Perceived Black Criminality and Its Impact on Contributors to Wrongful Convictions In
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Protecting the Innocent from False Confessions and Lost Confessions--And from Miranda Paul G
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 88 Article 2 Issue 2 Winter Winter 1998 Protecting the Innocent from False Confessions and Lost Confessions--And from Miranda Paul G. Cassell Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Paul G. Cassell, Protecting the Innocent from False Confessions and Lost Confessions--And from Miranda, 88 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 497 (Winter 1998) This Criminal Law is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/98/8802-0497 TI' JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW& CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 88, No. 2 Copyright 0 1998 by Northwestern Unh-rsity, School of Law PrinW in U.S.A PROTECTING THE INNOCENT FROM FALSE CONFESSIONS AND LOST CONFESSIONS-AND FROM MIRANDA PAUL G. CASSELL" For most of the last several decades, criminal procedure scholarship-mirroring the Warren Court landmarks it was commenting on-spent little time discussing the guiltless and much discussing the guilty. Recent scholarship suggests a dif- ferent focus is desirable. As one leading scholar recently put it, "the Constitution seeks to protect the innocent."' Professors Leo and Ofshe's preceding article,2 along with ar- ticles like it by (among others) Welsh White and Al Alschuler,4 commendably adopts this approach. Focusing on the plight of an innocent person who confessed to a crime he5 did not com- mit, they recommend certain changes in the rules governing po- " Professor of Law, University of Utah College of Law ([email protected]). -
Consequences of Failing to Admit Guilt at Parole Hearings Daniel S
MEDWED_TRANSMITTED.DOC2 2/26/2008 1:51 PM The Innocent Prisoner’s Dilemma: Consequences of Failing to Admit Guilt at Parole Hearings Daniel S. Medwed∗ INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 493 I. THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PAROLE ................................................ 497 A. HISTORICAL ORIGINS AND PURPOSES OF PAROLE ................................ 497 B. PAROLE RELEASE DECISION-MAKING: CONTEMPORARY STANDARDS AND POLICIES .................................................................................... 504 II. THE EFFECT OF PAROLE RELEASE DECISION-MAKING NORMS ON THE INNOCENT ............................................................................................... 513 A. PAROLE: AN INNOCENCE OPTION OF LAST RESORT ............................. 518 B. PRESSURE ON INNOCENT INMATES TO “ADMIT” GUILT ........................ 523 III. ADMISSIONS OF GUILT AND THE PAROLE RELEASE DECISION RECONSIDERED ....................................................................................... 529 A. THE DANGER OF ASSUMING THE LITIGATION PROCESS ACCURATELY FILTERS THE GUILTY FROM THE INNOCENT ......................................... 530 B. POTHOLES ON THE PATH TO REDEMPTION THROUGH THE PAROLE PROCESS ........................................................................................... 532 IV. SUGGESTIONS FOR REFORM .................................................................... 541 A. LIMITATIONS ON THE SUBSEQUENT USE OF STATEMENTS FROM PAROLE HEARINGS ........................................................................... -
Impeachment with Unadjudicated Perjury: Deadly Than the Witnesses Ever Had Said!”2 Weapon Or Imaginary Beast?
Litigation News November 2016 Volume XVII, Number IX December 2016 Few Perjurers Are Prosecuted Impeachment with Although lying under oath is endemic, perjury is Unadjudicated Perjury: rarely prosecuted. When it is, the defendant is usu- ally a politician. The prosecution of Alger Hiss was Deadly Weapon or probably the most famous political perjury prosecu- tion ever in the United States. It made a young anti- Imaginary Beast? communist California Congressman named Richard Nixon a household name.3 The recent perjury by Robert E. Scully, Jr. conviction of Kathleen Kane, the Attorney General Stites & Harbison, PLLC of Pennsylvania, for lying about her role in leaking grand jury testimony to embarrass a political oppo- Impeaching a witness at trial with his prior nent is a modern case in point.4 More memorable untruthfulness under oath is the epitome of cross for those of us of a certain age, President Bill Clinton examination. When you do it, the day is glorious. testified falsely under oath in a judicially supervised When someone does it to your witness, your month deposition in a federal civil case that he did not have is ruined. Yet, this impeachment method is seldom sexual relations with Monica Lewinsky. He was not successfully employed. It is very like Lewis Carroll’s prosecuted for perjury despite being impeached by imaginary Snark, which when hunted could not be the House of Representatives, fined $900,000.00 for 1 caught: “For the Snark was a Boojum, you see.” civil contempt by the presiding federal judge, and Only the unadjudicated perjurer can catch himself having had his Arkansas law license suspended for out on cross because “extrinsic evidence” of the act is five years for the falsehood.5 Absent some such prohibited. -
