Analysis of Liv and Maddie (2013) and Its Translation Into Spanish

Treball de fi de màster de Recerca

Linguistic Gender Stereotypes in Teen Situation Comedy: Analysis of Liv and Maddie (2013) and its Translation into Spanish

Mariazell-Eugènia Bosch Fàbregas

Màster: Estudis de Traducció

Edició: 2015-2016

Directors: Dra. Anna Espunya i Prat

Any de defensa: 2016

Col⋅lecció: Treballs de fi de màster

Programa oficial de postgrau "Comunicació lingüística i mediació multilingüe"

Departament de Traducció i Ciències del Llenguatge

Abstract

This project consisted on a descriptive and analytic study on two transcripts of Liv and Maddie and their translation into Spanish. By considering specific linguistic features, I followed a general approach to test whether the sitcom portrayed linguistic stereotypes and if they matched previous research on language and gender. The motivation has been the lack of studies concerning stereotyping in teen fiction series. I carried out the study by focusing on the semantic and pragmatic function of the elements. The uses and functions of the features were mostly equally divided between men and women. However, the translation sometimes failed to reproduce the source text functions. My study has not proved to be significantly relevant to the previous research. Despite the lack of data, I consider that the project is a first attempt on the study of stereotyping in the sitcom that might reveal powerful insights if the corpus is enlarged.

Key words: female characters, gender, identity, linguistic stereotypes, pragmatic function, preteen, sitcom, transcripts; translation

1. Table of Contents Page(s) • 1. Table of Contents 2 – 3 • 2. Acknowledgements 4 • 3. Introduction - 3.1. Objectives and Research Questions 5 –7 - 3.2. Methodology 7 – 12 - 3.3. Theoretical Frameworks 12 – 25 • 4. Part 1: Liv and Maddie (2013) - 4.1. Liv and Maddie: Introduction to the series 25 – 26 - 4.2. Characters’ description 26 - 4.3. Situation and Reaction Analysis 26 – 30 • 5. Part 2: Data, Analysis and Results - 5.1. Talking versus Listening Roles - 5.1.1. Previous Research 30 – 32 - 5.1.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion 32 – 37 - 5.2. Tag Questions - 5.2.1. Previous Research 37 –38 - 5.2.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion 39 – 40 - 5.3. Adjectives - 5.3.1. Previous Research 40 – 41 - 5.3.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion 41 – 44 - 5.4. Vulgar and Colloquial Language - 5.4.1. Previous Research 45 - 5.4.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion 46 – 50 - 5.5. Diminutives - 5.5.1. Previous Research 50 – 51 - 5.5.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion 51 – 54 • 6. Conclusion 55 – 56 • 7. General Conclusions 57 • 8. Primary Sources 58 • 9. Secondary Sources 58 – 64 • 10. Annexes 3

- 10.1. Table 15. Definitions 65 - 10.2. Table 16. Episode Codes 65 – 67 - 10.3. Table 17. Talking versus Listening Roles: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity 68 – 79 - 10.4. Table 18. Question tags: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity 79 – 80 - 10.5. Table 19. Adjectives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity 81 – 89 - 10.6. Table 20. Colloquial and Vulgar language: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity 90 –104 - 10.7. Table 21. Diminutives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity 105 –114 - 10.8. Table 22. Transcripts S1.07 and S1.07/108 115 – 125 - 10.9. Table 23. Transcripts S2.11 and S2.11/209 125 –134

2. Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank the tutor of my project, Professor Anna Espunya Prat, for her valuable help in recommending many of the readings for my project and in solving all the doubts that I had during the process of elaborating this study. Above all, I am grateful at all her suggestions and advice that she always provided me. I reckon that this project would not have been possible without her help. I also want to thank Professor Jacqueline Hurtley because it was in her seminars at the University of Barcelona that I became interested in the study of gender. I am also thankful at Professor Temple Northup (Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, University of Houston) and Professor Carol M. Liebler (Professor at Newhouse School, Syracuse University) for kindly having sent me a copy of their study on Disney beauty ideals. Finally, I want to thank my parents for endlessly having encouraged me during all my studies, and Serkan, who has been a constant source of positivity for me to pursuit my goals. To you all, again, thank you very much.

3. Introduction 3.1. Objectives and Research Questions The current master’s thesis aims at testing whether or not linguistic gender stereotyping is present in the transcripts of fiction for preteen girls by studying and analysing specific linguistic aspects of thesituation comedy series Liv and Maddie (2013) and its translation into Spanish (Liv y Maddie). Both the topic and the corpus of this project are the result of having fused previous ideas and interests, which gradually shaped the final path of this study. Even before deciding the corpus that I would analyse, I had chosen gender, Disney and a young audience as main addressees, as the general topics of my interest. The very first idea was to work on linguistic gender stereotypes in pre-adolescent and teenage English and Spanish magazines targeted to girls. However, I could not manage to get a printed copy of either of the two languages, no matter which teen magazine I checked. I tried to work with the online magazine versions instead but the two language sites were completely different both in terms of content and layout. Having discarded the magazines as the corpus of my analysis and after exploring other alternatives with my tutor, I finally decided to work on Liv and Maddie, a Disney Channel teen situation comedy targeted to a young audience (specially to girls), and continue my main interest of analysing the linguistic gender stereotypes by means of the series’ scripts. One of the interesting and motivating aspects that I found when searching for previous research on the topic of linguistic gender stereotypes in series aimed at a young (preteen and early teen) and particularly female audience is that there was not so much work done, as Temple Northup and Carol Liebler note in their study on “beauty ideals messages of live-action television shows” (2010, 265).1 As I have previously mentioned, the series that I will analyse is mainly targeted to young viewers. As Flavell and Miller argue, “age is often used as a marker of […] differences in cognitive abilities” (1993 in Strasburger and Wilson 2002, 12-13). Even though I will not study the audience’ reception of Liv and Maddie in this project, the series is targeted to a specific age: preteen or ‘older elementary school children’ (12-13), that is, between 8 to 12 and early teen, which is comprised between 13 and 14. The series’ official websites use short sentences and avoidance of complicated language. They also offer games, gossip on the actors and many tests to entertain the audience. Besides, the series is aired in the evening (20:00) in the evening in Disney Channel’s open broadcast in Spain. I consider that content, messages and images displayed in Liv and Maddie might differ from films, shows and series targeted to

1 Aside from this article, I have not found scholarly material on stereotypes in preteen and teen sitcoms. 6 children, which is not the age scope I am interested in. Since Liv and Maddie is mainly targeted to a young female audience that are probably in the age of “developing and awareness of self and comparing [it] to the ideals presented in the media” (Northup and Liebler 2010, 265), I believe a study on this series might reveal powerful insights on stereotyping and how it is displayed. As for previous research, I found some studies on gender in Disney classics, such as Dawn Elisabeth England, Lara Descartes and Melissa A. Collier-Meek’s “Gender Role Portrayal and the Disney Princesses” (2011) or Keisha L. Hoerrner’s “Gender Roles in Disney Films: Analysing Behaviours from Snow White to Simba” (1996). I checked the Journal of Children and the Media but just Northup and Liebler’s article (2010) was partially relevant to my study. I also looked up the Journal of Serial Narration on Television (Universität des Saarlandes) in which I found one article on the role of women in Desperate Housewives (Anna Lenz, 2013). Except for another article that I will mention later on, Lenz’s article focused on products for an adult audience. I also came across a non-academic blog, in which the author discussed gender stereotypes in Two and a Half Men and in The Big Bang Theory (Frendo 2013), shows which are definitely targeted to an older audience. Among many other sources that are listed in both the Primary and Secondary Sources section of my project (see 8 and 9), the main readings for this study have been Jennifer Coates’ Women, Men and Language (1993), Janet Holmes and Miriam Meyerhoff’s The Handbook of Language and Gender (2003), Frederic Chaume’s Doblatge i subtitulació per a la TV (2003), Richard F. Young’s Language and interaction: An advanced resource book (2008), Paulo Quaglio’s Television Dialogue. The sitcom Friends vs. natural conversation (2009), Maria Victoria Escandell’s Introducción a la Pragmática (2013) and Maike Reutler’s “How gender stereotypes are achieved linguistically in AMC’s Mad Men” (2013). I will single out Reutler’s work both in the methodology section (3.2) and in the theoretical frameworks section (3.3.) since it has proved to be relevant for my study. By means of a detailed and descriptive study on specific linguistic features, my purpose is to find out if Liv and Maddie displays and perpetuates linguistic and gender stereotypes based on previous research on gender stereotypes. The main body of the project consists of two parts. On the one hand, I shall first introduce the series and its content. I will later present the main characters and describe the different situations that they find themselves in. I will conclude the first part of the project by commenting on the social roles that the characters play in the episodes. On the other hand, I shall focus on specific language features on the dialogues (see Part 2) among the characters in order to centre the study on female and 7 male characters and discuss how and when they speak, evaluate the methods of translations used in each linguistic feature and finally study the elements’ function and intensity, checking whether the translation has been able to maintain these variables and with what resources. In an attempt to summarize the goals of this project, my research questions (RQ) are the following: • (RQ1) Does Liv and Maddie contain linguistic gender stereotypes? • (RQ2) If so, do the stereotypes match the research done on the field of language and gender? • (RQ3) Is Liv and Maddie fostering gender stereotypes or challenging them? • (RQ4) Does the translation express and maintain the same function and intensity of the linguistic features analysed?

3.2. Methodology This project is based on the study of two English episodes of the American sitcom series Liv and Maddie and their Spanish translations. The choice of the episodes has been arbitrarily determined by the availability of both the source and translated or target texts (from now on, referred as ST and TT) and the audio-visual material2, which together with the changing quality resolution of the videos accounts for the variety of platforms (see 8). In general terms, I watched the English episodes in the Disney Channel and Putlocker websites while I used Disney Channel Spain, Disney Channel ES Replay, Pepecine and Seriesflv and the sources of the Spanish videos. I first chose the Spanish episodes and I later looked for the matching English original episodes. The first episode that I chose to analyse was ‘Dodge-A-Rooney’3 which corresponds to the first season (1) episode 7 (2013-14)4. The second episode is ‘Detention-A-Rooney’,

2 The available online and complete episodes on the Disney Channel Spanish website keep changing. The site offers around 5 or 6 videos but they are updated and changed constantly. By the time I checked all the videos in the website (15th April, 2016) the following ones were available: episode 103, 108, 113, 209/30, 210/31 and 215/36. The choice for this project has been, therefore, among these chapters. Same websites (Pepecine) numbered the episodes (e.g. 1x07) and others (Disney Channel España and Disney Channel ES Replay) showed a title and a code. The episodes that I study correspond to codes 108 and 209/30 (referred as 209). 3 All episodes in the series have the same structure in the titles, for example, ‘X-A-Rooney’: ‘X’ being the first part of the title and ‘Rooney’ the family’s name. 4 Aired on 3rd November 2013 (United States). 8 which corresponds to the second season (2) episode 11 (2014-15)5. The English episodes will be referred from now on as S1.07 and S2.11, depending on which season and chapter I am dealing with. As for the Spanish episodes, they correspond to ‘El Castigo Rooney’ and ‘El partido de brilé de las Rooney.’ In the Disney Channel Spain site, episode 7 corresponds to Liv y Maddie Ep. 1086 and episode 11 is Liv y Maddie 209/307. In order to make the references clearer, the Spanish episodes will be referred as S1.07/108 and S2.11/209, consistently with the previous English identification. So to avoid confusion with the codes, I created a chart in the Annexes (see 10.2) with all the episode codes. Having watched the episodes, I then looked for the scripts. However, I could not find any official source (e.g. Disney Channel) offering the original ones. Since fans probably wrote the ones that I found, the texts will be referred as transcripts. The English ones were entirely extracted from the ‘Springfield! Springfield!’ website. They were labelled ‘N/A’, which I interpret as meaning ‘non-authorized.’ My work consisted on watching the videos, reading the transcripts and verifying their authenticity because they were not complete. First of all, there were no indications on which character was talking (speaking roles) and no time length of any of the characters’ speaking time. Secondly, the text lines did not mark the change of speaker. The sentences were linked together but they corresponded to two different characters’ statements. Finally, there were neither annotations on what the characters were doing nor indicators of situation change (beginning and end)8. Aside from checking the mistakes, I included the name of the characters, the place of action (which marks the scene change) and I redistributed the sentences. I did not calculate the time of the characters’ speech, since I will just be looking at the number of speaking roles rather than the speaking length. As for the Spanish transcripts, I could not find any official website offering them either. Since the ones that I found were from Latin America, I decided to transcribe the entire episodes in Spanish by myself. I consider my corpus as being parallel, because it “contains the same text samples in each of the two languages, in the sense that [they] are translations of one another” (Oakes and McEnery 2000, 1). In the annexes (see 10.8 and 10.9), I aligned the

5 Aired on 15th February 2015 (United States). 6 Aired on 21st March 2014 (Spain). 7 Aired on 27th March 2015 Spain). 8 I found another website (TvArk) that displayed timing and annotations but the transcripts were not complete. 9 transcripts for an easier comparison9. Since the corpus for my project is not extensive, I did not use any tool (e.g. AntConc10) for the analysis. Rather, I did it manually by comparing the text files. Having said that, I would like to state that though the videos have been the main source for the project, the corpus of my study is built on their transcripts. Even though there are just six main characters in the episodes (which I will be explaining in more detail in section 4.1/2), I considered linguistic features including all the characters. The episodes object if study do not have many mix-gender conversations, i.e. women and men interaction in the same scene. Rather, conversations seem to be grouped (either just men or women), at least in the episodes of my analysis. Even though I will comment on all conversations, the main focus will be on mixed-gender conversations. For each particular linguistic feature I created tables (see 10.3 to 10.4) with all the English instances, the Spanish correspondents, the methods of translation, the function that the features have and their intensity (and whether or not these variables changed in the translation). In the second part of the project (see 5) I will just comment on the most relevant examples but I will introduce tables and graphics11 to justify the annexes. As to aspects that I have studied, Reutler’s article has been crucial for my project in terms of the analysis of gender stereotypes and her bibliography. I applied a similar layout to my project, taking into account the structure that she presented, the authors that she discussed and previous research done in the field12 that she explained. The features that I took from her study and I applied to mine were the following: talking versus listening (2013, 77-78), tag questions (79-80), adjectives (80) and vulgar language (81). As far as my project is concerned, I shall be referring to specific research and work done on the topic before each analysis. The linguistic features were not just studied as isolated linguistic categories but taking into consideration their functional and pragmatic dimension (and the features’

9 I aligned the entire corpus, making sure that the speaking roles were also parallel for clearer comprehension. The names of the characters are boldfaced, the places are inserted between brackets and additional commentaries are marked in italics. In S2.11.4 I included “sings” and “canta” to indicate the action, since I skipped the song. Finally, I included the scene codes in the transcripts in order to avoid confusion. It should be noted that even though I divided the scenes when there was a shift (change of place or topic), the choice is personal. 10 I was introduced to this program in Corpora in Translation Studies (Master in Translation Studies). 11 The annexes sections (see 10.2 to 10.4) contain the number and page references of the tables, graphics and examples that I included in the project. 12 Even though Reutler’s article has served as a base for my study, it has been by no means copied. 10 intensity) in the contexts that they appear, rather than just focusing the analysis on the sematic dimension of the words. In the talking versus listening roles (Coates 1989a; 1991 in 1993) I counted the speaking roles in same-gender and mixed-gender conversations in order to see the general trend of conversation dominance. I also tackled the use of interruptions (Zimmerman and West 1975, Coates 1993, Yule 2014) so as to see whether all characters wanted to exert their right to speak and therefore interrupt each other. Finally, I dealt with the use of minimal responses and backchannels, which serve to check that messages are being received. The vocal backchannels that I looked for in the transcripts were the following: ‘m’, ‘mm’, ‘hm’, ‘hmm’, ‘mhm’, ‘mmm’, ‘um hmm’, ‘uh-uh’, ‘uh-huh’, ‘yes’, ‘no’, ‘yeah’, ‘fine’, ‘ok’, ‘okay’, ‘oh’, ‘right’, ‘all right’, ‘really’, ‘I see’ and ‘well’ (Zimmerman and West 1975, 108; Fishman 1978, 95; Coates 1993, 193; Yule 1996, 75; Ward and Tsukahara 2000, 1177; Pipek 2007, 7; 11, Ward 2007, Carter and McCarthy 2006, 922 in Quaglio 2009, 104; Quaglio 2009, 8 and Yule 2014, 280). Regarding the use of tag questions, I followed Holmes (1982), Cameron, McAliden & O’Leary (1989) and Yule (2014). I looked for the typical structures of tag questions (e.g. ‘isn’t it?’) and I also included variants such as ‘okay?’ and ‘right?’ (Behm 2009, 60f in Reutler 2013, 79). As for the Spanish correspondents, I looked for ‘no?’ and ‘¿verdad?’ When it comes to adjectives, my study was mainly centred in specific adjectives that some researchers have considered to be either “male” or “female.” I looked for the following adjectives: ‘adorable’, ‘charming’, ‘cool’, ‘cute’, ‘darling’, ‘divine’, ‘great’, ‘lovely’, ‘neat’, ‘nice’, ‘precious’, ‘pretty’, ‘sweet’ and ‘terrific’ (Jespersen 1922, Lakoff 1973; Kramer 1973). However, I added any other adjectives that I considered that were similar to those suggested by the above-mentioned authors. In the analysis of the adjectives I want to check how the characters make use of them, that is, whether the adjectives are used in order to assess an object or if they are used to express feelings and emotional states. I later checked the use of vulgar language and weaker expletives, following Jespersen (1922), Lakoff (1973) and McConnell-Ginet (2005). Since the series is targeted to a young audience, I do not expect the language to be contain many swearing expressions and offensive language but the use of vulgar, colloquial and slang language and expressions that young people use instead. Even though I will be looking at expressions such as ‘man’, ‘you (guys)’, ‘girl(friend)’, ‘dude’, ‘lady’, ‘ladies’, ‘gentlemen’, ‘folks’, ‘babe’, ‘sexy’, ‘princess’, ‘beautiful’ (Hinton 1992 in McConnell-Ginet in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 78; 84) as examples of colloquial language and ‘damn’, ‘shit’, ‘oh dear’, ‘goodness’ or ‘oh fudge’ 11

