Percovich When I was a student in my teens, I attended the Liceo Classico, which in Italy is still considered the pillar of education: a five year high school where the basic subjects are Latin and Greek, Philosophy, and History. Usually, the Greek and Latin teachers, both female and male, seem to preserve some of the ancient inspiration hidden in the texts they treat, and, for me, one of the most vivid recollections of those years is the inspired way they would speak, declaiming the words of authors, flowing through their mouths like streams of forgotten and hidden wisdom. Similarly, I remember I was struck by the Greek verbal system of tenses, of one tense in particular, called “aorist.” “Aorist” refers to a past which we had to translate as a present, as our teachers repeatedly invited us to do, which would cause in us not a small embarrassment, for we didn't grasp the reason of its uncommon use. Only many years later, while studying some of the Native American tongues, did I suddenly get that meaning. In fact, I learned that in the Hopi language, for example, the expected division of time in three great indicators — past, present and future, which is based on the linear vision of time dominating in all the Indo-European languages — doesn’t exit. The Hopi have just two great categories to allocate an action in time: a past which is contained in the present action, which gives name to a tense called objective or manifested, and a present (subjective or not yet manifested), which contains as a premise what is going to happen next.1. -
The Italian Verse of Milton May 2018
University of Nevada, Reno The Italian Verse of Milton A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English by Francisco Nahoe Dr James Mardock/Dissertation Advisor May 2018 © 2018 Order of Friars Minor Conventual Saint Joseph of Cupertino Province All Rights Reserved UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA, RENO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the dissertation prepared under our supervision by Francisco Nahoe entitled The Italian Verse of Milton be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY James Mardock PhD, Adviser Eric Rasmussen PhD, Committee Member Lynda Walsh PhD, Committee Member Donald Hardy PhD (emeritus), Committee Member Francesco Manca PhD (emeritus), Committee Member Jaime Leaños PhD, Graduate School Representative David Zeh PhD, Dean, Graduate School May 2018 i Abstract The Italian verse of Milton consists of but six poems: five sonnets and the single stanza of a canzone. Though later in life the poet will celebrate conjugal love in Book IV of Paradise Lost (1667) and in Sonnet XXIII Methought I saw my late espousèd saint (1673), in 1645 Milton proffers his lyric of erotic desire in the Italian language alone. His choice is both unusual and entirely fitting. How did Milton, born in Cheapside, acquire Italian at such an elevated level of proficiency? When did he write these poems and where? Is the woman about whom he speaks an historical person or is she merely the poetic trope demanded by the genre? Though relatively few critics have addressed the style of Milton’s Italian verse, an astonishing range of views has nonetheless emerged from their assessments.