Commission Internationale De Juristes Mission
Commission internationale de juristes Mission La Commission internationale de juristes est consacree a la primaute, a la coherence et a l'application du droit international et des principes qui font progresser les droits de l'Homme. La Commission internationale de juristes (CIJ) se distingue par l'impartialite, l'objectivite et l'approche juridique faisant autorite qu'elle applique a la protec tion et a la promotion des droits de l'Homme par le biais du respect de la preeminence du droit. La CIJ fournit des services d'experts juridiques aux niveaux national et interna tional afin de garantir que le developpement du droit international reste fidele aux principes des droits de l'Homme et que les normes internationales soient mises en oeuvre au plan national. La Commission, creee a Berlin en 1952, est composee de 60 juristes eminents qui representent les divers systemes juridiques du monde. II incombe au Secretariat international, base a Geneve, de realiser les buts et objectifs de la Commission. Pour s'acquitter de cette tache, le Secretariat international beneficie d'un reseau de sections nationales autonomes et d'organisations affiliees implantees sur tous les continents. Parmi les distinctions decernees a la CIJ en hommage aux contributions qu'elle a apportees a la promotion et a la protection des droits de l'Homme figurent le premier Prix europeen des droits de l'Homme attribue par le Conseil de l'Europe, le Prix Wateler pour la paix, le Prix Erasme et le Prix des Nations Unies pour les droits de l'Homme. Commission internationale de juristes Case postale 216 - 81 A, avenue de Chatelaine CH - 1219 Chatelaine / Geneve - Suisse Tel: (+41 22) 979 38 00 Fax: (+41 22) 979 38 01 E-Mail: [email protected] Site web: www.icj.org ELEMENTS FOR A GENERAL RECOMMENDATION ON RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE TABLE OF CONTENTS I ntroduction................................................................................................................................................................................................. -
The Myth of the Presumption of Innocence
Texas Law Review See Also Volume 94 Response The Myth of the Presumption of Innocence Brandon L. Garrett* I. Introduction Do we have a presumption of innocence in this country? Of course we do. After all, we instruct criminal juries on it, often during jury selection, and then at the outset of the case and during final instructions before deliberations. Take this example, delivered by a judge at a criminal trial in Illinois: "Under the law, the Defendant is presumed to be innocent of the charges against him. This presumption remains with the Defendant throughout the case and is not overcome until in your deliberations you are convinced beyond a reasonable doubt that the Defendant is guilty."' Perhaps the presumption also reflects something more even, a larger commitment enshrined in a range of due process and other constitutional rulings designed to protect against wrongful convictions. The defense lawyer in the same trial quoted above said in his closings: [A]s [the defendant] sits here right now, he is presumed innocent of these charges. That is the corner stone of our system of justice. The best system in the world. That is a presumption that remains with him unless and until the State can prove him guilty beyond2 a reasonable doubt. That's the lynchpin in the system ofjustice. Our constitutional criminal procedure is animated by that commitment, * Justice Thurgood Marshall Distinguished Professor of Law, University of Virginia School of Law. 1. Transcript of Record at 13, People v. Gonzalez, No. 94 CF 1365 (Ill.Cir. Ct. June 12, 1995). 2. -
Don't Shoot: Race-Based Trauma and Police Brutality Leah Metzger
Taylor University Pillars at Taylor University Orphans and Vulnerable Children Student Orphans and Vulnerable Children Scholarship Spring 2019 Don't Shoot: Race-Based Trauma and Police Brutality Leah Metzger Follow this and additional works at: https://pillars.taylor.edu/ovc-student Part of the Child Psychology Commons, Higher Education Commons, and the Social Welfare Commons Running head: DON’T SHOOT 1 Don’t Shoot: Race-Based Trauma and Police Brutality Leah Metzger Taylor University DON’T SHOOT 2 Introduction With the growing conversation on police brutality against black Americans, there is an increasing need to understand the consequences this has on black children. Research is now showing that children and adults can experience race-based trauma, which can have profound effects on psychological and physical well-being, and can also impact communities as a whole. The threat and experience of police brutality and discrimination can be experienced individually or vicariously, and traumatic symptoms can vary depending on the individual. Children are especially vulnerable to the psychological and physical effects of police brutality and the threat thereof because of their developmental stages. Definitions and prevalence of police brutality will be discussed, as well as race based trauma, the effects of this trauma, and the impact on communities as a whole. Police Brutality Definitions Ambiguity surrounds the discussion on police brutality, leaving it difficult for many to establish what it actually is. For the purpose of this paper, police brutality is defined as, “a civil rights violation that occurs when a police officer acts with excessive force by using an amount of force with regards to a civilian that is more than necessary” (U.S. -