(Lakoff 1973, 50) for expletives (including different ones that I found), I studied them as a whole. While doing the analysis, I realized that this kind of language was intermixed with the use of high register (and even scientific language) on the part of the characters. I added a table to reflect this use of language in the annexes (see 10.6). Finally, I explored the use of diminutives following Da Silva (1927), even though other authors will be mentioned in the section (see 5.5.1) I looked for instances containing ‘little’, ‘mini-’, ‘-let’ and ‘–y’ in English (Cambridge Dictionaries) and ‘–ito/ita’, ‘-illo/illa’, ‘-ín/ina’, ‘-ete/eta’, ‘-ejo/eja’, ‘- ucho/ucha’, ‘-ola’, ‘-uelo/uela’, ‘-ículo/ícula’, ‘-uco/uca’, ‘-oco/oca’ (Zuluaga 1970) and I added any other diminutives that vary from the ones mentioned. In order to report the findings in an organized way, I created tables that contain the English features and the Spanish correspondents, the method of translation, the function that the element has in the text and its intensity or strength, and whether or not these two last elements change in the translation13. One of the aims of this project was to create a bidirectional study. I first analysed the English transcripts and then I turned to the Spanish ones in order to see how the translation was done and to check to what extent it had been faithful to the source text. However, I also worked from the Spanish transcripts to the English ones so to make sure I did not miss any feature (or if any of them had been omitted both in the source and target text) and to see if the terms that I analysed correspond well to each other. Even though the next part of the project (see 3.3) contains a section on translation, I found it convenient to make some remarks. One aspect that I took into consideration when analysing the STs and the TTs was to avoid regarding them as separated entities. According to Harris, the text as a whole, together with each segment (related to translation units) constitutes a bi-text. He considers that translators regard the ST and TT as simultaneously present and interconnected in the act of translation, even though there is the possibility of restoring the versions (or parts of them) in our minds once the process of translation has finished. In his words, “retrieval of a translation unit of ST from a bi-text” will always bring

13 Codes and explanations: the characters’ names are boldfaced and the features are underlined. I introduced all scene codes to mark the scenes. ‘ST’ corresponds to ‘Source Text’ and ‘TT’ to ‘Target Text.’ I used ‘[…]’ when I omitted part of text. The symbol ‘Ø’ indicates that either the ST or the TT have omitted one or more elements. Tables and diagrams are distributed along the project and they have been numbered. I have used ‘#’ on tables to indicate ‘the number of’ (scenes, definitions). 12 with it the corresponding unit of TT [and] retrieval of a translation unit of TT will always be associated with a corresponding unit in SL”14 (1988a: 8 in Toury 1995, 96).

3.3. Theoretical Frameworks In this section of the project I shall comment on the theoretical frameworks of my analysis. I have organized them in four sections15: (1) Translation, (2) Language and Media: Identity, (3) Gender and Sex, and (4) Stereotyping. The reason of this order is because I am dealing with translation as the relationship existing between the two texts that I am analysing, in the sense that the second text of the pair is derived from the first text, written in a different language and targeted to a different audience. I consider it should be placed in the first placed, directly followed by how language and media build identity and foster communication. Finally, I have tackled the topics of gender and sex, and stereotypes. In each part I have commented on the research and authors that I based my project on. The sections on (3) Gender and Sex and (4) Stereotyping will be studied in more detail in the analysis (see 4 to 5.5) (1) Translation Despite the fact that linguistic gender stereotypes are the large focus of my project, translation is an important aspect of my study, since I am also analysing how specific features have been translated from English to Spanish. Translation is an activity that that aims at “replacing a text in the source language with an equivalent text in the target language” (Mott 2011, 17) mainly addressed to “those members of that culture who do not know the language in which the text was originally written” (Lefevere 1992, 1). In the act of translation, translators need to take into consideration the linguistic and overall context (Reiss 2014; 51 & Mott 2011, 18). Understanding the ST and the exact meaning and function of words in context is crucial to deliver a successful, idiomatic and faithful translation (Gottlieb 1997, 114-5 in Chaume 2003, 104-105). However, translations are more complex than just a linguistic transfer since together with the act of solving translation problems, translations are activities that involve at least two languages and a cultural transfer (Toury 1995, 53 & 56; Joseph B. Casagrande 1954, 338 in Ivir 1987, 35; Hurtado 1996, 34 in Chaume 2003 90-91;

14 To him, the first retrieval corresponds to practicing translators and the second one to retrospective translation scholars. 15 Since this section is quite extensive, I decided to include a section on the language in television series, pragmatics and politeness at the beginning of Part 2 of this project instead. I considered that it could serve as an introduction to all the forthcoming analysis rather than another part of the theoretical frameworks. 13

Delabastita 2003, 107 and Mott 2011, 17). Furthermore, translations are rewritings of the ST (Bettetini 1986, 102 in Chaume 2003, 72; Susan Bassnett and André Lefevere 1992, XI). In order to comment on how the linguistic features have been translated into the TT, I will be referring to the linguistic approach of methods of translation by Jean-Paul Vinay and Jean Darbelnet, which I was introduced to in the subject ‘Temes Avançats en Estudis de Traducció’16 of this master’s degree. Since translation is also a cultural process, I will also mention some of Vladimir Ivir’s procedures and strategies of translation so to complement Vinay and Darbelnet’s methodology17. The methods that I chose were substitution, omission and addition (Ivir 1987, 41, 43; 44)18, considering those as the most recurrent in the transcripts. As for Vinay and Darbelnet’s methodology, I will refer to borrowing, calque and literal translation (direct methods of translation)19 and equivalence and adaptation20 (oblique methods of translation). I decided to introduce the functionalist approach on errors of translation by Christiane Nord and comment on it whenever I found the types of errors that she distinguishes: pragmatic errors, cultural errors and linguistic errors21 (see 5.1.2 to 5.5.2). I considered important to also make reference to Katharina Reiss’s linguistic approach to text

16 The further concepts of Reiss and Nord were also discussed in that subject. 17 See 5.1 to 5.5 for the analysis and 10.3 to 10.7 for the tables and the methods of translation. 18 To him, substitution refers to the “partial overlap […] of a particular element of culture.” In an omission, the translator omits an element that was explicit in the ST, while s/he can also make use of the addition and add extra information (1987, 41, 43; 44). Even though his methods are related to cultural transfer, I considered that they could also be applied in the linguistic analysis of my corpus. 19 A ‘borrowing’ overcomes a lacuna and introduces some flavour of the SL, a ‘calque’ is a kind of borrowing involving a literal translation; ‘literal translation’ is a word for word or direct transfer that is grammatically and idiomatically appropriate as a unique, reversible and complete solution (1958 [1995], 31-31, 32, 33-34). 20 ‘Transposition’ and ‘modulation’ refer to structural changes (rather than the pragmatic dimension of my study). I included them in the notes because I made use of them too. ‘Transposition’ involves “replacing one word class with another without changing the meaning of the message.” ‘Modulation’ consists on varying the form of the message by making a change in the point of view. ‘Equivalence’ requires different stylistic/structural methods and it belongs to the phraseological repertoire of the language (i.e., idioms, clichés). ‘Adaptation’ involves a “situational equivalence” due to an unknown situation in the target culture (36, 37 & 39). 21 ‘Pragmatic errors’ harm the functionality by disobeying the pragmatic instructions of the translation assignment. ‘Cultural errors’ do not fulfil the norms and general stylistic conventions of the target culture but they do not hamper comprehension. ‘Linguistic errors’ are lexical, grammatical, orthographic and punctuation errors (Nord 1996, 98-99). The basic principles for functional translation are: principle of functionality, loyalty, translation order or commission, function of the TT in the TC, functionality regarding the audience of the TT, functional composition of the text and relationship between ST and TT (92). 14 typology22, the first researcher who proposed a classification of text typology with translation as ultimate purpose (2003, 55). As Reiss argues, texts might have more than one function (Chaume 2014, 25). I consider Liv and Maddie as having a depictive and expressive function even though the dominant typology is audio-medial, since the transcripts “are written to be spoken” (27). When it comes to translation, the priority of audio-medial texts is to “preserve the same effect on the hearer that the original [had] in the [SL]” (46). Audio-medial texts are difficult to classify according to their function (Reiss 1971, 33 in Chaume 2003, 55) because while the other text typologies deal with the function of language (informative, expressive or appellative), audio-medial texts refer to the mode of discourse and the channel by which is transmitted (55). In an attempt to avoid confusion, there is a distinction to be made between genre and text typology (Nord 1991): ‘Texttyp’ refers to the textual function, as Reiss explained, and ‘Textsorte’ (text form) is the traditional concept for genre (Chaume 2003, 174). Even though this project focuses on how features have been translated, it is important to briefly deal with dubbing and audio-visual translation, since the Spanish version of Liv and Maddie has been through these processes so that the audience can watch it in a language other than English. As television series genre, I would say that Liv and Maddie can be considered a narrative form of entertainment, more specifically, situational comedy (Luyken 1991 & Agost 1996 & 1999 in Chaume 2003, 182, 183; 184 & Chaume 200-201), which I will explain further on the project. According to Chaume, audio-visual content started getting attention from translation researchers as technological supports were spread (2003, 9-10)23. Picking up a previous point on translation, Chaume considers audio-visual translation24 as a mode of translation (understanding it as the methods to be used), which involves inter-linguistic and intercultural transfer by means of acoustic and visual channels: verbal and non-verbal

22 Reiss divides the texts in ‘content-focused’ (depictive/informative function), ‘form-focused’ (expressive function) and ‘appeal-focused’ (persuasive/operative function). The fourth category corresponds to ‘audio- medial’ (2014, 25; 27). Depending on the text typology, the translation approach will differ: in content-focused texts, it is essential to transfer the content (accuracy). In form-focused text, the translation must focus on the structure of the text and find an analogous form as equivalent. In appeal-focused texts, faithfulness to the original by achieving what the author intended (function) is primordial (2014, 30, 31-32, 39, 41, 48). 23 Chaume’s book was in Catalan. Except the quote of Gottlieb (1997, 112), I translated the other quotes. 24 Chaume explains that in dubbing, the unit of audio-visual translation is called ‘take’ (Chaume 2003, 159) or “dubbing units” (Whitman 1992, 62 in Chaume 2003, 159) and consists of a maximum of ten lines. 15 information (15; 16). He differentiates it from subtitles, which involve incorporating target language written text in the screen with original audio (18). Audio-visual translation, as any kind of translation activity, has some constraints that the translators need to both be aware of and respect. Dubbing consists on the translation and adjustment of an audio-visual script for later stage representation. One characteristic of these texts is that, since they aim at reproducing real speech, the translators will encounter “spontaneous speech, pauses, false starts, self-corrections and interruptions, unfinished sentences and ‘grammatical unacceptable’ constructions, slips-of-the-tongue and nonsense” (Gottlieb 1997, 112 in Chaume 2003, 163). In the act of translation, Chaume mentions that the dialogues are recorded translated in the TL in synchrony with the image (17), which already appears to be a challenge to the translators, since by trying to convey “the idiosyncrasy in speech of the characters [they might be obliged] to add or reduce words in order to preserve naturalness (Martin 1994, 324 in Chaume 2003, 124-125). In addition, dealing with dubbing from English to a Romance language such as Spanish requires en effort of synthesis. Chaume explains that the prosodic rhythms in English are quantitatively inferior, since this language contains more monosyllables and two-syllable words than Spanish (three-syllable words and polysyllables). Moreover, the translator should accomplish other conventions, such as keeping dialogues isochronal25 (2003, 20-21) and decode oral, written, paralinguistic, musical, representational narrative (literary, television convention) and ideological (political correction, courtesy, censorship) codes (90-91). (2) Language and Media: Identity In this section, I will be commenting on language and the media as sources of identity. In terms of Jennifer Coates, “sociolinguistics […] is the study of language in its social context.” She further argues that the latter is known as linguistic variation, which means that in different social contexts, individuals will speak in different ways (i.e. stylistic variation). This is linked to social variation because speakers who differ in age, gender, social class, ethnic group, among others, will also differ in their speech, even in the same context. Yule argues that the term culture is used “to refer to all the ideas and assumptions about the nature of things and people that we learn when we become members of social groups” (2014, 271). As Sara Mills and Louise Mullany argue, any social relations that individuals carry out (their thoughts and actions) are mediated and made through language (2011, 1). Humans use

25 ‘Isochronal’ means that something is “uniform in time, having an equal duration” or “recurring at regular intervals” (Merriam-Wesbter Dictionary) 16 language to communicate and “[its use] consists of […] socially and cognitively determined selection of behaviours according to the goals of the speaker and the context of the situation” (Bloom & Lahey 1978, 20 in Haas 1979, 622), which will change depending on the speakers’ linguistic purpose and the situation they find themselves in. Despite being social individuals, everyone has a sense of individuality, that is, a feeling of possessing some inner identity characteristics that differentiate the ‘I’ from the ‘other.’ However, is identity rigid and unable to be changed? And more importantly, what defines identity? Can individuals construct their own identity or is it externally built? According to Richard Young, identity may have two senses. The first one distinguishes one individual from another because it refers to the stable and fixed sense of self-hood that is attached to a physical body, changing over time but yet remaining the same. But ‘identity’ can also make reference to all that we do in a certain context (2008, 108). As individuals, we are all shaped by some categories, which Karen Tracy calls ‘master identities’. They include: gender, ethnicity, class, age, nationality, race, age, religion, sexual orientation, aspects of personhood that seem quite stable and unchanging (Tannen 1990, 7; Tracy 2002, 18 in Young 2008, 108-109) even though their representations can be contested and challenged (Young 2008, 109) in different contexts and situations. ‘Personal identities’ are “attributed to people on the basis of their attitudes and behaviour toward some issue and also those aspects of people that index the way they talk and usually conduct themselves.” ‘Interactional identities’ are “specific roles that people take on in interaction with specific other people” and the ‘relational identity’ is “the kind of relationship that a person enacts with a particular conversational partner in a specific situation’, which is continuously negotiated and keep changing (Tracy 2002, 19 in Young 2008, 110-111). In this sense, we see that a person can be defined according to the master identity, personal identity, interactional identity and relational identity, which can be changed, imposed, challenged and negotiated depending on the person, society and the situation.26 Young also explores the co-construction of identity, which results from speech accommodation27, that is, “the selection of linguistic forms and interactional patterns […] in response to the […] identities that the speaker perceives in the audience. An individual speaker creates identity with the linguistic and interactional forms

26 Young argues that “‘master identities’ are social categories that construct an individual as belonging to a group, whose members share the same master identity” while ‘personal identities’ “involve other people creating an identity for someone on the basis of how they perceive that person to talk and behave” (2008, 110-111). 27 Aside from speech accommodation, he also mentions resistance to ascribed identity, and identity confusion (2008, 117). 17 that are employed, and each speaker commands a range of variation (pronunciations, accents, vocabulary, and other linguistic and interactional resources.” Language style or speech style is, according to Young, the way that these resources are assembled in a certain context (117). Moving onto gender and language as a source of identity, Reutler, following Behm (2009) explains different approaches on gender and language that reflect women’s status as an oppressed and marginalized group.28 First of all, deficit approach, which derives from Lakoff’s findings and portrays women lacking in power and assertiveness, as less dominant and forceful in conversations than men (Behm 2009, 18 in Reutler 2013, 74). In the dominance approach, men are regarded as being more powerful and dominant in mix-gender conversations, while women are inferior and subordinate (Reutler 2013, 74). Coates argues that this approach regards women as an oppressed group and interprets linguistic differences in women’s and men’s speech in terms of men’s dominance and women’s subordination (1993, 12). In the difference approach, it is claimed that boys and girls grow up differently and they “learn to use language differently” (Litosseliti 2006, 37 in Reutler 2013, 74). According to Behm, this approach regards men and women as equal but different (2009, 21 in Reutler 2013, 74). As for Coates, this approach emphasizes the idea that women and men belong to different subcultures. While Coates argues that the difference approach is quite new, she further states that the “‘discovery’ of distinct male and female subcultures in recent years seems to be a direct result of women’s growing resistance to being treated as a minority group” (12-13). Finally, Reutler comments on the Communities of Practice (CoP) as the most recent approach to language and gender. She quotes Eckert et al. (in Mills et al. 2011, 70), who define it as “an aggregate of people who come together around mutual engagement in an endeavour (2013, 74) and reinforce the idea of participation in society and developing a sense of place and possibilities in it (Eckert et al. 2003, 57). According to Reutler, the CoP supposes a shift: rather than focusing on differences between men and women and power relations, it is focused on language in a more isolated yet coherent way (2013, 74). According to Behm, “gender roles are acquired during socialization” though “the gender of a person is not the only social variable which constructs his or her identity. An individualist approach to gender takes the risk to reduce the perception of human beings in that people are only judged by their gender (2009, 25 in Reutler 2013, 74), as we shall see in a further section.

