2. Technological Change, Population, and Growth

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

2. Technological Change, Population, and Growth The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics Explaining growth: Allen's model Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Summary Principles of Economics1 2. Technological Change, Population, and Growth Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti2 SCOR Department of Sociology and Social Research University of Milano-Bicocca A.Y. 2018-19 1These slides are based on the material made available under Creative Commons BY-NC-ND © 4.0 by the CORE Project , https://www.core-econ.org/. 2Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Milano-Bicocca, Via Bicocca degli Arcimboldi 8, 20126, Milan, E-mail: [email protected] Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 1/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics Explaining growth: Allen's model Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Summary Layout 1 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Economic models Four key ideas of economic modeling 2 Explaining growth: Allen's model Modeling technology Firm's choice: isocost lines and cost minimization Relative prices, innovation and profit Innovation incentives in the British Industrial Revolution 3 Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Production function and diminishing average product of labor Malthusian economics The Malthusian trap Escaping the Malthusian trap 4 Summary Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 2/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling Real wage and population in Britain over seven centuries Rapid growth in real wages and population in the last 2 centuries Stagnation in the centuries before that. Figure: Real wages over seven centuries: Wages of craftsmen (skilled workers) in London (1264-2001), and the population of Britain Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 3/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling The mystery of economic growth New (general-purpose) technologies introduced in textiles, energy and transports (e.g. James Watt's steam engine) in Britain in the middle of the 18th century and its cumulative character led to the Industrial revolution. This marked the beginning of the permanent technological revolution, that is behind the recent rapid, sustained increase in income and living standards, in spite of the striking increase of the population. These major changes started very suddenly, 200 years ago. How did the technological revolution start? Why did it happen first in the 18th century, on an island off the coast of Europe? The Industrial Revolution was a complex combination of inter-related intellectual, technological, social, economic and moral changes. Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 4/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling Explanations of the Industrial Revolution Mokyr (2004), a historian of technology, stresses the role played by Europe's scientific revolution and its Enlightenment century, which brought the development of new ways to transfer and transform elite scientific knowledge into practical advice and tools. Landes (2006), a historian, emphasizes the political and cultural characteristics of nations: Europe ahead of China because the Chinese state was too powerful and stifled innovation, and Chinese culture at the time favored stability over change. Clark (2007), an economic historian, also attributes Britain's take-off to culture: along the lines of Max Weber (1905), success due to cultural attributes such as hard work and savings. Pomeranz (2000), a historian, claims that superior European growth after 1800 was mainly due to the abundance of coal in Britain and Britain's access to agricultural production in its New World colonies fed the expanding class of industrial workers. Allen (2011), an economic historian, gives a central role to the relatively high cost of labor, coupled with the low cost of local energy, in Britain at the time. Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 5/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Scholars will probably never completely agree about what caused the Industrial Revolution. Different explanations not necessarily mutually exclusive. Historians and economists disagree about the relative importance of the different factors: Historians (e.g., Pomeranz, 2000) tend to focus on peculiarities of time and place: the Industrial Revolution happened because of a unique combination of favorable circumstances (although they may disagree about which ones). Economists (e.g. Allen, 2011) are more likely to look for general mechanisms that can explain success or failure across both time and space. Historians vs. Economists: Often historians' arguments are not precise enough to be testable using a model. Historians may regard economic models as simplistic, ignoring important historical facts. Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 6/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling Models in economics Economic theory is essentially a collection of models. (Krugman, 1997) A model is a particular stylized representation of a phenomenon, i.e. a relatively stable and general feature of the world that is interesting from a scientific point of view. Why do economists use models? What happens in an economy depends on the actions and interactions of millions of people. Economists use models to \see the big picture". Models necessarily omit many details. This is their feature, not a bug. Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 7/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling Krugman on the the aim and scope of economic models The objective of the most basic physics is a complete description of what happens. ... But most things we want to analyze, even in physical science, cannot be dealt with at that level of completeness. The only exact model of the global weather system is that system itself. Any smaller-scale model of that system is therefore to some degree a falsification: it leaves out many aspects of reality. And how do you know that the model is good? It will never be right in the way that quantum electrodynamics is right. At a certain point you may be good enough at predicting that your results can be put to repeated practical use ...; in that case predictive success can be measured ..., and the improvement of models becomes a quantifiable matter. In the early stages of a complex science, however, the criterion for a good model is more subjective: it is a good model if it succeeds in explaining or Paul R. Krugman rationalizing some of what you