Civil Rights Violations
Civil Rights Violations Police Misconduct Nicholas S. Kamau, Esq. Police Misconduct Any improper or illegal behavior engaged in by a police officer while attempting to administer justice Types of Police Misconduct Excessive Force – The use of force that exceeds the amount of force that a police officer reasonably believes is necessary. Whether the amount of force was objectively reasonable under the circumstances is a factual issue to be determined by the jury. Types of Police Misconduct Sexual Misconduct- Sexual misconduct includes sexual harassment or sexual assault, indecent assault, an act of indecency, possession of child pornography or other behaviors of a sexual nature which are crimes in Pennsylvania. Sexual misconduct is the second most reported form of police misconduct. Types of Police Misconduct Witness Tampering –This behavior concerns an officer who attempts to either change a witness’ testimony, or prevents a witness from testifying in a criminal or civil proceeding. Types of Police Misconduct False confessions – Some officers convince individuals to give false confessions, convincing them to plead guilty to something they did not actually do. Types of Police Misconduct Racial profiling – Racial profiling is the use of someone’s race or ethnicity as a justification for suspecting him of committing a crime. For instance, assuming a man must be a terrorist because he’s Muslim, or assuming a black man driving an expensive car must have stolen it. Types of Police Misconduct False Arrest - A false arrest is an arrest that is made without a warrant, or without probable cause. A person may sue on the grounds of false arrest if there was not a legitimate reason to arrest him in the first place. -
Police Perjury: a Factorial Survey
The author(s) shown below used Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice and prepared the following final report: Document Title: Police Perjury: A Factorial Survey Author(s): Michael Oliver Foley Document No.: 181241 Date Received: 04/14/2000 Award Number: 98-IJ-CX-0032 This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice. To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this Federally- funded grant final report available electronically in addition to traditional paper copies. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. FINAL-FINAL TO NCJRS Police Perjury: A Factorial Survey h4ichael Oliver Foley A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Criminal Justice in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The City University of New York. 2000 This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. I... I... , ii 02000 Michael Oliver Foley All Rights Reserved This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. -
1 Racial Profiling and Street-Level Crime the National Significance Of
Racial Profiling and Street-level Crime The national significance of the Trayvon Martin case has ignited a heated discussion about bias and racial profiling in this country. The prologue for this conversation was established in communities across the country where racial profiling by law enforcement has been commonplace for years. Notwithstanding the fact that racial profiling is unconstitutional, and despite the emphatic declaration from the federal government that the practice is “invidious,” “wrong,” “ineffective,” and “harmful to our rich and diverse democracy,” quantitative and qualitative evidence collected at the federal, state, and local levels confirms that racial profiling persists. Empirical evidence confirms the existence of racial profiling on America’s roadways and that police actions taken during traffic stops are not uniform across race and ethnicity. The U.S. Department of Labor’s Bureau of Justice Statistics reports that for the year 2005: • Black drivers (4.5 percent) were twice as likely as White drivers (2.1 percent) to be arrested during a traffic stop, while Hispanic drivers (65 percent) were more likely than White (56.2 percent) or Black (55.8 percent) drivers to receive a ticket. • In addition, Whites (9.7 percent) were more likely than Hispanics (5.9 percent) to receive a written warning, while Whites (18.6 percent) were more likely than Blacks (13.7 percent) to be verbally warned by police. • Black (9.5 percent) and Hispanic (8.8 percent) motorists stopped by police were searched at higher rates than Whites (3.6 percent). Quantitative evidence reported in several states confirms this nationwide data. • A study in Arizona shows that during 2006–2007, the state highway patrol was significantly more likely to stop African Americans and Hispanics than Whites on all the highways studied, while Native Americans and persons of Middle Eastern descent were more likely to be stopped on nearly all the highways studied. -