28 Studies on women as ‘oppressed and marginalized’ group: Breakwell (1979), Delphy (1984) and Moi (1985). 18

After having dealt with language as a means of identity, I will now turn to media as another source of language that might modify an individual’s (and especially young ones) identity and individuality. When it comes to the media, as Chaume plainly puts, we are all usual consumers of television series (2003, 9) and a program or advertisement offer numerous auditory and visual signals (Grossberg, Wartella & Whitney, 1998 in Strasburger and Wilson 2002, 17-18). Whatever their purposes, all series display specific images, ideals, messages and values to society. Related to these messages, Douglas Keller argues, “television […] and the other products of media culture provide materials out of which we forge our identities [and the] notion of what it means to be male or female” (In Dines and Humez, 2002, 9). More importantly, these media images are able to shape how we perceive both the world and our values: what is considered as good/positive or bad/negative. As a consequence, these images not only educate people on “how to behave and what to think, feel, believe, fear [and] desire” but also on “how to be men and women” (9-10). As Lia Litosseliti states, “language both reflects and creates how we see the world, [and it] includes assumptions about gender and gender inequalities” (2006, 1) and “a focus on language has to be part of a focus on gender inequality in general” (Mills and Mullany 2011, 3). (3) Gender and Sex Before commenting on the aspects of gender and sex, it is important to consider the study of gender and language, which, according to Litosseliti, “refers to cross-disciplinary discussions of the both ways in which language is used by men and women, and the ways in which language is used to say things about men and women” (2006, 2). As for this project, I shall tackle these aspects in the stereotypes sections and mainly in the data analysis parts. Following Litosseliti’s argument, language and gender has made researchers raise questions: “Do women and men talk differently? [And if so] why?” (Coates 1993, 3) or “do all women, speak in the ways they are widely assumed to do?” (Cameron 1994, 384) According to Young, gender is another aspect of master identity but he considers that “there is no one-to- one correspondence between gender and a particular conversational style” (2008, 114). When it comes to ‘gender’ and ‘sex’, I shall establish the differences between the two concepts because they are sometimes confused. ‘Sex’ is what has been ascribed by biology, the physiological, functional and biological (anatomical) and the binary distinctions that define people as male or female depending on their sex organs and genes (West & Zimmerman 1987, 125; Basow, 192, 2; Coates 1993, 3-4 & Litosseliti 2006, 1, 10-11; Yule 2014, 278). ‘Gender’, on the other hand, is an achieved status, psychologically, ideologically, historically, culturally and socially constructed categories based on sex (West & Zimmerman 19

1987, 125; Coates 1993, 3-4; Basow 1992, 2-3; Eckert in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 381; Butler 2007, 8). In Butler’s terms, “gender is […] a set of repeated acts within a highly rigid regulatory frame that congeal over time to produce the appearance of substance, of a natural sort of being” (2007, 45). According to Susan Basow, ‘gender’ refers to “one’s subjective feelings of maleness and femaleness”, that is, gender identity. She further argues that it “may […] refer to society’s evaluation of behaviour as masculine or feminine” and she finally postulates that “the degree to which a person identifies with societal definitions of masculinity and femininity is referred to as ‘gender role’ or ‘sex typing’ (1992, 2). As Bonnie McElhinny comments, “gender identity also varies across context” (in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 29) because men and women might vary their speech depending on the situation. As Judith Butler argues, “gender proves to be performative […] a doing” (2007, 34), which is an important aspect (Livia and Hall 1997, 11) because individuals actively act and produce their ways of behaving (Cameron in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 463). Humans are not born with gender, neither they have it; instead, they do and perform the gender identity when engaged in interaction with other beings (Holmes & Meyerhoff 2003, 11; West and Zimmerman 1987 in Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 2005, 10). Certainly then, gender is not born but rather becomes (De Beauvoir 2011, 283; McGladrey 2014, 355) by means of interaction and socialization. Another aspect related to gender, as Basow and Litosseliti comment, is the fact that each culture creates their meanings on how they understand female and male (1992, 2; 2006, 11). In fact, the meanings might differ among societies but they involve a series of cultural and social expectations (gender roles): how each gender should be, talk and behave (Basow and Sunderland 1992, 2; Litosseliti 2006, 28 & Swann 1992, 16). However, “gender is often thought of in terms of bipolar categories […] even as mutually exclusive opposite” (Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). When they are exaggerated, these expectations become gender stereotypes (Basow and Sunderland 1992, 2; Litosseliti 2006, 11) that refer to social behaviours, expectations and attitudes associated with being male and female (Litosseliti 2006, 1). Swann argues that as a social category, gender affects the way individuals speak (1992, 16). Litosseliti observes that a certain pressure on both boys and girls to speak and behave in a certain way might lead to “the earning of different interactional styles and the adoption of different linguistic choices” (2006, 38). Kendall (following Ochs 1992) argues that, “women and men do not generally choose linguistic options for the purpose of creating masculine or feminine identities; [but] draw upon gendered linguistic strategies to perform 20 pragmatic and interactional functions of language [which] constitute roles in a gendered way” (604 in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 13). (4) Stereotyping According to Sunderland, gender representation is often achieved through stereotyping (2006, 25). Stereotypes are strongly held overgeneralizations about individuals or a group in some designated social category (Basow 1992, 3) and any real or image characteristics that have been exaggerated (Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). Stereotypes may be applied to any sphere of an individual’s life: personal life, behaviour, personality, speech habits, vocabulary, social position, nationality and economic situation (Antoniadou 2006, 4; Cameron 1988, 8, Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). They tend to involve a reductive tendency because they consist in interpreting the above-mentioned features in terms of a set of common-sense attributions that are applied to whole groups (468). This way, stereotypes reinforce unjust prejudices in determining the ways society both expects and wants to see people (Basow 1992, 11; Cameron 2008, 14). As an example, if society observes a group of people being engaged in a certain activity, then it is likely to believe that “the abilities and personality attributes required to carry out that activity are typical of that group of people” (Eagly and Steffen 1984, 735). In this sense, Prentice and Carranza regard stereotypes as being highly prescriptive, since the “the qualities they ascribe to women and men also tend to be the ones that are required of women and men” (2002, 269). Talbot comments on how gender stereotypes are connected with and support gender ideologies: “if we view [stereotypes] as ideological prescriptions for behaviour, then […] individuals have to respond to the stereotypical roles expected of them.” According to her, it contributes at reproducing naturalised gender differences and consequently sustaining hegemonic male dominance and female subordination (in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 472), since the characteristics ascribed to men are always positive and the women’s are neutral or negative (Reutler 2013, 75). In any case, Tannen warns on this division, claiming that categorizing (positive or negative) just reinforces reductionism (1990, 6). The traits that are assigned to both women and men can differ among cultures and societies but all cultures set up some norms that go beyond the biological differences (Margaret Mead 1949, 8 in Kramer 1973, 1). By living in society, individuals learn the beliefs that a particular society creates and shares (Basow 1992, 3), a fact that is linked to ‘social typing.’ Quoting Dyer and Hall (1977), Talbot explains that individuals or groups “type people according to the complexes of classificatory schemes in our culture […] in terms of 21 the social positions they inhabit [and] their group membership” (In Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 470-1). However, do stereotypes reflect reality or do they constitute a misconception about people’s certain traits? Basow denies any potential truth that stereotypes may have. Since stereotypes are oversimplifications, she considers that they cannot include a whole group of people. And even if a generalization is valid, an individual’s behaviour or characteristics cannot be predicted (1992, 3). Since stereotypes (and labelling) involve a reduction tendency, they have the power to create differences, opposites and social distinctions (Eckert in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 388). Above all, Talbot suggests that despite the processes of simplification, separation and reduction, they create exclusion and foster naturalization (in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 470-1). Stereotyping may be applied to a range of an individual or group’s social features. However, in this project I am interested in linguistic gender stereotypes. According to Talbot, previous research on language and gender was very speculative, since “it simply accepted and used commonsensical categories of female and male [and] it tended to reproduce sexist stereotypes” (Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). Related to this point, Kramer approaches the notion of folklinguistics, that is, the popular beliefs of what constitutes women’s speech (1973, 7), which is different from the prescriptive ideas of how women and men should be speaking (Sunderland 2006, 2). Kramer further argues that folklinguistics are not always articulated as beliefs but as reading etiquette manuals, speech books, cartoons, and novels that may cause a stereotype of a woman [or man] having particular characteristics of speech to emerge (1973, 7). Even though society and culture have created and sustained stereotypes, there are two theories that approach the origin of stereotypes: the “kernel of truth theory” and the social-role theory, which is the “most influential explanation for why gender stereotypes are confirmed (Eagly 1987 in Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon 2003, 520). As Susan Basow explains, the former “rests on the assumption that gender stereotypes have some empirical validity [and] there are real differences in behaviours between the senses that the stereotypes […] exaggerate. This approach suggests that the differences exist first and that the stereotypes simply reflect them (1992, 9). Based on Basow, Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon (following Eagly, 1987b; Eagly & Steffen, 1984) the social-role theory maintains that stereotypes arise from the different social roles typically held by women and men. The theory holds that it is because men and women typically do different things (and engage in different roles) that society makes assumptions about men’s and women’s innate traits and abilities (Basow 1992, 9-10, 2003, 520). As Coates summarizes, “the first approach emphasizes the difference in the gender roles and identities of women and men [while] the 22 second [one highlights] the hierarchical nature of gender relations and the dominance of men” (1993, 203). At the same time, society ensures that stereotypes are “communicated, maintained and transmitted between individuals” (Wigboldus, Semin and Spears 2000, 5). As Talbot argues, “stereotypes are (re)produced in a wide range of practices of representation, including […] television situation comedy” (In Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 471). Miller, commenting on V. A. Alexander (2003) and W. Griswold (1981) assures that “sitcoms, like any cultural object, are shaped by the societies in which they emerge, but also by the specific people, processes and industries that produce them (2011, 142). According to Reed, who analyses the sitcom FRIENDS, gender structures are often portrayed in sitcoms (2013, 2) and that the plots redefine the idea of a normal life (following Poniewozik 2004) because dialogues capture the linguistic characteristics of natural conversations and writers of the scripts purposely created conversations that would happen in everyday life (2013, 6), also developing realistic and relatable to audiences’ characters (Miller 2011, 144). As for gender stereotyping in the media, Maeve Conrick argues that it is a well- established fact (1996). She claims that though implicit, “there are occasions when deep- rooted expectation and prejudices come to the fore” (1996). Talbot (quoting Macdonald) comments the following: “in situation comedy centred in female characters, the comedy very often rests on their speech [as] abusive […] relentless [and] never-ending (1995, 56 in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 469). Since popular culture has embraced and spread the idea that women and men are different (Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon 2003, 519), ‘masculinity’ and ‘feminity’ display opposite sets of both behaviour and personal attributes (Basow 1992, 1; 7). As for gender stereotypes in a western male-dominated society, men are supposed to embody the following characteristics: strength, athleticism, bravery, self-confidence, independence, aggressiveness, competitiveness, toughness, dominance, devotion to sports, success as business entrepreneurs, rationality, competency, instrumentality and activity (1; 4; also Antoniadou 2006, 4; Dawn, Descartes & Collier-Meek 2011, 556) while women are constantly being taught to display and repeat ‘feminine’ qualities, such as weakness, passivity, helpfulness, politeness, gentleness, tenderness, submission, emotion expressiveness, warmth, nurturance, deference to men, patience and self-sacrifice. Society considers women as reserved, maternal, delicate, devious, materialistic, extremely talkative and gossips, curious, caring, both bearers and raisers of children and housewives (Cameron, McAliden & O’Leary 1989, 76; Basow 1992, 1; 4; Rich in Evans 1995, 84; Evans 1995, 73, Eckert and 23

McConnell-Ginet 2005, 39; Antoniadou 2006, 4; Dawn, Descartes & Collier-Meek 2011, 556 Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon. 2003, 250; Litosseliti 2006, 15). The question that Basow puts forward, related to these distinctions is to what extent these images or stereotypes correspond for the majority of real people (1992, 1). A very interesting study carried out by Miller (2011) focuses on how the image of men is portrayed in sitcoms, since “media images […] shape the social contexts in which individuals act” (142). She comments (following J. M. Frazer and T. C. Frazer 1993, 165) that humour is probably the most important convention in this genre. For this reason, many traits (e.g. anger) will be exaggerated for comic effect (144). Following West and Zimmerman (1987) and Kimmel (2006), there seems to be multiple and evolving ways of performing masculinity (2011, 145). For example, some reconstructions of masculinity are the overgrown child (childish masculinity), which is based on a rejection of adulthood and responsibilities associated with family life; another redefinition would be a caring and emotional commitment to fatherhood (146; 147), another being the portrayal of a less masculine behaviour, which can be seen as gay and ‘feminine’ (Fingerhut and Peplau 2006, 273-274). As far as language is concerned, Lakoff argued that women use a different language than men. She considered that women’s use of language was weak and uncertain, though it was probably and highly influenced by stereotypical expectations (Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 474). Her collected data was based on her (and her acquaintances’) speech examination and her own intuitions, even though she claims that ‘women’s language’ (or women and men’s ‘styles’ as Coates mentions (1993 in Litosseliti 2006, 37)) surfaces in all levels of the grammar of English (Lakoff 1975, 40; 43, Ed. Mary Bucholtz 2004). Linked to Lakoff’s beliefs, there are authors who support these linguistic differences. For example, Haas maintains that “form, topic, content and use” tend to differ between male and female speech (1979, 616) and John Gray claims that the way women and men employ language gives different meanings (2012, 89), even though he is criticized for promoting gender stereotypes in non-scientific books (Cameron 2008, 1-2, 9, 86-87; Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon. 2003, 519; Sunderland 2006, 20; Litosseliti 2006, 38). Based on the claim of linguistic difference, Fought and Eisenhauer do not believe that girls naturally speak in a certain way. Rather, they are taught (in Guo 2016). While Swann considers that female speakers tend to speak in one way and males in another, he argues that there are no forms that are exclusively male or female (1992, 21). While Cameron argues that Jespersen summarizes what was known at the time about male-female differences in language use (2008, 27), she criticizes him for his impressionistic ‘data’, personal impressions and examples taken from works of 24 fiction and literature (Kramer 1973, 13; Sunderland 2006, 5; 62; Talbot 2010, 468-9 in Reutler 73). In general, he is caught between his fantasies and his prejudices to produce a sexist stereotype (Talbot quotes Cameron 1985, 33 in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 469) on women, since his chapter on women never matched one called “The Man” (Sunderland 2006, 5). As for Lakoff, researchers reprove her lack of scientific data, which was based on intuitions (Cameron 2008, 46). As Tannen observes, “she just “described patterns of language, according to her observations” (1993, 4) based on the “normative pressure on women and girls to be ‘ladylike’ and not to talk ‘rough’” (Cameron 1994, 385). Her evidence is impressionistic (Coates 1993, 127) and she relies on folklinguistics, prejudices and stereotypes of a patriarchal society, considering women’s speech as lacking, weak, trivial, hesitant and deficient when compared to men’s language (Coates 1993, 23; Sunderland 2006, 28; Reutler 2013, 73), even though there was not much else written on the subject at the time (Litosseliti 2006, 12). However, Conrick argues that since Lakoff’s “Language and Women’s Place”, “stereotypes about women's speech have percolated through from linguistic circles to the general public” (1996). As a whole, Coates questions the ultimate purpose of those writers and claims whether or not they only described women’s polite use of language or they were attempting to prescribe how women ought to talk (1993, 23). In any case, as Eckert and McConnel Ginet explain, “[Lakoff’s] pioneering work had the important effect of directing attention to the critical issues of power in the interaction of language and gender (2005, 160). Cameron suggests that Lakoff maintained that women were trapped in a double bind: “if women did not use ‘women’s language’ they risked being judged unfeminine; but by using it they risked confirming the belief that women could not express themselves decisively or authoritatively” (2008, 12-13). Even though I barely commented on gender roles in the series (see 4.3), this is just a small part of the project. My main analysis is centred on the linguistic aspects, the binary oppositions that are supposed to characterize women and men’s different styles of talk (Talbot 2003, 33): the talking versus listening roles (together with the analysis of backchannels, minimal responses and interruptions), the use of tag questions (and similar structures), the use of specific adjectives, the use of vulgar and slang language (and high register language) and the use of diminutives. In the following table I introduced the authors and researchers that I base my project on and the features to be analysed.