see in the world in a way that you might (1953) not have expected. [...] The important point is that any kind of model of a complex system { a physical model, a computer simulation, or a pencil-and-paper mathemat- ical representation { amounts to pretty much the same kind of procedure. Nobel Memorial You make a set of clearly untrue simplifications to get the system down to something you can handle; those simplifications are dictated partly Prize in by guesses about what is important, partly by the modeling techniques Economics 2008 available. And the end result, if the model is a good one, is an improved insight into why the vastly more complex real system behaves the way it does. (Krugman, 1997) Giuseppe Vittucci Marzetti Principles of Economics 8/37 The mystery of economic growth and the role of models in economics The Industrial revolution Explaining growth: Allen's model Economists, historians, and the Industrial Revolution Explaining stagnation: Malthus' model Economic models Summary Four key ideas of economic modeling Building a model To create an effective model we need to distinguish between: the essential features of the economy that are relevant to the question we want to answer, which should be included in the model; unimportant details that can be ignored Process of model building 1 Construct a simplified description of the conditions under which people take actions. 2 Describe in simple terms what determines these actions. 3 Determine how each of their actions affects each other. 4 Determine the outcome of these actions. This is often an equilibrium (something
Recommended publications
  • Efficiency Advantages of Grandfathering in Rights-Based Fisheries Management
    NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES EFFICIENCY ADVANTAGES OF GRANDFATHERING IN RIGHTS-BASED FISHERIES MANAGEMENT Terry L. Anderson Ragnar Arnason Gary D. Libecap Working Paper 16519 http://www.nber.org/papers/w16519 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 November 2010 The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2010 by Terry L. Anderson, Ragnar Arnason, and Gary D. Libecap. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Efficiency Advantages of Grandfathering in Rights-Based Fisheries Management Terry L. Anderson, Ragnar Arnason, and Gary D. Libecap NBER Working Paper No. 16519 November 2010 JEL No. D23,K11,N5,Q22 ABSTRACT We show that grandfathering fishing rights to local users or recognizing first possessions is more dynamically efficient than auctions of such rights. It is often argued that auctions allocate rights to the highest-valued users and thereby maximize resource rents. We counter that rents are not fixed in situ, but rather depend additionally upon the innovation, investment, and collective actions of fishers, who discover and enhance stocks and convert them into valuable goods and services. Our analysis shows how grandfathering increases rents by raising expected rates of return for investment, lowering the cost of capital, and providing incentives for collective action.
    [Show full text]
  • Entrepreneurship and Natural Resource Rents: Evidence from Excessive Entrepreneurial Activity
    Journal Pre-proof ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND NATURAL RESOURCE RENTS: EVIDENCE FROM EXCESSIVE ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITY Nguyen Phuc Canh , Bach Nguyen , Su Dinh Thanh , Sangho KIM PII: S2352-5509(20)30368-7 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spc.2020.07.010 Reference: SPC 352 To appear in: Sustainable Production and Consumption Received date: 29 April 2020 Revised date: 18 July 2020 Accepted date: 18 July 2020 Please cite this article as: Nguyen Phuc Canh , Bach Nguyen , Su Dinh Thanh , Sangho KIM , ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND NATURAL RESOURCE RENTS: EVIDENCE FROM EXCES- SIVE ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITY, Sustainable Production and Consumption (2020), doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spc.2020.07.010 This is a PDF file of an article that has undergone enhancements after acceptance, such as the addition of a cover page and metadata, and formatting for readability, but it is not yet the definitive version of record. This version will undergo additional copyediting, typesetting and review before it is published in its final form, but we are providing this version to give early visibility of the article. Please note that, during the production process, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. © 2020 Published by Elsevier B.V. on behalf of Institution of Chemical Engineers. ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND NATURAL RESOURCE RENTS: EVIDENCE FROM EXCESSIVE ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITY Nguyen Phuc Canh* School of Banking, University of Economics Ho Chi Minh City, Ho Chi Minh (700000), Vietnam ([email protected])
    [Show full text]
  • Schumpeter and Venture Finance. Radical Theorist, Broke Investor and Enigmatic Teacher
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Peneder, Michael; Resch, Andreas Working Paper Schumpeter and Venture Finance. Radical Theorist, Broke Investor and Enigmatic Teacher WIFO Working Papers, No. 490 Provided in Cooperation with: Austrian Institute of Economic Research (WIFO), Vienna Suggested Citation: Peneder, Michael; Resch, Andreas (2014) : Schumpeter and Venture Finance. Radical Theorist, Broke Investor and Enigmatic Teacher, WIFO Working Papers, No. 490, Austrian Institute of Economic Research (WIFO), Vienna This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/129039 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen
    [Show full text]
  • How Rich Nations Got Rich. Essays in the History of Economic Policy