Description of Bite Mark Exonerations
DESCRIPTION OF BITE MARK EXONERATIONS 1. Keith Allen Harward: Keith Harward was convicted of the September 1982 murder of a man and the rape of his wife. The assailant, who was dressed as a sailor, bit the rape victim’s legs multiple times during the commission of the rape. Because of the assailant’s uniform, the investigation focused on the sailors aboard a Navy ship dry-docked near the victims’ Newport News, Virginia, home. Dentists aboard the ship ran visual screens of the dental records and teeth of between 1,000 and 3,000 officers aboard the ship; though Harward’s dentition was initially highlighted for additional screening, a forensic dentist later excluded Harward as the source of the bites. The crime went unsolved for six months, until detectives were notified that Harward was accused of biting his then-girlfriend in a dispute. The Commonwealth then re-submitted wax impressions and dental molds of Harward's dentition to two ABFO board-certified Diplomates, Drs. Lowell Levine and Alvin Kagey, who both concluded that Harward was the source of bite marks on the rape victim. Although the naval and local dentists who conducted the initial screenings had excluded Harward as the source of the bites, in the wake of the ABFO Diplomates’ identifications they both changed their opinions. Harward’s defense attorneys also sought opinions from two additional forensic dentists prior to his trials, but those experts also concluded that Harward inflicted the bites; in total, six forensic dentists falsely identified Harward as the biter. At Harward's second trial, Dr. -
Pattern Criminal Jury Instructions for the District Courts of the First Circuit)
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT DISTRICT OF MAINE 2019 REVISIONS TO PATTERN CRIMINAL JURY INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE DISTRICT COURTS OF THE FIRST CIRCUIT DISTRICT OF MAINE INTERNET SITE EDITION Updated 6/24/19 by Chief District Judge Nancy Torresen PATTERN CRIMINAL JURY INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE FIRST CIRCUIT Preface to 1998 Edition Citations to Other Pattern Instructions How to Use the Pattern Instructions Part 1—Preliminary Instructions 1.01 Duties of the Jury 1.02 Nature of Indictment; Presumption of Innocence 1.03 Previous Trial 1.04 Preliminary Statement of Elements of Crime 1.05 Evidence; Objections; Rulings; Bench Conferences 1.06 Credibility of Witnesses 1.07 Conduct of the Jury 1.08 Notetaking 1.09 Outline of the Trial Part 2—Instructions Concerning Certain Matters of Evidence 2.01 Stipulations 2.02 Judicial Notice 2.03 Impeachment by Prior Inconsistent Statement 2.04 Impeachment of Witness Testimony by Prior Conviction 2.05 Impeachment of Defendant's Testimony by Prior Conviction 2.06 Evidence of Defendant's Prior Similar Acts 2.07 Weighing the Testimony of an Expert Witness 2.08 Caution as to Cooperating Witness/Accomplice/Paid Informant 2.09 Use of Tapes and Transcripts 2.10 Flight After Accusation/Consciousness of Guilt 2.11 Statements by Defendant 2.12 Missing Witness 2.13 Spoliation 2.14 Witness (Not the Defendant) Who Takes the Fifth Amendment 2.15 Definition of “Knowingly” 2.16 “Willful Blindness” As a Way of Satisfying “Knowingly” 2.17 Definition of “Willfully” 2.18 Taking a View 2.19 Character Evidence 2.20 Testimony by Defendant -
Working with the Justice Sector to End Violence Against Women and Girls
Working with the Justice Sector to End Violence against Women and Girls Developed by: Cheryl Thomas, Director, Women’s Program Laura Young, Staff Attorney, International Justice Program Mary Ellingen, Staff Attorney, Women’s Program Contributors: Margarita Alarcon, Lawyer (Cuba) Dr. Kelly Askin, Senior Legal Officer, International Justice, Open Society Justice Initiative, United States Lisa Dailey, Lawyer (United States) Geraldine R. Bjallerstedt, Lawyer, Head of Nairobi Office, Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law (Kenya) Terence Fitzgerald, Senior Program Specialist, Justice Operations Division, International Justice Mission (United States) Loretta Frederick, Senior Legal and Policy Advisor, Battered Women’s Justice Project, (Minnesota, United States) Albena Koycheva, Lawyer (Bulgaria) Audrey Lee and Ann Campbell, International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (Malaysia) Sara A. Lulo, Executive Director, Avon Global Center for Justice, Adjunct Professor of Law, Cornell Law School (United States) Patricia MacIntosh, Deputy Minister of Community Services (Canada) Aileen Marques, Lawyer (India) Eniko Pap, Lawyer (Hungary) Dr. Maria F. Perez Solla, Lawyer (Austria) Justice Sonia A.C. Rivera, Senior Judge, Gender Violence Specialized Court (Madrid, Spain) Dr. Anicée Van Engeland-Nourai, Lecturer in Law, University of Exeter, Research Associate, SOAS (United Kingdom) Joan Winship, Executive Director, International Association of Women Judges (United States) Justice Sector Module 1 December 2011 INTRODUCTION