Men Women Coates (1989a; 1991 in Talk more Listen more 1993) Zimmerman and West (1975), Coates (1993), Yule Use of interruptions Lesser use of interruptions (2014) Lakoff (1973), Zimmerman and West (1975), Fishman Lesser use of Frequent use of (1978)29, Coates 1989a, 1991 backchannels/minimal backchannels/minimal (in 1993) Yule (1996; 2014) responses responses Holmes (1982), Cameron, McAliden & O’Leary Lesser use of question tags Frequent use of question tags (1989), Yule (2014) Jespersen (1922) 30 ; Lakoff Use of neutral adjectives Use of empty adjectives (1973); Kramer (1973), Jespersen (1922), Lakoff (1973), McConnell-Ginet Use of vulgar language Use of weaker expletives (2005) Da Silva (1927)31 Lesser use of diminutives Use of diminutives Table 1. A summary of the literature on linguistic features of gender stereotyping

4. Part 2: Liv and Maddie (2013) 4.1. Liv and Maddie: Introduction to the series Liv and Maddie, an American series created by John D. Beck and Ron Hart and Produced by ‘Beck & Hart Productions’ for Disney Channel, is situation comedy (shortened as ‘sitcom’), that is, a funny regular television show about the same characters appearing in each programme and being involved in different stories and funny situations (Merriam- Webster 2015; Cambridge Dictionaries 2016). The series currently has 64 episodes 32 comprised in 3 seasons and its first episode was aired on 19th July 2013 in the United States. The series is build around the Rooney family, which consists of five members: Olivia Rooney

29 In Joan Swann (1992, 28) 30 In included Jespersen’s claims. However, I focused on more recent research. 31 Aside from Da Silva’s work, I did not find similar research on women’s usage of diminutives. 32 Episode 64 was aired the 5th June 2016 and episode 65 will be aired the 19th June 2016. 26

(‘Liv’) and Madison Rooney (‘Maddie’), twin sisters with polar personalities (Disney Channel UK), Joey Gilligan Rooney (‘Joey’) as the older brother, Parker Rooney, the youngest brother, Karen, the mother (also school psychologist and vice-principal) and Peter (‘Pete’), the dad and Maddie’s basketball coach. 4.2. Character’s description The only sites that offered the character’s descriptions were Disney Channel site and Wikia Fandom, the latter providing more information than the official site. Liv (15-16 years old in season 1) is described as being a popular television star and a triple threat (Disney Channel Spain/United States; Wikia Fandom). The character is defined based on her appearance mainly. She is considered to be a ‘girly girl’, typically reproducing characteristics “typically of females or suitable for females rather than males” (Cambridge Dictionary). Among many other features, she is seen as sweet, graceful, smart, proud, beautiful, cute and keen into fashion. Maddie (15-16 years old in season 1) is considered to be a tomboy, a girl who adopts a male, rough and tumble style of play (including behaviour and code of dressing), enjoys physical activity and refuses to play with dolls (Eckert and McConnell- Ginet 2005, 21-22; Cambridge Dictionaries), even if she also reveals her girly side (‘Maddie’ Wikia Fandom). Maddie is described as being athletic, confident, competitive, and smart. Parker (10-11 years old in season 1) is the diabolical brother (Disney Channel Spain; United States) that is seen as adventurous, clever, and manipulative. Above all, Parker is a child who behaves older as an adult. Joey33 (14 years old in season 1) is confidant and self-confident brother. He is described as adventurous, nice, funny, selfish and naïve. Karen is described as a working and an ideal mom (Disney Channel; Wikia Fandom). In Wikia Fandom, Karen is characterised as the wife, a nice, kind, cunning, overprotective and a girlie girl person. Pete, he is described as the father (and never as ‘husband’) and the coach. He is seen as overprotective, nice, caring, funny, sports fan and sometimes appears to be clueless. 4.3. Situation and Reaction Analysis In this section I shall analyse the different situations that the characters appear in, together with their actions and the roles they play. I would like to mention that while the location and interaction between the characters is very clear-cut, there are moments in which

33 There is an error of translation in the Spanish Disney Channel website because Joey is described as being more mature when the American Disney Channel site describes Joey as ‘much less mature’ (Disney Channel). 27 the characters disengage themselves from the main dialogue34, the purpose of which is to make a comment or explanation of a situation while directly targeting the audience. Once it is finished, the audience is taken back again to the dialogue. Even though each episode has one plot, the episode per se is organised in short sketches, making up different subplots.35 The tables below show the subplot division and summary, together with the scenes.36

Subplot and Summary # Scene The sisters’ subplot: Liv and Maddie are S1.07.1, S1.07.3, S1.07.6, S1.07.9, S1.07.11 undertaking some voluntary work in the and S1.07.12 senior centre. Liv wants to work in the same room as Maddie, they get angry and engage into a dodge ball fight. Karen punishes the sisters with community service for having damaged the senior centre’s room. Finally, Liv and Maddie start fighting again. The protectors’ subplot: Joey and Skippy are S1.07.2, S1.07.5, S1.07.7, S1.07.10 and in charge of keeping the basketball team’s S1.07.13 mascot safe and they decide to hang the porcupine on Rooney’s courtyard tree. The mascot falls and breaks, together with Peter’s smokehouse. Joey and Skippy fix it with Parker’s glue but it breaks again the day of the match. The parents’ subplot: Pete proudly shows his S1.07.4, S1.07.8 and S1.07.14 brand new smokehouse. Parker appears and complains about his broken scooter, which he tries fixing by inventing glue. Pete finally

34 In the transcripts (see annexes 10.8 and 10.9) I marked these instances as additional comments (italics). Even though characters might appear in different locations while making these commentaries, I counted them as being a continuation of the same scene. 35 The way I organized the subplots should not be understood as the only possibility. I divided and grouped the scenes based on their storyline, even if some characters later appeared in other subplots. 36I numbered the different scenes (1,2,3, etc.) and the episode I am dealing with. For example, code S1.07.2 corresponds to English season 1, episode 7, and scene 2. In Spanish, I used ‘T’ for ‘temporada.’ 28 tries the barbecue and is surprised to discover that it is broken. Table 2. ‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07): Subplots, summaries and scenes

Subplot and Summary # Scene The contest subplot: Karen is very happy to S2.11.1, S2.11.4, S2.11.5, S2.11.8 S2.11.10 attend the “Sweet Momma’s Baby Boy and S2.11.11 Pageant” but Parker despises it. In order to avoid it, he gets himself into trouble. While in detention, he successfully accomplishes harsh tasks but Karen finds out that Parker is pretending. They finally go to the contest and Parker is proud of it. The sisters’ subplot: Liv and Maddie get ill S2.11.2, S2.11.6 and S2.11.12 and Pete takes care of them. He finds it difficult because he does not know what the girls need. Finally, the girls and Karen thank Pete for his help. The fight subplot: Joey and Artie engaged S2.11.3, S2.11.7 and S2.11.9 into a Kendo fight. Joey wins and takes Artie’s ‘minions’, his servant friends. He gets tired of the minions and wants Artie to have them again. They fight again and this time Artie wins. Table 3. ‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11): Subplots, summaries and scenes

As far as both episodes are concerned, male and female characters seem to portray and illustrate some of the gender stereotypes that we have been discussing so far. Karen seems to embody the role of the woman as housewife. She tends to be portrayed in the house (living room, kitchen and garden) and as I show in (1), (2) and (3), Karen is the one in charge of the household chores • Example (1): “Would you help me set the table?” • Example (2): “Then I must have one of those on the stove, the dishwasher, the dryer, the iron, the vacuum” 29

• Example (3): “How are you gonna get my good pan off the fridge?” In Example (4) we can see that Karen assumes the role of a caring mother and she is surprised when Pete decides to help, a fact that suggests that the husband appears to be disengaged from tasks. • Example (4): “Would you do that for me? […] You are such a prince.” The series makes also remarks on body image and beauty. In (5) Maddie is suggested to work out and get fit. • Example (5): “You could use the exercise” There is also a reference to the fact that women’s body should be displayed, as in (6). • Example (6): “If you got it, flaunt it, honey.” Men also receive remarks on the body, but they are related to power and strength, as in (7) and (8). • Example (7): “Joey, your arms are getting really big.” • Example (8): “I was the muscle.” Many times, the characters are engaged into fights. However, men’s encounters are very much physical (9) while women’s tend to involve games and be more verbal (10). • Example (9): “I will destroy you at Kendo” • Example (10): “You sure you want to do this, songbird?” Related to the idea of strength and power, it is interesting to comment on a couple of instances that though innocently, perpetuate the idea of men’s strength and women’s weakness. In S1.07, two characters make use of the sentence ‘like a girl’: “you throw like a girl” (Maddie to Liv)37 and “shouting like little girls” (Diggie to Joey and Skippy). In another instance, Parker has completed harsh tasks in detention and he proved to be “man enough for detention.” The first sentence reproduces the message that women are weak and emotional, while Parker’s statement is used to describe him as strong and powerful. At least in the contexts that the statements appear, ‘girl’ portrays negative connotations and ‘man’ positive ones. The last remark in this section is related to the negotiation of identity. In previous examples, I showed that men seem to be stereotyped as strong and powerful. However, I consider that some characters (such as Skippy or Artie) challenge these expectations and are

37 I contacted the producer of the series, John D. Beck, and I asked him if he considered that the sentence fostered negative meanings (weakness). I did not receive an answer.

30 able to show their fears and worries (11 and 12), express their emotions (13) and make remarks on the way they look (14): • Example (11): “What are we going to do?” • Example (12): “Don’t leave me with the ladybug!” • Example (13): “This is a beautiful moment, Joey.” • Example (14): “This is all me, baby.”

5. Part 2: Data, Analysis and Results 5.1. Talking versus Listening Roles 5.1.1. Previous Research One might ask whether or not television dialogue is “expected […] to sound like natural-occurring conversation” (Quaglio 2009, 1). While Norrick and Spitz believe that “scripted dialogue is comparable to naturally-occurring talk” (2010, 84 in Reutler 2013, 73), Rey observes that, “the language used in television is obviously not the same as unscripted language [because it represents] the language scriptwriters image real women and men produce (2001, 138 in Quaglio 2009, 11). Whatever the intention is, Quaglio observes that it is more important to be aware of the rules governing conversation (2009, 1) and the different resources that participants use in their interaction and exchange of information. Most of the times, conversations take place in a shared context in which the interlocutors are acquainted with pragmatic information, i.e. knowledge, beliefs, suppositions, opinions and feeling (2009, 6, 7; Escandell 2013, 33). According to Escandell38, pragmatics makes reference to the principles and conditions that govern language use in a given context and communicative situation (2013, 9) and the context is what surrounds the communicative act (Coseriu 1967, 313 in Escandell 2013, 31, 50) We can say that participants in conversations will assume the roles of speakers and listeners (Coates, 1993, 192). In this sense, Escandell refers to these roles as addresser (the person who intentionally produces a linguistic expression) and the addressee (the person that the addresser directs the message to) (28, 29). A conversation is marked by turns that speakers construct (words, phrases, clauses, sentences) and mark an initial right to produce on unit (Zimmerman and West 1975, 107). One important feature in a conversation is the effective information transfer (Escandell 2013, 45), which is related to Grice’s (1975) cooperation principle. Another aspect that

38 Her book is in Spanish. For the purpose of this project, I translated the information that I required into English. 31

Escandell comments is the intention because she considers that people say something with a certain meaning (locative act), with a certain sense (illocutionary act) and produce some effect (perlocutionary act) (59-60)39. In previous sections of this project we stated that individuals coexist in a society. Society and culture foster politeness, the social norms that regulate the behaviour of its members (141-2). Sometimes, a conflict may arise between the speakers’ and the addresses’ purposes. Politeness, therefore, corresponds to conversational strategies whose aim is to avoid or mitigate conflict (145). Researchers, such as Lakoff (1973) and Leech (1983) approached the topic of politeness, but I will just make reference to Brown and Levinson’s model (1987). They postulated that in a conversation, speakers want to obtain some purpose without damaging the public-self image (‘face’). In the case of face-threatening acts, the speaker shall soften the potential threat by means of politeness strategies, for example, the use of diminutives (2013 154, 155; 157). In the act of speaking, speakers seem to expect that their conversational partners indicate that they are listening and to provide feedback that the message is received, understood, agreed and/or has caused a certain effect (Yule 1996, 75; also Pipek 2007, 6-7; 11). The way to do it is by means of backchannels (Yule 1996, 75; also Pipek 2007, 6). Backchannels40 are minimal responses that monitor the discourse and mark the boundaries between topics (Carter and McCarthy 2006, 901 in Quaglio 2009, 80). These markers can be silent (facial expressions and gestures) or vocal, such as m, mm, hm, hmm, mhm, mmm, um hmm, uh-uh, uh-huh, yes, no, yeah, fine, ok, okay, oh, right, allright, really, I see and well (Zimmerman and West 1975, 108; Fishman 1978, 95; Coates1993, 193; Yule 1996, 75; Ward and Tsukahara 2000, 1177; Pipek 2007, 7; 11; Ward 2007, Carter and McCarthy 2006, 922 in Quaglio 2009, 104, Quaglio 2009, 8; Yule 2014, 280). One characteristic of these markers is that they are syntactically optional, their absence does not alter the original proposition and they function as cohesive elements that signal relationships between segments of discourse between speaker and hearer (Quaglio 79-80, 2009). Zimmerman and West suggest that when these features are interspersed through a current speaker’s on-going utterance, they do not function as interruption41 but as positive reinforcement, since they display continuing interest and co-participation in topic development (1975, 108-109). Regarding the use of these markers, Fishman argues that men

39 Following Austin 1962, 138 (in Escandell 2013, 59). 40 The term ‘backchannel’ was coined by Victor Yngve (1970) in Quaglio 2009, 104. 41 Cf. Schegloff, 1972b in Zimmerman and West 1975, 108. 32 and women do it in different ways. According to her, male uses seem to display lack of interest while women support work and demonstrate participation interest and do not interrupt (in Thorne, Kramarae and Henley 1983, 95-96; Coates 1993, 192). According to Coates’ research (1989a; 1991), women seem to use minimal responses in the following situations: to signal active listenership and support for each other, and to mark their recognition of different stages of a conversation: the acceptance of a new topic or acknowledgement for it (1993, 138). She further argues that in all-women interaction by means of minimal responses women show active listenership and cooperation (193; Yule 2014, 280), while men treat them as indicators of agreement when produced by others (280). As regards interruptions, Zimmerman and West (1975) found out that in cross-sex conversations, men clearly interrupted more than women (1975, 115-116; Yule 2014, 280). However, when it comes to interruptions or overlaps in television dialogue, Quaglio claims that this characteristic is absent so that comprehension is not hindered (2009, 4).

5.1.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion In the following tables, I will show the results of having counted the speaking roles. It must be noted that I deducted the additional comments from the total because I did not consider them as being part of a dialogue.