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Munich Personal RePEc Archive MPRA Munich Personal RePEc Archive How rich nations got rich. Essays in the history of economic policy. Erik S. Reinert Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo 2004 Online at http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/48147/ MPRA Paper No. 48147, posted 23. December 2014 11:13 UTC Working Paper Nr. 2004/01 How Rich nations got Rich Essays in the History of Economic Policy Essay I Mercantilism and Economic Development: Schumpeterian Dynamics, Institution Building and International Benchmarking Essay II German Economics as Development Economics: From the Thirty Years War to World War II Essay III Benchmarking Success: The Dutch Republic (1500-1750) as seen by Contemporary European Economists Erik S. Reinert © 2004 Authors Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo All rights reserved. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and should not be attributed to the Centre for Development and the Environment. ISSN 0804-7391 How Rich nations got Rich. Essays in the History of Economic Policy Introduction Erik S. Reinert The debate around the effects of globalization is both widening and deepening. While some nations, like India and China – countries that have consciously built a manufacturing sector for five decades – come across as winners, a large number of smaller Third World nations seem to lose out under globalisation. The problem of failing and failed states is growing. In response to the increasing challenges, the focal points of the Washington Institutions – the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – have changed over the last 15 years, reflecting a growing recognition of the complexities of economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • Rents Efficiency and Growth 3
    Chapter 1. Rents, Efficiency and Growth Mushtaq H. Khan. (in Khan, M.H. and Jomo K.S. ed. Rents, Rent-Seeking and Economic Development: Theory and Evidence in Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2000). For the economist, rents refer to “excess incomes” which, in simplistic models, should not exist in efficient markets. More precisely, a person gets a rent if he or she earns an income higher than the minimum that person would have accepted, the minimum being usually defined as the income in his or her next-best opportunity. A glance at the real world tells us that rents as excess incomes are widespread in all types of economies. Rents may take the form of higher rates of return in monopolies, the extra income from politically organized transfers such as subsidies, or the extra income which comes from owning scarce resources, whether natural resources or specialized knowledge. What does economic theory say about the effects of such excessive incomes or “rents”? This chapter begins with an analysis of rents in conventional neoclassical economics and proceeds to examine how this analysis needs to be extended (and, to some extent, has already been extended in recent years) to analyse the different types of rents which exist in real economies. Drawing on both neoclassical and non-neoclassical economic theories, we see that the efficiency and growth implications of different rents can be very different. While some rents are indeed inefficient and growth-retarding, other rents play an essential role in growth and development. This variability has important policy implications. The identification of some rents as “efficient” challenges the policy rule- of-thumb of the liberal market model which says that the removal of institutions and rights which protect rents is always desirable as a way of moving towards greater efficiency and better economic performance.
    [Show full text]
  • How Rich Nations Got Rich. Essays in the History of Economic Policy
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive How rich nations got rich. Essays in the history of economic policy. Reinert, Erik S. Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo 2004 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/48147/ MPRA Paper No. 48147, posted 23 Dec 2014 11:13 UTC Working Paper Nr. 2004/01 How Rich nations got Rich Essays in the History of Economic Policy Essay I Mercantilism and Economic Development: Schumpeterian Dynamics, Institution Building and International Benchmarking Essay II German Economics as Development Economics: From the Thirty Years War to World War II Essay III Benchmarking Success: The Dutch Republic (1500-1750) as seen by Contemporary European Economists Erik S. Reinert © 2004 Authors Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo All rights reserved. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and should not be attributed to the Centre for Development and the Environment. ISSN 0804-7391 How Rich nations got Rich. Essays in the History of Economic Policy Introduction Erik S. Reinert The debate around the effects of globalization is both widening and deepening. While some nations, like India and China – countries that have consciously built a manufacturing sector for five decades – come across as winners, a large number of smaller Third World nations seem to lose out under globalisation. The problem of failing and failed states is growing. In response to the increasing challenges, the focal points of the Washington Institutions – the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – have changed over the last 15 years, reflecting a growing recognition of the complexities of economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • I Nd Ustriens Utred N I Ngsi Nstitut
    I nd ustriens Utred ni ngsi nstitut THE INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH A list of Working Papers on the last pages Revised version published in IUI Dissertation Series, IUI, Stockholm, 1995. No. 404, 1993 REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND THE LOCATION OF KNOWLEDGE-INTENSIVE MULTINATIONAL FIRMS: Implications for comparative advantage and welfare of outsiders and insiders by Pontus Braunerhjelm This is a preliminary paper. It is intended for private circulation and should not be quoted or referred to in publications without permission of the author. Comments are welcome. December 1993 Revised, September 1994 Postadress Gatuadress Telefon Bankgiro Postgiro Bpx5501 Industrihuset 08-7838000 446-9995 191592-5 114 85 Stockholm Storgatan 19 Telefax 08-6617969 Preliminary! REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND THE LOCATION OF KNOWLEDGE INTENSIVE MULTINATIONAL FIRMS IMPUCATIONS FOR COMPARATIVE ADVANTAGE AND WELFARE OF OUTSIDERS AND INSIDERS by Pontus Braunerhjelm The Industrial Institute for EconoIDic and Social Research Box 5501, 114 85 Stockholm, SWEDEN 2 CHAPTER 1 REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND THE ALLOCATIONOF COMPETENCE IN MULTINATIONAL FIRMS Implications for comparative advantage and welfare of outsiders and insiders 1.1 Introduction The purpose of this the sis is to study the macro-economic effects on small open economies, hosting internationally mobile fInns, as they are exposed to an exogenous shock originating in the implementation of integration policy. Current attempts in several parts of the world to integrate regionally (EU, NAFTA, LAFfA etc.), and the increased national importance of the operations of already globally organized multinaltional frrms (MNFs), makes this study highly topical. 1 The original idea, however, grew out of repeated observations from a study in the late 1980s (Braunerhjelm 1990) that appeared to contradiet the predictions of traditional integration theory.