Group # Speaking turns # Additional comments Total Male 69 3 66 Female 66 4 62 TOTAL 128 Table 4. Total of speaking turns by male and female speakers in S1.07 and the additional comments

Group # Scene Male Female Mixed-sex S1.07.4 5 2 Mixed-sex S1.07.6 3 15 Mixed-sex S1.07.7 8 2 Mixed-sex S1.07.8 6 1 Mixed-sex S1.07.9 2 7 Mixed-sex S2.07.11 1 2 33

Mixed-sex S2.07.14 8 1 TOTAL 33 30

Table 5. Mixed-gender conversations in S1.07 42

Group # Speaking turns # Additional comments Total Male 87 10 77 Female 60 2 58 TOTAL 135 Table 6. Total of speaking turns by male and female speakers in S2.11 and the additional comments

Group # Scene Male Female Mixed-sex S2.11.1 5 3 Mixed-sex S2.11.2 4 14 Mixed-sex S2.11.4 5 7 Mixed-sex S2.11.5 5 2 Mixed-sex S2.11.6 5 10 Mixed-sex S2.11.8 13 7 Mixed-sex S2.11.10 4 7 Mixed-sex S2.11.11 4 1 Mixed-sex S2.11.12 3 7 TOTAL 48 58

Table 7. Mixed-gender conversations in S2.1143

Group Male Female Mix-sex 33+48 30+58 TOTAL 81 88 Table 8. Mixed-gender conversations (S1.07 + S2.11)

42 As for the gender in conversations, out of 14 scenes, 7 of them correspond to single-gender conversations. S1.07.1, S1.07.3 and S1.07.12 correspond to only female conversations. Scenes S1.07.2, S1.07.5, S1.07.10 and S1.07.13 correspond to all-man conversations. 43 S2.11.3, S2.11.7 and S2.11.9 correspond to all-male conversations. 34

90 80 70 60 Men 50 Women 40 30 20 10 0 S1.07 S2.11 Figure 1. Graphic representation of total speaking turns in S1.07 (66/62) and S2.11 (77/58)

40 Men

30 Women

20 10 0 S1.07 S2.11 Figure 2. Graphic representation of mixed-gender conversations in S1.07 (33/30) and S2.11 (48/58)

Taking into consideration that the additional comments have not been counted, we can extract the following considerations. First of all, regarding the total of turns, men seem to speak more both in S1.07 (66/62) and in S2.11 (77/58). In this sense, men appear 4 more times in S1.07 and 19 in S2.11, which makes up a total of 23 turns on the part of men. If we regard mix-gender conversations, men speak more in S1.07 (33/30) but women speak more in S2.11 (48/58). In this aspect, men speak 3 more times in the first season and women speak 10 more times in the second one, which makes up 7 more turns (10-3) for women in mixed- gender conversations that assert their right to speak. As a whole, these two episodes show that while not significantly dominating conversations, men speak more in general (that is, counting all types of conversations), but women appear to speak a little bit more in mixed- gender conversations as a whole. I consider that the episodes do not show significant 35 differences. I can conclude that the analysis of all types of conversations shows that men speak more than women, but in the analysis of mix-gender conversations women speak slightly more. In this sense and due to the lack of significant data available, I cannot confirm, as Coates suggested (1989a; 1991 in 1993) that men assume the role of speakers and women as listeners. Previously in this project, I made reference to Zimmerman and West (1975), Coates (1993) and Yule (2014), who suggested that men tend to interrupt more than women. When it comes to my analysis, I found only one instance of interruption. Due to the lack of conclusive data, I cannot prove that either men or women interrupt more. Since the characters speak very fast and the scenes change quickly, I was expecting interruptions to be present. However, the characters appear to respect the speaker’s turn before they start talking. In the following example (15), I show the only instance of interruption: • Example (15a) Liv: […] And I thought… Maddie: Uh, you can't volunteer here! • Example (15b) Liv: […] y creo que… Maddie: Pues...no puede ser aquí. In this case, Liv is interrupted before she finished the sentence. Maddie guessed what Liv wanted (to work together in the same room) and decided to interrupt her. This example is very obvious because Liv actually stops talking and looks around for space. In that moment, Maddie decides to take over the situation. When it comes to backchannels, Lakoff (1973), Zimmerman and West (1975), Fishman (1978), Coates 1989a, 1991(in 1993) and Yule (1996; 2014) suggested that women make a greater use of them. The following table shows the backchannels that I found in the transcripts44:

Minimal responses/ Backchannels # Male uses # Female uses All right 4 - Fine 4 - Good 1 - Huh 1 -

44 There were other instances of the same features in the transcripts. However, not all of them were being used as backchannels but as expressions of emotion, for example. 36

No 6 5 Okay 6 4 Really - 1 Uh 4 1 Um - 1 Well 2 9 Yeah 5 12 TOTAL 33 34 Table 9. Instances of backchannels and the number of uses from S1.07 and S2.11

The total result of the table shows that there is no significant difference in the amount of backchannels used by men (33) and women (34), so I will comment on their pragmatic function instead. Men seem to use some backchannels (‘all right’, ‘fine’, ‘good’ and ‘huh’) that women do not. In these cases, ‘all right’ (‘bien’) is used to both assert the right of speech and to express confirmation or agreement with a previous statement. ‘Fine’ (‘bien’) is used as either a marker of confirmation of a previous statement or as a mark to start an argument. ‘Good’ (‘bien’) appears to show agreement with a previous statement. Finally, ‘huh’ (‘eh’) seeks clarification. There are just two cases of backchannels used only by women. ‘Really’ (‘en serio’) is used to challenge the opinion of the other participant (in an aggressive tone). ‘Um’ (‘eh’) is a marker that women have used as hesitation (even though in the translation, it has become an interjection). Both men and women have used the response ‘no’ as negation of a previous statement almost the same amount of times. As for ‘okay’ (‘bien’ or ‘vale’) the amount of times is similar too. In general, the word is used to claim the right to speech (women) and indistinctively as a mark of agreement and confirmation both by men and women, as one of the uses that Quaglio (2009, 8) suggested. The cases in which I found more differences were the following: ‘uh’, ‘well’ and ‘yeah.’ ‘Uh’ (‘pues’ and ‘eh’) is used by men more than women, even though its function, that is, a pragmatic marker that shows certain hesitation before an argumentation, is the same. ‘Yeah’ (‘ya’, ‘sí’, ‘pues’ and ‘eso’) is vastly used by women rather than men. Even though its uses are shared between men and women, it seems to me that men tend to use ‘yeah’ as confirmation (agreement) of a previous statement exclusively when women use it as a marker to start an argumentation. Finally, ‘well’ (‘bueno’ and ‘pues’) is used by both men and women as a marker to start an argument, though I noted that it tends to express hesitation women used it. 37

I will now show some examples of backchannels and their uses in context. In (16) we see that ‘well’ marks the start of the following argument and somehow it is used to mitigate the fact that Maddie’s comment was negative towards Liv. In (17), we see another example of how Liv uses a backchannel as a marker to start her reasoning and justifying her argument. In (18) we see that ‘fine’ is used as a firm confirmation (or agreement) of the previous statement. • Example (16a) Maddie: […] She says it makes her look like she has the flu. Karen: Well, she was unbelievably excited […] • Example (16b) Maddie: […] dice que con la luz de allí, su cutis palidece. Karen: Bueno, estaba muy animada […] • Example (17a) Maddie: Um, wait. Liv, you're gonna practice in here? […] Liv: Yeah, but I mean, all the other rooms […] • Example (17b) Maddie: ¡Eh! Oye, Liv. ¿Ensayaréis aquí? […] Liv: Ya, pero no hay más sitio. • Example (18a) Artie: One, I will destroy you at Kendo […] Joey: Fine, then I challenge you to a duel. • Example (18b) Artie: Una, te machacaré al Kendo […] Joey: Bien, entonces te reto a un duelo.

5.2. Tag Questions 5.2.1. Previous Research Tag questions are short questions or fragments of questions (grammatical structures) that consist of an inverted auxiliary, which is determined by the auxiliary in the main clause and a pronoun that agrees with the subject of the main clause, which is added or appended to the end of statement or declarative clause (Yule 2014, 279; Eckert and McConnell-Ginet, 2005, 167; Cameron, McAliden and O’Leary 1989, 81). Aside from these structures, English also contains invariant tags, such as ‘right’ and ‘okay’ (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet, 2005, 167) According to Swann, tag questions can appear in speech, the meaning of which depends on intonation, and in informal writing, the meaning of which depends on the context (2009 469-471). In a study carried out by Holmes (1984), tags were analysed to see if they expressed primarily modal or affective meaning. The former express the speaker’s degree of certainty about a proposition expressed and the speaker requests information or asks for confirmation to the addressee (speaker-oriented tags). Tags with an affective function express the speaker’s 38 attitude towards the addressee (addressee-oriented) by supporting him or her. These tags are called facilitative tags (they tend to appear at the beginning of an encounter) and they indicate positive interest or solidarity with addressee and they are used to soften, attenuate or mitigate the force of negatively affective speech acts or face threatening acts that carry potential negative acts (e.g. criticism) and ensure that the interaction proceeds smoothly. Sometimes they are challenging and often elicit defeated silence or reluctant admissions of guilt (Cameron, McAliden & O’Leary 1989, 82-83, Coates 1993, 120-121; Eckert and McConnell- Ginet, 2005, 168-169; Swan 2009, 469-471). Lakoff claimed that tag questions are “a midway between an outright statement and a yes-no question: less assertive than the former but more confident than the latter” (1975, 48 in Bucholtz, 2004). She considered that these structures were a feature that both men and women could use. However, she believed that women used them to seek corroboration in more conversational situations than men (1975, 47; 49 in Bucholtz 2004). Likewise, Yule believes that women use more tag questions when expressing opinions. In his words, “these features of women’s speech all seem to be ways of inviting agreement with an idea rather than asserting it.” On the contrary, he argues, men tend to use more assertive forms and ‘strong’ language (2014, 279). Researchers such as Litosseliti and Coates expressed their concern on the claims that women’s use of tag questions reflects hesitancy, insecurity, tentativeness, and decrease the strength of assertion. Lakoff is criticised for her lack of empirical data (Cameron, McAliden; O’Leary 1989, 75) and the fact that she ignored the context and different communicative functions of tag questions, such as hesitance, uncertainty, facilitation, control and influence the decision-making process (Litosseliti 2006, 28, 29; 31; also Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 474; Coates 1993, 119). In other words, Lakoff pointed out that women’s use of tag questions echoed a lack of confidence. As Sunderland well argues, that is just one of the meanings that tag questions can have (2006, 95). In any case Cameron, McAliden and O’Leary argue that it is “plausible to suggest that women use more tags with affective meaning (i.e. facilitative).” This use, however, correlates with conversational role, rather than with gender per se, since there are a number of variables, such as the role in interaction, the objectives or the participant’s relative status on a number of dimensions (1989, 83, 86; 91) to be taken into consideration.

5.2.2. Data Collection The two episodes that I analysed show only three instances of tag questions. Due to the lack of significant evidence, I cannot establish a conclusive result on which groups uses more tag questions. Rather than relating tag questions to a specific group of people or focusing on the person who speaks (Romaine in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 111) I shall focus the analysis in their pragmatic function and the contexts that tag questions appear in the series. Particularly, I shall study their potential modal or affective meaning (Holmes 1982; Cameron, McAliden and O’Leary 1989). As for the three instances in the corpus, one of them corresponds to women’s use and the two remaining ones to men’s usage. First of all, what can be seen from (19a), (20a) and (21a) is that none of them correspond to the usual structure that we defined at the beginning of this section. To me, all of them could be reformulated as the usual structure. For example, (19a) can be turned into ‘doesn’t it?’ In Spanish (19b), the structure corresponds to one of those that had been mentioned already. In (19a/b) we have an example of a tag question with a modal function since Maddie is seeking confirmation from her previous statement to the audience she is addressing to. • Example (19a) Maddie: […] So really I was just lying to myself, which makes it okay. Right? • Example (19b) Maddie: […] así que técnicamente le mentí a la cara…que también es la mía. Y mentirme a mí no es malo, ¿verdad? (20a) can be reformulated as, ‘isn’t it?’ and a final ‘¿verdad?’ or ‘¿no?’ could be introduced at the end of the Spanish question (20b). However, it might be the case that the confirmation tag was not introduced for economy reasons (isochrony). In (20a/b) there is another case of modal function tag question because Joey, who is not sure about the situation, seeks confirmation to his dad. • Example (20a) Joey: Yeah, yeah. Dad, that's great. Uh, grill's all right though, right? […] Pete: No, it’s fine […] • Example (20b) Joey: Sí, genial. ¿Pero está todo bien? […] Pete: No le pasa nada […] I consider that (21a) could be reformulated as ‘are you?’ or even add a ‘¿no?’ in (21b). (21a/b) is also used to seek confirmation. Joey makes a statement, which he is not entirely 40 sure about. To me, he is seeking for confirmation to his friends. However, the tone in the statement is a bit ironic so that is why this last use of a tag question is arguable. • Example (21a) Joey: […] You’re not gonna chew for me, (3) too?45 • Example (21b) Joey: […] ¿No vas a masticar por mi?

5.3. Adjectives 5.3.1. Previous Research According to Quaglio, speakers often express their stance, feelings, opinions and evaluations by means of evaluative adjectives, especially in casual conversations (2009, 9). On the topic of adjectives, authors such as Jespersen (1922) and Lakoff (1973) considered that some qualifiers seemed to be used by women (‘empty’ adjectives) and some others used by either men or women (‘neutral’). According to Kramer, native speakers would recognize some adjectives (e.g. ‘darling’ or ‘precious’) as being more used by women than my men. Jayme and Sau refer back to da Silva Correia’s study, relating it to previous studies on adjectives (such as Lakoff), in which the author considers that women make a greater use of superlatives (1996, 295): “[…] o maior uso dos superlativos pela mulher, tal vez pela “sua índole impressionável e pendor para a exibição” (Correia 1927: 16 in Loureiro 2011, 39)46 In the following table I show the adjectives that were suggested by the above- mentioned authors and the ones that looked in my corpus. The dates of publication of the above-mentioned research are quite old. Despite the fact that English might have changed is so much time, I chose those authors for my analysis because I did not find other significant ones.

45 This example might be open to discussion, since it is not a clear instance of a tag question. Even though this example was the only one that I found in S2.11 and T2.11/209, I decided to include it because I believe that the character is somehow seeking for confirmation. To me, it expresses a higher degree of certainty than the other tags mentioned. However, it might be considered as a similar (though not equal) form of question tag. 46 Even if I introduce him now, da Silva’s study (in Loureiro) will be discussed in a greater extend in the diminutives section (see 5.5) of this project. 41

Neutral adjectives Empty adjectives

Cool Adorable Great Charming Neat Cute Terrific Darling Divine Lovely Nice Precious Pretty Sweet47 Table 10. Distribution of adjectives based on Jespersen (1922), Lakoff (1973) and Kramer (1973)

5.3.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion When analysing the adjectives, I came up with 61 instances in the annexes (see). According to the number of uses, the following image shows that men and women make use of a similar amount of adjectives in the two episodes:

Adjectives

Male Female

Figure 3. It shows the total of adjectives used by men (30) and the ones by women (31)

Since I cannot cover the analysis of all the adjectives, I will be making reference to some of them. First of all, I shall consider if any of the adjectives described in table 10 are to be found in the corpus. Later on, I discuss several individual examples.

47 I removed ‘sweet’ from my analysis because it is only used to refer to the pageant that Karen and Parker are attending. 42

Adjective # Men use # Women use Adorable - 1 Charming - - Cute - 1 Cool 2 - Darling - - Divine - - Great 1 1 Lovely 1 - Neat - - Nice - 2 Precious - - Pretty - - Terrific - - TOTAL 4 5 Table 11. Number of adjectives in S1.07 and S2.11

In the following table I show the adjectives that I considered similar to the ones suggested by authors.

Adjective # Men use # Women use Amazing 2 - Awesome 3 - Beautiful 1 - Beloved 1 - Best 2 3 Enchanting 1 - Fine 1 3 Fun 2 2 Happy 1 - Good 4 4 43

Impressive - 1 TOTAL 18 13 Table 12. Adjectives chosen from the corpus (S1.07 and S2.11) and total of uses

After this analysis, we can extract the following. First of all, men and women seem to use a very similar number of adjectives in total (30/31). As far as the adjectives that Jespersen, Lakoff and Kramer suggested, the total number of uses is very similar (4/5). Even though the instances are very low, women have used the adjectives ‘adorable’, ‘cute’ and ‘nice’ alone, while men used ‘cool’ and ‘lovely’, while both men and women have used the adjective ‘great’ once. As far as these uses are concerned, the adjectives mostly function as evaluators of actions and activities, though there are some exceptions that I will show in the examples. As for table 12, the amount of the adjectives that I chose is superior in men’s use than in women’s. However, I realized that the use of these adjectives varied, that is, some of them were used as evaluations of objects, actions and situations, while others described the emotional state of a person. In (22) Maddie is first evaluating the day as very good with a superlative. Later, she positively evaluates the fact of helping people. Finally, Karen expresses her positive emotion or feeling towards Maddie. Regarding the translation, I consider that ‘mucho’ (22b) expresses a lower degree of intensity than ‘the best day.’ However, ‘disfrutado’ expresses a very positive feeling and so the general intensity between (22a) and (22b) is not entirely different. • Example (22a) Maddie: […] I had the best day […] Helping people feels so great. Karen: […] I’m so glad […] • Example (22b) Maddie: […] He disfrutado mucho […] ¡Ayudar sienta genial! Karen: […] ¡Me alegra tanto! […] In (23a) Diggie is evaluating the mascot (object) in a positive way. In this example, the translation avoided ‘beloved.’ This loss is quite significant in the sense that humour (the fact that Diggie’s colloquial language is mixed with formal words) is lost in the translation. In this case, and such other cases in which the translator’s choices tend towards standardisation of the language, we can talk about a phenomenon called ‘flattening’, a process in which “the illocutionary power of the original is sacrificed in favour of mere locutionary communication” (Lefevere 1992, 107). This way, the translator might remove words and expressions from non-standard registers, such as vulgar language and pedantic talk. Moreover, there would be a problem with isochrony in (23b) if the word would be included in 44

Spanish, since the Spanish words are already longer than in English (11 syllables in Spanish and 9 in English). • Example (23a) Diggie: […] try to steal our beloved mascot […] • Example (23b) Diggie: […] intentan robarnos nuestra mascota […] In (24), Liv made a wordplay and she is surprised at her ability to do it. The adjective is used for self-evaluation. • Example (24a) Liv: […] I’m adorable […] • Example (24b) Liv: […] Soy adorable […] In (25), Maddie is evaluating the way in which she should have talked to her sister. • Example (25a) Maddie: […] I couldn’t figure out a nice way to tell […] • Example (25b) Maddie: […] no sabía cómo decirle a […] In (26), there is another example of how Diggie positively assesses actions (practice and scare). • Example (26a) Diggie: Good practice […] a good scare […] • Example (26b) Diggie: Bien hecho […] un buen susto […] In (27), Joey is not just assessing the fact that Parker arrives but also expresses his emotions on seeing him. • Example (27a) Joey: […] Parker’s here! […] it’s awesome. • Example (27b) Joey: ¡Parker está aquí! […] ¡Genial! I (28), we see that Joey assesses in a positive way the idea of having the minions as his friend servant: • Example (28a) Joey: Minions seem a good idea […] • Example (28b) Joey: Los esbirros parecen una buena idea […] In (29) Joey is expressing his positive emotion on seeing Artie, since Joey wants his friend to take the minions: • Example (29a) Joey: […] I have never been so happy to see you • Example (29b) Joey: Nunca me había alegrado tanto de verte. Finally, in (30), Artie is assessing the moment in a positive manner when Joey was surpised to see that the minions could break the rules: • Example (30a) Artie: This is a (59) beautiful moment […] • Example (30b) Artie: Es un momento hermoso […]

5.4. Vulgar and Colloquial Language 5.4.1. Previous Research In this section I shall analyse the vulgar and colloquial language (slang), together with a brief mention to high register and scientific language. Since Liv and Maddie might reproduce the language of social life to some extent, we can expect its dialogue to “consist of informal language, such as slang” (Reed 2013, 6). Yule explains that register is defined as “a conventional way of using language that is appropriate in a specific context, which may be identified as situational […] occupational […] or topical” (2014, 261-262). When it comes to slang, (or ‘colloquial speech’), he says that it is an aspect of social interaction which is conformed by “words or phrases that are used instead of more everyday terms among younger speakers and other groups with special interests” (262). Related to its use, Quaglio argues that expletives and slang terms are associated with informality and express emotion and attitude in an emphatic way (2009, 89, 101). Vulgar language is, according to Coates, a cultural construct. She considers that the evidence shows that it was the new courtly tradition of the Middle Ages, which, by creating gentility, also created vulgarity (1993, 21). On swearing, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet argue that it is “widely considered an expression of very strong emotion” (2005, 181). Coates argues that even though there is little evidence on the differences in swearing between men and women, the folklinguistic belief that men swear more and that women use refined and polite language is widespread (1993, 20-21; 126). In this sense, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet consider that if women use more polite language is because “they are other-oriented, more collaborative” (2005, 134). Lakof claims that it was not accepted for a woman to express strong emotions, curse and swear (Lakoff in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 163). However, many researchers dismiss these differentiating facts as stereotypes (Cameron in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 463; Swann 1992, 18-19). In one of her studies, Kramer (1974; 1975) claimed that an existing cultural stereotype provided no evidence to whether men actually swore more than women (in Coates 1993, 127). Following this line, Haas argues about the visible difficulty and constraints in studying this kind of language because “documentation of this stereotype would require recording speech of female-only, male-only, and mixed-sex groups in various settings”, in a way in which participants are unaware of being observed (1979, 617).

5.4.1. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion In this section I shall make an analysis on the use of colloquial and vulgar language. In the annexes (see 10.6) I considered that there were 93 instances of colloquial and vulgar language48

70 60 50 40 Men

30 Women 20 10 0 Colloquial and Vulgar Language

Figure 4. Total use of colloquial and vulgar language by men (70) and by women (23) in S1.07 and S2.11 The table shows a higher frequency of colloquial and vulgar terms in men’s speech. In the next table I introduced the terms49 that have been suggested by some authors.

Word # Men use # Women use Baby/Babe 1 Beautiful Dude 3 Folks Gentlemen Goodness Guys 7 1 Lady Man 2

48 My first idea was to separate the uses of colloquial and vulgar language as positive terms and negative (or pejorative terms) so that I could see whether male or female characters were making use of a particular sense of colloquial language. However, I find it impossible to devote that much time on developing this analysis. 49 I removed the words ‘girlfriend’, ‘sexy’, ‘shit’ and ‘oh fudge’ from the list because I considered that they would not appear in the episodes. 47

Oh dear Princess TOTAL 13 1 Table 13. Terms suggested by Lakoff (1973) and McConnell-Ginet (2005) from S1.07 and S2.11

As the sample in Table 13 shows, men seem to use more colloquial and vulgar language than women, according to some of the terms that had been already suggested. One interesting aspect that I found while studying this kind of language is that many characters also used high register and scientific language. Even though the complete table is placed on the annexes section (see 10.6), I will comment on the most relevant ones here. In (31) we see that Maddie is using a very formal language (addressed to the senior group), which would rather be used by a doctor or specialist. • Example (31a) Maddie: […] exercise (2) reverses the aging process […] • Example (31b) Maddie: […] el ejercicio (2) ralentiza el envejecimiento […] In (32), Diggie is using a synonym of ‘to give.’ However, he is employing a very formal verb that brings a humorous tone, since Diggie’s language appears to be colloquial in the episode. • Example (32a) Diggie: […] ceremonial bratwursts to (5) bestow upon […] • Example (32b) Diggie: […] salchicha ceremonial para que se la (5) deis […] In (33) Artie is using a very formal term to refer to clothes. Artie’s language appears to be rather formal in the series and in this sense, the usage of this word produced a humorous effect. • Example (33a) Artie: […] bewitched by the sight of me in my (10) casual evening attire. • Example (33b) Artie: […] alucine con mi (10) atuendo informal nocturno. In (34) we see that the term in Spanish is more formal than in English. • Example (34a) Joey: […] if I win, I get your (11) minions. • Example (34b) Joey: […] si gano, me quedo a tus (11) esbirros. Finally, in (35), Artie is making use of a very formal verb as a synonym of ‘to look.’ • Example (35a) Artie: (27) Avert your eyes, (28) minions […] • Example (35b) Artie: (27) ¡No miréis, (28) esbirros! […] A final reference is on examples (32), (33), (34) and (35). To my point of view, they all have pragmatic errors of translation. First of all, the high register terms in the English 48 version (‘bestow’, ‘bewitched’ and ‘avert’) can be interpreted as having a humorous intention because the characters that use them tend to have a very colloquial and informal language in other scenes. This way, their colloquial language is opposed to instances of formal language to reach a humorous effect. However, the Spanish terms (‘deis’, ‘alucine’ and ‘no miréis’) are not formal. Therefore, this particular humour resource is lost. One reason might be the fact that this ‘pedantic’ talk is not part of humour resources among the Spanish young people. As for (34), ‘minions’ is not a formal term that aims at having funny connotations. ‘Esbirros’, instead, is a formal word. The problem that I see in the translation of these examples is not the failure of reproducing formal or colloquial language (that is, the wrong choice of words) but the fact that by varying the register of some words, the translation differs from the source text in two respects. On the one hand the function (humorous effect) changed. On the other hand, the representation of the characters (teenagers that use formal language for dramatic and humorous effect) is also lost. In this section of the project, I shall comment on some examples of colloquial and vulgar language and the function they carry out in the context. In (36) we can see that ‘dude’ has been used to call a character’s attention. It functions as a vocative but it is used in a friendly and colloquial way. • Example (36a) Skippy: Dude, stop saying Tiger Sharks • Example (36b) Skippy: No digas tiburones! Examples (37) and (38) also function as vocatives because the words call the attention (or directly refer to) the addressee. In these three last cases they are used as familiarizers, since they “mark the relationship between speaker and addressee as a familiar one [and develop a] purely social bond-maintaining function” (Leech 1999, 108; 112 in Quaglio 2009, 114), since the addressees are referred as friends. • Example (37a) Pete: I'm sorry, (8) buddy. • Example (37b) Pete: Lo siento, (8) hijo. • Example (38a) Joey: […] I am just not a minion man, man. • Example (38b) Joey: […] no soy un tío de esbirros. Tío. In (39), there is another form of vocative, which is targeted to a girl. It is a positive term and a form of endearment (Quaglio 2009, 114). • Example (39a) Pete: Oh, oh, (61) honey. Honey, you’re delirious […] • Example (39b) Pete: Oh, (61) hija, hija. Estás delirando […] 49

In (40a) we see that the term is used as a vocative. It carries negative connotations and it serves to threaten the other person. Joey decides not to continue the argument and tells Parker to leave (‘beat it’). In this instance, there is no equivalent in the translation. We might argue that since Parker appears to continuously use vulgar language and insults, it has been omitted in the translation. Considering that the words ‘arreglado’ and ‘patinete’ are much longer than ‘fixed’ (a monosyllabic word) and ‘scooter’ (bisyllabic), isochrony must have been a determining factor in the translation, even if the change has a negative effect on damaging the function and the character’s personality. • Example (40a) Parker: I fixed my scooter, losers. • Example (40b) Parker: Ya he arreglado mi patinete. In (41), though, I show other instances of Parker’s insults (as vocatives) that have been translated into Spanish (41b). • Example (41a) […], butt bags; […], munch! • Example (41b) […] cara mocos; ¡[…] pringao! Example (42) is a very interesting one. In S1.07 Joey makes use of the expression ‘Booyah’, which is used as an expression of great joy or victory (Urban Dictionary). It has been translated with a borrowing because the term is not part of the Spanish language repertoire. The word has been maintained the same because it is required by the visual context (two characters wear a T-shirt with the expression on it). In S2.11, which corresponds to the example I am dealing with, Joey does use ‘Booyah’. Instead, he says ‘burn burn’, which is a slang term to be used when someone wants to make fun of another (Urban Dictionary). As for the translation, the word ‘booyah’ has been maintained for rhyming purposes. By using ‘puya’, that is, ‘sarcasm, gibe, barbed comment’ (Wordreference), the sentence achieves rhyme and keeping the speaker’s intention. • Example (42a) Joey: […] Fake compliment that turned into a burn burn • Example (42b) Joey: Joey: […] ¡Booyah! ¡Cumplido falso que es una puya! In (43), I suggest there has been a pragmatic error of translation. Maddie defies Liv and threatens her by using a vocative. I consider that ‘songbird’ has positive connotations. It actually refers to a bird that sings. Since Liv sings too, Maddie applies that term to Liv and so it echoes Liv’s singing skill. I believe that the translation wants to maintain the reference to a bird. ‘Pajarraca’, however, does not carry positive connotations, since it either refers to a big, ugly and unknown bird or a sly person (RAE). For these reasons, I consider that the function has changed in Spanish turning the reference into an insult. 50

• Example (43a) Maddie: You sure you want to do this, songbird? • Example (43b) Maddie: ¿Seguro que quieres seguir, (35) pajarraca?

5.5. Diminutives 5.5.1. Previous Research Diminutives are forms (either affixes or separated words) that create the meaning of ‘small’ or little’ when they are attached (or accompany) other words. They add a certain degree to a specific word and at the same time, reinforce the expressivity of language (Zernova 2000, 4). In English, the most common diminutives seem to be formed with prefix ‘mini-’ or the suffixes ‘–let’ and ‘–y’ (Cambridge Dictionaries). According to Alberto Zuluaga, the most common Spanish diminutives are ‘ito’, ‘illo’/‘illa’, ‘ín’/‘ina’, ‘ete’/‘eta’, ‘ejo’/‘eja’, ‘ucho’/‘ucha’, ‘ola’, ‘uelo’/‘uela’, ‘ículo’/‘ícula’, ‘uco’/ ‘uca’, ‘oco’/‘oca’ (1970, 24)50. Aside from denoting a particular element as small, diminutives are also employed in order to both be informal and express some kind of affection (Cambridge Dictionaries). When it comes to the previous linguistic features that have been discussed in this project, there was considerable research done on whether a particular linguistic element was thought to be used by either male or female speakers. However, as far as diminutives are concerned, I did not find a general claim that one group of speakers makes a higher use of these forms than the other. Rather, the studies that I found were a bit contradictory. For example, Fatima Sadiqi claims that the usage of diminutives seems to be more prolific in Moroccan women’s speech than in men’s, even though she claims that both male and female speakers may use them (2003, 154). In a study on the Dutch language, Pierre Brachin links diminutives as a feature that is highly used by women (1985, 65), even though there is another study on the Dutch language that confirms that there is “no conclusive evidence that women…use diminutives more often than men” (Brouwer 1982 in Booij, Lehmann and Mugdan 2004, 1050). Likewise, Pilar García Mouton suggests that even though diminutives might seem more frequent in women’s speech, this claim may be exaggerated (2000, 72). However, Zernova firmly claims that diminutives are tendency in women’s speech style (2000, 4). As for this analysis, though, I will be referring to João da Silva Correia (1927) as the main reference in this section because some authors such as María Teresa Piñeiro (2010, 170)

50 The feminine forms are mine because the author did not include them. 51 and María Jayme and Victoria Sau (1996, 295) briefly mentioned him. I checked Marlene Vasques Loureiro’s review51 on on da Silva’s study on the language of the Portuguese woman. In the aspect of diminutives as a women’s feature of language use she writes: “[…] Da Silva Correia refere que o léxico da mulher não é pobre em tudo, existindo áreas nas quais é rico e abundante, como…das palavras e locuções diminutivas” (Correia 1927, 9 in 2011, 37)52 There is a longstanding belief that women use diminutives more frequently than men. This belief is held on women from different cultures, such as Holland (Brachin 1985; Brouwer 1982), Morocco (Sadiqi 2003), Potugal (da Silva 1927) and Spain (Garcia 2000; Zernova 2000) but empirical studies on the matter are not conclusive. 5.5.2. Examples and Discussion When it comes to the analysis of diminutives in this project, I was surprised to find that the characters used more diminutives than I had expected (see 10.7 for the complete table of diminutives). I counted 85 instances of diminutives (see figure 5).

Diminutives

Men

Women

Figure 5. Total instances of diminutives by men (41) and women (44) from S1.07 and S2.11

51 I could not manage to read da Silva’s original work because I could not find it. However, Vasques Loureiro wrote a review on João Da Silva Correia’s A Linguagem da Mulher em Relação do Homem (1927). The article was in Portuguese and it was the closest source to the original that I could find. 52 Here I included the whole excerpt: “Contudo, João da Silva Correia refere que o léxico da mulher não é pobre em tudo, existindo áreas nas quais é rico e abundante, como no campo dos arcaísmos, no das interjeições e locuções exclamativas, no das palavras e locuções diminutivas, hipocorísticas e onomatopaicas, no dos estrangeirismos da moda e do viver mundano e ainda no domínio da vida do lar: cozinha, vestuários, mobiliário, doenças e enfermagem, etc. Para o autor, são ainda as mulheres que conservam a línguaantiga, pois são bastante arcaizantes e tradicionalistas no uso da linguagem” (Correia 1927, 9 in Loureiro 2011, 37-38). The boldfaced is mine. 52

The majority of diminutives is reflected on the characters’ names, which have been shortened53 in a loving or friendly way. I will be commenting on them but the main analysis is centred on other types of diminutives. The most recurrent cases are those involving ‘Maddie’ (from ‘Maddison’), ‘Liv’ (from ‘Olivia’) and ‘Joey’ (from ‘Joseph’). The names are being used in two ways: sometimes one character refers indirectly to another character to make a comment. Most of the times, though, the names serve as vocatives and have an appellative function. This means that a character is directly addressing one another with the purpose of getting his or her attention. In the next example, we can see that Liv is referring to Maddie directly by introducing her name at the end of the sentence: • Example (44a) Liv: […] You know what, (46) Maddie? […] • Example (44b) Liv: […] ¿Sabes qué, (46) Maddie? In the next table I will show the diminutives that I considered more relevant54 (and the number of times that have been used) and I will later comment on some of the examples with a little but more context. For clearer organization, I underlined the instances of diminutives, taking into consideration that the languages do not always make use of the same structure.