    [Show full text]
  • An Exploratory Cross-Country Analysis of the Relationship Between New Firm Entry and Income Inequality
    An exploratory cross-country analysis of the relationship between new firm entry and income inequality WONG Poh-Kam HO Yuen-Ping NUS Entrepreneurship Centre All content © 2013 NUS Entrepreneurship Centre. 1 NUS Entrepreneurship Centre Introduction • Economic growth and wealth/income distribution represent the two fundamental concerns of the development economics literature (Yusuf, 2009) • However, while the role of entrepreneurship in driving economic growth has been substantively documented in recent years (see e.g. Thurik and Wennekers, 2004, van Stel et al., 2005 and Wong et al 2005), there had been much less attention paid to the possible link between entrepreneurship and income inequality 2 NUS Entrepreneurship Centre Introduction • The available empirical evidence on the link between entrepreneurship and income distribution is ambiguous – US and Italian data show entrepreneurship to be associated with greater inequality – Studies on a number of individual developing and transitional economies find negative association between entrepreneurship and inequality • This paper seeks to explore the relationship using a broader set of cross-national data covering both advanced and developing economies 3 Literature Review - NUS Entrepreneurship Centre Theoretical Existing theoretical literatures on the determinants of income inequality have identified many factors, including demographic factors (e.g. literacy and fertility rates), macroeconomic variables (e.g. unemployment and inflation), and policy measures (e.g. taxation and interest rate),
    [Show full text]
  • WIDER Research Paper 2006-77 Institutionalism Ancient
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Reinert, Erik S. Working Paper Institutionalism ancient, old and new: A historical perspective on institutions and uneven development WIDER Research Paper, No. 2006/77 Provided in Cooperation with: United Nations University (UNU), World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) Suggested Citation: Reinert, Erik S. (2006) : Institutionalism ancient, old and new: A historical perspective on institutions and uneven development, WIDER Research Paper, No. 2006/77, ISBN 929190855X, The United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER), Helsinki This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/63562 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Research Paper No.
    [Show full text]
  • WIDER Research Paper 2006-77 Institutionalism
    Research Paper No. 2006/77 Institutionalism Ancient, Old and New A Historical Perspective on Institutions and Uneven Development Erik S. Reinert* July 2006 Abstract This paper argues for an ‘ancient’ institutional school, predating Thorstein Veblen’s ‘old’ institutionalism. In this view, going back as far as the thirteenth century, institutions tended to be seen as specific to a mode of production. Here both institutions and development itself are context-specific and activity-specific. Much clearer than today the arrows of causality of economic development go from the mode of production to the institutional setting, not vice versa. In order to understand development, institutions can also usefully be divided into Hayekian institutions that facilitate equilibrium and Schumpeterian institutions that enable the dynamics of development and structural change. Keywords: institutions, structural change, uneven development, ancient institutional school JEL classification: B15, B52, O10, O30 Copyright © UNU-WIDER 2006 * The Other Canon Foundation, Norway & Tallinn University of Technology, Estonia. This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project on Institutions for Economic Development: Theory, History and Contemporary Experiences, directed by Ha-Joon Chang. UNU-WIDER acknowledges the financial contributions to the research programme by the governments of Denmark (Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Finland (Ministry for Foreign Affairs), Norway (Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Sweden (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency—Sida) and the United Kingdom (Department for International Development). ISSN 1810-2611 ISBN 92-9190-855-X (internet version) Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank Ha-Joon Chang, Sophus Reinert, and Francesca Viano for constructive comments and criticism. The usual disclaimer applies. The World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) was established by the United Nations University (UNU) as its first research and training centre and started work in Helsinki, Finland in 1985.
    [Show full text]