Diminutive # Male uses # Female uses Just to be clear / una cosita 1 little bit of / poquito de 1 Little girls / nenas 1 Hon/rica 1 Surprisies / Sorpre 1 Twinsie / cosita de gemelas 1 Kitten / gatito 1 Couple of / niñitas 1 So weird / tan rarito 1

53 The main characters’ full names appear in websites. I have considered the names Paulie (from Paul), Artie (from Arthur), Skippy (from Skipper), Richie (from Richard) and Stevie (from Steve or Stephen), Ralphie (from Ralph), Addie (from Addison, Adele, etc.) as diminutives of their correspondent full names, even if there is no reference to them in the two episodes. 54 For example, I removed some of the uses with the particle ‘little’, such as ‘little arrangements’, ‘little monster’ and ‘little punks.’ I considered that there were many of them and I wanted to explore other examples in this section. 53

Get sidetracked / detallitos 1 Youngest sons / hijitos 1 Little sailor / marinerito 1 Mama (or mommy) / mami 1 3 Sicky / malita 1 Blanky / mantita 2 Daddy (Bubby) / Papi 1 5 Sweetie / cielito 1 TOTAL 6 20 Table 14. Sample of diminutives from S1.07 and S2.11 As we can see from this 17-sample table, women appear to use diminutives more frequently than men. We can appreciate that both males and females use diminutives to refer to their parents in a loving and affectionate way. Women in these two episodes use diminutives (as baby talk or motherese) to refer to their young sons (‘cielito’, ‘hijito’). Maddie also uses the baby talk (‘sicky’, ‘blanky’), perhaps to call their parents’ attention so that they pamper her. Men use diminutives when they refer to things that are different (‘rarito’) or without much importance (‘cosita’, ‘detallito’). Now I will comment on some examples of diminutive forms that I extracted from the transcripts. In (44) we can appreciate that the Spanish version makes uses of a diminutive, while the English text does not. To me, the introduction of a diminutive instead of another structure changes the meaning slightly. I consider that in (44a) Joey seems to check with the other person if he really understood the whole message, as if he would later paraphrase what he understood. In (44b), Joey gives the impression that he might not have understood the entire message and he needs to check on a little detail that he did not understand. • Example (44a) Joey: I’m sorry. Just to be clear […] • Example (44b) Joey: Lo siento, una cosita […] In (45), Pete addresses his child with a diminutive in Spanish (45b). He probably used the diminutive form so that he would not sound so harsh with ‘raro.’ Another reason is because he is also using baby talk to talk to his son. • Example (45a) Pete: […] Why are you acting so weird? • Example (45b) Pete: […] ¿Por qué estás tan rarito? In (46), Pete is also using a diminutive in Spanish because he considers that the price of the barbecue is insignificant compared to what the machine can do. 54

• Example (46a) Pete: Let’s not get sidetracked. • Examples (46b) Pete: ¡Déjate de detallitos! In example (47), Maddie uses many instances of diminutives. I consider that the first one is a loving way to call her mum. In this case, it functions as a vocative. The other two terms are diminutives not because they refer to something small but because she is trying to call her parents’ attention. Example (47a) Maddie: Mommy. I’m sicky […] I want my blanky. • Example (47b) Maddie: Mami…estoy malita […] Quiero mi mantita. Finally, in the last example (48), Karen addresses to her son with a diminutive that functions as a vocative. In this case, the diminutive acquires affectionate and loving connotations. However, I consider that Karen may use affectionate words to manipulate her children, as a kind of ‘hedging’ to prevent them from rejecting her requests. Children will know this, so it is overt manipulation. • Example (48a) Karen: Did you hear that, (80) sweetie? […] • Example (48b) Karen: ¿Lo has oído, (80) cielito? […] As a general and final comment on all the analyses and the project so far, I reckon that my study has some limitations. Out of 65 episodes from the series, I just analysed two. Besides, I chose some specific linguistic features but had I chosen different ones (e.g. the use of hedges), I might have come out with different results. I consider that the instances in the annexes can be open to discussion because I classified each feature according to my knowledge on language and translation. I take full responsibility if during the analysis some features have gone unnoticed.

6. Conclusion The aim of this project was to study if the series Liv and Maddie portrayed linguistic gender stereotypes and how they were displayed by carrying out a detailed, descriptive and linguistic analysis on the transcripts of the sitcom. The study was done by choosing specific linguistic features and analysing their semantic, functional, expressive and pragmatic dimensions. It mainly focused on the speaking and listening roles, the use of backchannels and interruptions, the usage of tag questions, adjectives, colloquial and vulgar language, and diminutives. As far as this analysis is concerned, I only covered some linguistic features of just two episodes of the series. For this reason, my results cannot be generalised to the whole series. Instead, they provide a first approximation to it. Regarding the question whether Liv and Maddie contains linguistic stereotypes (RQ1), I have observed that the episodes sometimes (though not very continuously) display some stereotypes. To put some examples, we have seen Karen as making many references to household chores, that is, the role of a woman as a housewife. We have also seen that some characters used expressions denoting weakness and emotionality (‘like a girl’) and other that express strength and power (‘to be man enough’). As far as the previous research on linguistic gender stereotypes (RQ2) I cannot firmly claim that the results that I found matched the research done because of the evident lack of quantitatively data. However, when it comes to the study of talking versus listening roles, I have seen that men speak a little bit more as a whole but women seem to assert their right to speech more than men in mix-gender conversations. On the use of backchannels, men and women made a very similar use as markers to start argumentations. When it comes to interruptions, the research suggested that men interrupted more than women. My corpus was not real talk but scripted and my results support Quaglio’s idea that characters are not supposed to interrupt each other. My corpus only displayed one occurrence of interruption, which in that case was made by a woman. I would need more instances in order to make a claim. In the use of tag questions, which was the feature that had fewer occurrences, I found that both men and women used then as to seek confirmation from the other. On the use of adjectives, men and women make used them a similar amount of times. There was not a remarkable difference on the usage, since both groups employed adjectives to both evaluate objects (or actions) and assess their feelings and emotions. When it comes to vulgar language, I consider that my results were very similar to what had been asserted in previous research, since men used more colloquial and vulgar language than women in the various analyses that I did. Mostly all the uses had an appellative function, i.e. calling the addressee’s attention by 56 means of vocatives, which were displayed as both positive and negative terms. Finally, when it comes to the use of diminutives, I did not find a lot of research on the topic. However, the general study revealed a similar use of diminutives in the English original between men and women, even though my observations suggest that women make use of them as affectionate and loving terms, while men use when being referred to either something small or without importance. As to whether or not Liv and Maddie fosters gender stereotypes or challenges them (RQ3) I consider that the series aims at challenging stereotypes in general. First of all, this series is largely based on humour. I consider that this mechanism is used to exaggerate comments or characters’ utterances and challenge the idea that one character can only be presented in a certain way. I have exemplified the fact that some characters negotiate their identity by means of humour and using linguistic features that researchers have considered as typically feminine for example, diminutives or the expression of feelings by means of adjectives. Translation has been a very important aspect of this project while doing the analysis of linguistic gender stereotypes. When it comes to the final question, that is, whether or not the translation expresses and maintains the same function and intensity of the linguistic features that I have analysed, I can claim that the intensity (or strength) has been generally maintained in Spanish. Having done the analysis, I consider that the Spanish translation is quite accurate in terms of meaning and intensity, being equivalence (as replacement of a set phrase or formula with its functional correspondence in Spanish) the most recurrent technique of translation. However, I realised, as I have already shown along the project, that the function of some terms was not always the same when compared to the source text. In many instances, the function of humour disappeared in the translation and instances of colloquial or vulgar language were softened or changed. As a whole, I consider that the translator’s choices tend toward standardisation of the language, that is, removing words and expressions from non- standard registers, so to flatten the language, as Lefevere suggested.

7. General Conclusions This project has proved to be very rewarding. First of all, it helped me approach the topic of gender stereotypes with the tools and categories of linguistics, which was rather new for me. I have realised that such study cannot be undertaken taking into consideration the semantic dimension of words alone. Since words appear surrounded and determined by a context, it is crucial to take language use into consideration and the way words are used. In other words, a complete linguistic analysis needs to surpass semantics and focus on the functional, pragmatic dimension of the words, together with their expressive force. I consider that these aspects are very important in assessing a translation, and not just if the meaning of the words is well transferred. Besides, the audiovisual modality of translation brings some constraints to translations that need to be taken into consideration. For example, some words might need to be omitted to respect isochrony, and word play may be affected by visual elements like props. As far as this project is concerned, it can still be extended considerably because I did not tackle many other features (for example, the use of hedges, and other structures of politeness). For the moment being, I believe that this project is a small attempt in the analysis of linguistic stereotypes in Liv and Maddie and the results were not enough to build up a firm claim. I am interested in continuing this project some time in the future and further work could include analysing more episodes and more verbal phenomena so I could offer an accurate perspective on how the whole series displays and (maybe) portrays linguistic gender stereotypes. In this sense, my final thought is that though having learnt while doing this project, I expect to even learn more.

9. Primary Sources • “Detention-A-Rooney.” Liv and Maddie (S2.11). Prod. John D. Beck and Ron Hart. Disney Channel. 15 Feb. 2015. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. • ‘Detention-A-Rooney’ – “Liv y Maddie 2x11.” Pepe Cine Series HD. Web. 17 Apr. 2016. • ‘Detention-a-Rooney’ N/A. Liv and Maddie (2013). Episode Scripts. Springfield! Springfield! Web. 16 Apr. 2016. • “Dodge-A-Rooney,” Liv and Maddie (S1.07). Prod. John D. Beck and Ron Hart. Disney Channel. 3 Nov. 2013. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. • ‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ – “Liv y Maddie (1x7).” Pepe Cine Series HD. Web. 17 Apr. 2016. • ‘Dodge-a-Rooney’ N/A. Liv and Maddie (2013). Episode Scripts. Springfield! Springfield! Web. 16 Apr. 2016. • “El Castigo Rooney.” Liv y Maddie S2.11 (209/30). Prod. John D. Beck and Ron Hart. Disney Channel España. 27 Mar. 2015. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. • “El Castigo Rooney.” Disney Channel ES Replay. Disney Channel. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. • “El partido de brilé de las Rooney.” Liv y Maddie S1.07 (108). Prod. John D. Beck and Ron Hart. Disney Channel España. 21 Mar. 2013. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. • “El partido de brilé de las Rooney.” Disney Channel ES Replay. Disney Channel. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. • “Liv and Maddie. Season 1 Episode 7: ‘Dodge-A-Rooney.’” Putlocker. Web. 20 Apr. 2016. • “Liv and Maddie. Season 2 Episode 11: ‘Detention-A-Rooney.’” Putlocker. Web. 20 Apr. 2016. • “Liv y Maddie 1x07.” Seriesflv.net. Series Online FLV. Web. 18 Apr. 2016. • “Liv y Maddie 2x11.” Seriesflv.net. Series Online FLV. Web. 18. Apr. 2016. 10. Secondary Sources • Antoniadou, Victoria. “Gender Stereotypes in the Language of the Sitcom F·R·I·E·N·D·S. Traditional or Revolutionary?” MA thesis. Liverpool John Moores University. 2006. Academia.edu. Web. 18 Apr. 2016. • Basow, Susan A. Gender Stereotypes and Roles. Belmont: Brooks/Cole Publishing, 1992. Print. 59

• Beauvoir, de Simone. The Second Sex. Trans. Constance Borde and Sheila Malovany- Chevallier. New York: Vintage, 2011. Print. • Booij, Geert, Christian Lehmann and Joachim Mugdan. Morphologie: Ein Internationales Handbuch Zur Flexion und Wortbildung. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2004. Print. • “Booyah.” Def. 9. Urbandictionary.com. Urban Dictionary. Web. 12 June, 2016. • Brachin, Pierre. The Dutch Language: A Survey. Trans. Paul Vincent. Netherlands: Brill, 1985. Print. • “Burn.” Def. 10. Urbandictionary.com. Urban Dictionary. Web. 12 June, 2016. • Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge, 2007. Print. • Cameron, Deborah. The Myth of Mars and Venus. Do men and women speak really speak different languages? Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Print. • —; Fiona McAliden and Kathy O’Leary. “Lakoff in Context: The Social and Linguistic Functions of Tag Questions.” In Women and Their Speech Communities: New Perspectives on Language and Sex. Ed. Jennifer Coates and Deborah Cameron. New York: Longman: 1989, 74-93. Print. • —.“Verbal Hygiene for Women: Linguistics Misapplied?” Applied Linguistics 15.4 (1994): 382-39. Print. • Chaume, Frederic. Doblatge i subtitulació per a la TV. Vic: Eumo, 2003. Print. • Coates, Jennifer. Women, Men, and Language: A Sociolinguistic Account of Gender Differences in Language. London: Longman, 1993. Print. • Conrick, Maeve. “Gender and Linguistic Stereotyping.” University College Cork Publications, 1996. Web. 20 Apr. 2016. • Dawn, E. Elisabeth, Lara Descartes and Melissa A. Collier-Meek. “Gender Role Portrayal and the Disney Princesses.” Sex Roles 64 (2011): 555-567. Print. • Delabastita, Dirk. “Introduction Shakespeare in Translation: A Bird’s Eye View of Problems and Perspectives.” Ilha do Desterro 45 (2003): 103-115. Print. • “Diminutives (-let, -y and mini-).” English Grammar Today. Cambridge Dictionaries Online. Web. 5th May, 2016. • Dines, Gail and Jean M. Humez. Gender, Race, and Class in Media. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2002. Print. 60

• Eagly H. Alice and Valerie J. Steffen. “Gender Stereotypes Stem From the Distribution of Women and Men Into Social Roles.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 46.4 (1984): 735-754. Print. • Eckert, Penelope and Sally McConnell-Ginet. Language and Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Print. • Escandell Vidal, Maria Victoria. Introducción a la Pragmática. Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 2013. Print. • Evans, Judith. Feminist Theory Today. An Introduction to Second-Wave Feminism. London: Sage Publications, 1995. Print. • Fingerhut, Adam W. and Letitia Anne Peplau. “The Impact of Social Roles on Stereotypes of Gay Men.” Sex Roles 55 (2006): 273-278. Print. • Frendo, Daniela. “Gender Stereotypes in TV series.” Hubpages. 17 Oct. 2013. Web. 20 Apr. 2016. • García Mouton, Pilar. Cómo hablan las mujeres. Madrid: Arco Libros, 2000. Print. • “Girlie.” Def. 4. Dictionary.Cambrige.org. Cambridge Dictionaries Online, 2016. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. • Gray, John. Els homes són de Mart, les dones són de Venus. Trad. Rudolf Ortega. Barcelona: Edicions 62 La Butxaca, 2012. Print. • Guo, Jeff. “Researchers have found a major problem with ‘The Little Mermaid‘ and other Disney movies.” The Washington Post. 25 Jan. 2016. Web. 19 Apr. 2016. • Haas, Adelaide. “Male and Female Spoken Language Differences: Stereotypes and Evidence.” Psychological Bulletin 86.3 (1979): 616-626. Print. • Hoerrner, L. Keisha. “Gender Roles in Disney Films: Analysing Behaviors from Snow White to Simba.” Women’s Studies in Communication 19.2 (1996): 213-228. Print. • Holmes, Janet and Miriam Meyerhoff. The Handbook of Language and Gender. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003. Print. • “Isochronal.” Def. 3. Merriam-Webster.com. Merriam-Webster: Dictionary and Thesaurus, 2015. Web. 5 May 2016. • Ivir, Vladimir. “Procedures and strategies for the translation of culture.” Indian Journal of Applied Linguistics 13.2 (1987): 35-46. Print. • Jayme Zaro, María., and Sau, Victoria. Psicología diferencial del sexo y el género: fundamentos. Barcelona: Icaria Editorial, 1996. Print. 61

• Jespersen, Otto. Language: Its Nature, Development and Origin. London: George Allen & Unwin LTD, 1922. Print. • “Joey.” Liv and Maddie’ Wiki. Wikia Fandom. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. • “Karen.” ‘Liv and Maddie’ Wiki. Wikia Fandom. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. • Kramer, Cheris. “Women’s Speech: Separate but Unequal?” Institute of Education Sciences. US Department of Education. 1973: 1-22. Web. 14 May 2016. • Lakoff Tolmach, Robin. Language and Woman’s Place: Text and Commentaries. Ed. Mary Bucholtz. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print. • —. “Language and Woman’s Place.” Language in Society 2.1 (1973): 45-80. Print. • Lenz, Anna. “Sündenfall in der Wisteria Lane. Die Rolle der Frau im Intro von ABCs Desperate Housewives.” Journal of Serial Narration on Television 1 (2013): 41-42. Print. • Lefevere, André. Translation, History, Culture: A Sourcebook. Routledge: London and New York, 1992. Print. • —. Translation, Rewriting and the Manipulation of Literary Fame. Routledge: London, 1992. Print. • Litosseliti, Lia. Gender and Language: Theory and Practice. London: Hodder Arnold, 2006. Print. • “Liv.” ‘Liv and Maddie’ Wiki. Wikia Fandom. Web. 21 Apr. 2016. • “Liv and Maddie.” Official Disney Channel UK. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. • “Liv y Maddie: personajes.” Series de Disney Channel España. Web. 21 Apr. 2016. • “Liv and Maddie: characters.” Disney Channel United States. Web. 21 Apr. 2016. • Livia, Anna and Kira Hall. Queerly Phrased: Language, Gender and Sexuality. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Print. • Loureiro Vasques, Marlene. “A Linguagem da Mulher em Relação do Homem, de João da Silva Correia (1927)” Ubiletras 1 (2011): 31-47. Print. • “Maddie.” Liv and Maddie’ Wiki. Wikia Fandom. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. • McGladrey L. Margaret. “Becoming Tween Bodies. What preadolescent girls in the US say about beauty, the ‘just-right ideal,’ and the ‘Disney girls.’” Journal of Children and Media 8.4 (2014): 353-370. Print. • Miller, Diana. “Masculinity in Popular Sitcoms, 1955-1960 and 2000-2005.” Culture, Society & Masculinities 3.2 (2011): 141-159. Print. 62

• Mills, Sara and Louise Mullany. Language, Gender and Feminism: Theory, Methodology and Practice. London and New York: Routledge, 2011. Print. • Mott, Brian Leonard. Semantics and Translation for Spanish Learners of English. Barcelona: Edicions Universitat Barcelona, 2011. Print. • Nord, Christiane. “El error en la traducción: categorías y evaluación.” La enseñanza de la traducción. Ed. Amparo Hurtado Albir. Castelló de la Plana: Publicacions de la Universitat Jaume I, 1996. 91-107. Print. • Northup, Temple and Carol M. Liebler. “The Good, the Bad and the Beautiful. Beauty ideals on the Disney and Nickelodeon channels.” Journal of Children and the Media 4.3 (2010): 265-282. Print. • Oakes, Michael and Tony McEnery. “Bilingual text alignment – An overview.” In Simon Philip Botley, Anthony Mark McEnery and Andrew Wilson (eds.) Multilingual corpora in teaching and research. 1-37. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000. Print. • “Parker.” Liv and Maddie’ Wiki. Wikia Fandom. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. • “Pajarraca.” Def. 12. Rae.es. Diccionario de la Real Academia Española. Web. 18 June 2016. • “Pete.” Liv and Maddie’ Wiki. Wikia Fandom. Web. 23 Apr. 2016. • Piñeiro, María Teresa. “Estereotipos femeninos en la publicidad: La utilización del sexolecto como atributo caracterizador.” Cuadernos Kóre 1.2 (2010): 156-178. Print. • Pipek, Vojtĕch. On Backchannels in English Conversation. Thesis Diss. Masaryk University. 2007. Print. • Prentice A. Deborah and Erica Carranza. “What women and men should be, shouldn’t be, are allowed to be, and don’t have to be: The contents of prescriptive gender stereotypes.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 26.4 (2002): 269-281. Print. • “Puya.” Def. 11. Wordreference.com. Word Reference. Web. 18 June 2016. • Quaglio, Paulo. Television Dialogue. The sitcom Friends vs. natural conversation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing, 2009. Print. • Reed, Kelly. “Gender Stereotypes in the Sitcom Friends: Content Analysis.” Indiana Wesleyan University. Kelly Reed Blog. 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2016. • Reiss, Katharina. Translation Criticism - The Potentials & Limitations. Categories and Criteria for Translation Quality Assessment. Trans. Erroll F. Rhodes. London & New York: Routledge, 2014. Print. • ‘Rica.’ Def. 7. Wordreference.com. Word Reference. Web. 14 June, 2016. 63

• Sadiqi, Fatima. Women, Gender and Language in Morocco. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2003. Print. • “Sitcom.” Def.1. Merriam-Webster.com. Merriam-Webster: Dictionary and Thesaurus, 2015. Web. 18 April 2016. • “Sitcom.” Def. 2. Dictionary.Cambridge.org. Cambridge Dictionaries Online, 2016. Web. 18 April 2016. • Strasburger, Victor C., and Barbara J. Wilson. Children, Adolescents and the Media. California: Sage Publications, 2002. Print. • Sunderland, Jane. Language and Gender. An advanced resource book. London & New York: Routledge, 2006. Print. • Swan, Michael. Practical English Usage. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Print. • Swann, Joan. Girls, Boys, and Language. Language in Education. Oxford: Blackwell, 1992. Print. • Talbot, Mary M. “‘Women Rule as a Natter of Fact:’ Reproducing and Challenging Gender Stereotypes.” Género, Lenguaje y Traducción. Ed. José Santaemilia. Valencia: Universidad de Valencia, 2003. 26-41. Print. • Tannen, Deborah. Gender and Conversational Interaction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. Print. • —. You Just Don’t Understand. Women and Men in Conversation. New York: Ballantine Books, 1990. Print. • Thorne, Barrie, Cheris Kramarae and Nancy Henley. Language, Gender and Society. Rowley: Newbury House, 1983. Print. • “To have things hanging over one’s head.” Def. 8. Idioms.thefreedictionary.com. The Free Dictionary. Web. 14 June, 2016. • “Tomboy.” Def. 5. Dictionary.Cambridge.org. Cambridge Dictionaries Online, 2016. Web. 22 Apr. 2016. • Toury, Gideon. “The Nature and Role of Norms in Translation.” In Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1995. Print. • ‘Turf.’ Def. 6. Urbandictionary.com. Urban Dictionary. Web. 13 June 2016. 64

• Vinay, Jean-Paul and Jean Darbelnet. Comparative Stylistics of French and English: A Methodology for Translation. Trans. and ed. by Juan C. Sager and Marie-Josée Hamel. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing, 1958 [1995]. Print. • Vogel L. David, Stephen R. Wester, Martin Heesacker and Stephanie Madon. “Confirming Gender Stereotypes: A Social Role Perspective.” Sex Roles 48.11 (2003): 519-528. Print. • Ward, Nigel. “Backchannel Facts” Computer Science Department. The University of Texas at El Paso, 2007. Web. • —. “Common Backchannels.” Computer Science Department. The University of Texas at El Paso. 2007. Web. • —. And Wataru Tsukahara. “Prosodic Features which Cue Back-channel Responses in English and Japanese.” Journal of Pragmatics 32 (2000): 1177-1207. Print. • “Watch Liv & Maddie Online.” Watch Series. Web. 21 Apr. 2016. • West, Candace and Don H. Zimmerman. “Doing Gender.” Gender and Society 1.2 (1987): 125-151. Print. • Wigboldus, H. J. Daniël, Gün R. Semin and Russell Spears. “How do we communicate stereotypes? Linguistic bases and inferential consequences.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 78.1 (2000): 5-18. Print. • Young, Richard F. Language and Interaction: An advanced resource book. London & New York: Routledge: 2008. Print. • Yule, George. The Study of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Print. • —. Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Print. • Zernova, Yelena. “Algunos factores diferenciadores del habla masculina y femenina” In Actas de las II Conferencias de Hispanistas de Rusia. Madrid, Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, 2000. 1-6. Print. • Zimmerman, Don and Candace West. “Sex Roles, Interruptions and Silences in Conversations.” In Language and Sex: Difference and Dominance. Ed. Barrie Thorne and Nancy Henley. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House, 1975. 105-129. Print. • Zuluaga Ospina, Alberto. “La función del diminutivo en español.” Thesaurus 25.1 (1970): 23-48. Print.

10. Annexes 10.1. Table 15. Definitions # Definitions Term Source 1 ‘Sitcom’ Merriam-Webster Dictionary 2 ‘Sitcom’ Cambridge Dictionaries 3 ‘Isochronal’ Merriam-Webster Dictionary 4 ‘Girlie’ Cambridge Dictionaries 5 ‘Tomboy’ Cambridge Dictionaries 6 ‘Turf’ Urban Dictionary 7 ‘Rica’ Word Reference 8 ‘To have something hanging The Free Dictionary over one’s head’ 9 ‘Booyah’ Urban Dictionary 10 ‘Burn’ Urban Dictonary 11 ‘Puya’ Word Reference 12 ‘Pajarraca’ Diccionario de la Real Academia Española Table 15. Number of definitions, the words and their source

10.2. Table 16. Episode Codes Language Season Episode # Scene Code of reference English 1 7 1 S1.07.1 English 1 7 2 S1.07.2 English 1 7 3 S1.07.3 English 1 7 4 S1.07.4 English 1 7 5 S1.07.5 English 1 7 6 S1.07.6 English 1 7 7 S1.07.7 English 1 7 8 S1.07.8 English 1 7 9 S1.07.9 English 1 7 10 S1.07.10 English 1 7 11 S1.07.11 66

English 1 7 12 S1.07.12 English 1 7 13 S1.07.13 English 1 7 14 S1.07.14 Table 16.1. The codes for the English episode 7 (Season 1)

Language Season Episode # Scene Code of reference Spanish 1 7/108 1 T1.07/108.1 Spanish 1 7/108 2 T1.07/108.2 Spanish 1 7/108 3 T1.07/108.3 Spanish 1 7/108 4 T1.07/108.4 Spanish 1 7/108 5 T1.07/108.5 Spanish 1 7/108 6 T1.07/108.6 Spanish 1 7/108 7 T1.07/108.7 Spanish 1 7/108 8 T1.07/108.8 Spanish 1 7/108 9 T1.07/108.9 Spanish 1 7/108 10 T1.07/108.10 Spanish 1 7/108 11 T1.07/108.11 Spanish 1 7/108 12 T1.07/108.12 Spanish 1 7/108 13 T1.07/108.13 Spanish 1 7/108 14 T1.07/108.14 Table 16.2. The codes for the Spanish episode 7/108 (Season 1)

Language Season Episode # Scene Code of reference English 2 11 1 S2.11.1 English 2 11 2 S2.11.2 English 2 11 3 S2.11.3 English 2 11 4 S2.11.4 English 2 11 5 S2.11.5 English 2 11 6 S2.11.6 English 2 11 7 S2.11.7 English 2 11 8 S2.11.8 67

English 2 11 9 S2.11.9 English 2 11 10 S2.11.10 English 2 11 11 S2.11.11 English 2 11 12 S2.11.12 English 2 11 13 S2.11.13 English 2 11 14 S2.11.14 Table 16.3. The codes for the English episode 11 (Season 2)

Language Season Episode # Scene Code of reference Spanish 2 11/209 1 T2.11/209.1 Spanish 2 11/209 2 T2.11/209.2 Spanish 2 11/209 3 T2.11/209.3 Spanish 2 11/209 4 T2.11/209.4 Spanish 2 11/209 5 T2.11/209.5 Spanish 2 11/209 6 T2.11/209.6 Spanish 2 11/209 7 T2.11/209.7 Spanish 2 11/209 8 T2.11/209.8 Spanish 2 11/209 9 T2.11/209.9 Spanish 2 11/209 10 T2.11/209.10 Spanish 2 11/209 11 T2.11/209.11 Spanish 2 11/209 12 T2.11/209.12 Table 16.4. The codes for the Spanish episode 11/209 (Season 2)

10.3. Table 17. Talking versus Listening Roles: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity

In these tables I included the instances backchannels (minimal responses) and interruptions, together with the methods of translation; the function and the intensity that the features that I found have in both the ST and the TT. When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.1.2.). The underlined features have been numbered for clearer organization.

‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07/108): Backchannels and Interruptions

English Spanish Method of translation Function Intensity (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S1.07.1) (T1.07/108.1) (1) Equivalence (1) Both features serve as (1) Both elements have Karen: […] But I'm Karen: […] Pero ¿cómo no (2) Omission (Ø) confirmation of previous the same intensity in ST surprised you didn't pick the estáis en el mismo statement. Pragmatic and TT. same project. programa? marker. (2) By using a Maddie: (1) Yeah, (2) well, Maddie: (1) Ya, Liv sabrá (2) ‘Well’ acts as a filler backchannel (‘well’) and I think Liv knows […] […] word. It marks the start her intuition (‘I think’), of Liv’s argument. Liv appears less certain Pragmatic marker. of her assumption, while in the Spanish one she is more self-assured. Maddie: […] She says it Maddie: […] dice que con (3) Equivalence (3) Introducer of (3 & 4) Both elements makes her look like she has la luz de allí, su cutis (4) Equivalence argumentation (of have the same intensity the flu. palidece. previous ‘negative in ST and TT. Karen: (3) Well, she was Karen: (3) Bueno, estaba statement’). Pragmatic unbelievably excited […] muy animada […] marker. 69

Maddie: (4) Yeah, wait till Maddie: (4) Sí, pues (4) Confirmation of she finds out […] cuando sepa […] previous statement (sarcasm). I understand that the meaning does not change when it is removed. To me, it functions as a pragmatic marker. (S1.07.2) (T1.07/108.2) (5) Equivalence (5) There is not previous (5) Both elements have Diggie: (5) All right, all Diggie: (5) Bien, bien, linguistic context but I the same intensity in ST right, Porcupines. Puercoespines. consider that the and TT. character uses the feature to claim his right of speech (among the crowd) (S1.07.3) (T1.07/108.3) (6) Equivalence (6) There is no previous (6) Both elements have Maddie: (6) Okay, ‘Silver Maddie: (6) Bien, «Chicos linguistic context. the same intensity in ST Steppers’ […] de Plata» […] Maddie is claiming her and TT. right to speech in the senior centre. It is probable that the crowd was speaking. She encourages the crowd. 70

Liv: […] And I thought… Liv: […] y creo que… (7) (7) Equivalence (7) One character is (8) The Spanish is more (7) (8) Equivalence interrupted. Maddie direct and surer about the Maddie: (8) Uh, you can't Maddie: (8) Pues no claims her right to speech answer. But the effect is volunteer here! puede…ser aquí. and wants to convince softened by the pause Liv of her argument. between ‘puede’ and (8) In English, the feature ‘ser’ (8). It is the only is a pragmatic marker case in the entire analysis (filler word) It seems to that contains an be used as hesitation and interruption (7) (followed gain more time to think by Liv’s ‘…’). Both about the answer. In elements have the same Spanish, there is no intensity in ST and TT. sound (‘uh’), but an elaborate way of introducing the answer. (S1.07.4) (T1.07/108.4) (9) Equivalence (9) It is a filler word, (9) Karen’s Pete: […] Only I can use it. Pete: […] Solo puedo pragmatic marker. It can argumentation is more encenderla yo. be omitted in English and direct in Spanish. To my Karen: (9) Well, then I Karen: (9) Pues yo debo de the sense would remain, point of view, the must have one of those on tener algo así […] because the sentence is English sentence seems a […] reinforced by ‘then.’ If it bit more collaborative were omitted in Spanish, with Pete’s previous it would sound very statement (it confirms direct. The feature in she is listening and she Spanish helps to start the responds back) argumentation. (S1.07.5) (T1.07/108.5) (10) Equivalence (10) Filler word, (10) Both elements have Skippy: I’ll crush anyone Skippy: ¡Machacaré a quien pragmatic marker (the the same intensity in ST who comes near him. se acerque a Paulie! meaning does not change and TT. Diggie: (10) Okay, Joey, I Diggie: (10) Vale, Joey, tú if the word is removed). can't believe I'm gonna say eres el más fuerte […] It functions as agreement this […] with the fact that Skippy 71

is not strong enough to protect the mascot Skippy: We need a new Skippy: ¡Haz un plan! (11) Omission (Ø) (11) In English it is being (11). Both elements have plan! used as agreement with the same intensity in ST Joey: (11) Okay, give me Joey: Un segundo, voy the previous statement and TT, even though the second […] a…pensar. (request). It can function Spanish feature has been as a filler word omitted (I reckon that (pragmatic marker) and another solution would to some extend, it can be be inserting ‘vale’). removed. I consider that by using ‘okay’ Joey then assumes the role of plan inventor. In Spanish, it seems to be taken for granted. (S1.07.6) (T1.07/108.6) (12 & 13) Omission (Ø) (12 & 13). They serve as (12 & 13) Both elements Budge: […] I'm practically Budge: […] soy casi (14) Equivalence filler words, pragmatic have the same intensity bionic. biónica. markers in English. They in ST and TT. Maybe in Maddie: (12) Okay, (13) Maddie: Es mejor no can be removed and Spanish it sounds more well, let's not exaggerate exagerar […] meaning remains the direct without fillers, […] You did need me to same. such as ‘vale’ or ‘bueno’ unscrew your water bottle. (14) Negation of the but there is not a big Budge: Ah, (14) no. I can Budge: (14) No, eso podía previous statement. difference in intensity. do that myself. hacerlo yo. (14) Same intensity of negation Baxter: […] to move the Baxter: […] que mueva el (15) Equivalence (15) In English, the filler (15) The intensity piano. piano. (16) Equivalence word (pragmatic marker) changed. In Spanish, the Maddie: (15) Um, wait. Maddie: (15) ¡Eh! Oye, can be removed without word is targeted to Liv Liv, you're gonna practice Liv. ¿Ensayaréis aquí? […] affecting context. In while in English it is not. in here? […] Spanish, the word is used Maddie’s reponse in Liv: (16) Yeah, but I mean, Liv: (16) Ya, pero no hay to call Liv’s attention. English is less direct. all the other rooms […] más sitio. Both elements can be (16) Both elements have 72

regarded as introducers the same intensity in ST of Maddie’s argument. and TT. However, the English filler indicates hesitation. (16) Confirmation of the previous question. (S1.07.7) (T1.07/108.7) (17) Equivalence (17) Negation of the (17) I consider that the Skippy: Your parents aren’t Skippy: ¿Tus padres o previous answer. Spanish one has more gonna notice a giant verán que hay un emphasis than English porcupine swinging from puercoespín gigante colgado one because of the way your oak tree? del roble? the character exclaims Joey: (17) No. Everyone’s Joey: (17) ¡No! Hoy en día the answer. However, it got their nose in their todo el mundo mira el móvil is not a significant phones […] […] difference. Pete: […] I hate to have Pete: […] no me gusta dejar (18) Equivalence (18) Filler words Both elements have the things hanging over my las cosas colgadas! (pragmatic marker) in same intensity in ST and head. both languages. If we TT. Joey: (18) Well, dad, just Joey: Ah, (18) bueno, papá remove them from the pick […] […] text, it has sense. They function as argumentation starters. Karen: I’ll check my Karen: Miraré en el móvil. (19) Equivalence Filler word (pragmatic Both elements have the phone. Joey: (19) ¿Eh? ¿Perdona? marker). It seeks same intensity in ST and Joey: (19) Huh? I’m sorry clarification in both TT. […] languages but it does not trigger an answer. The tone is sure. (S1.07.8) (T1.07/108.8) (20) Equivalence (20, 21 & 22) Pragmatic (20, 21 & 22) Both Pete: How's it going with Pete: ¿Qué tal va con el (21) Equivalence marker (filler word) that elements have the same the glue, Professor? pegamento, profesor? (22) Omission (Ø) marks hesitation before intensity in ST and TT. Parker: (20) Uh, did Parker: (20) Eh…¿Le (23) Spanish contains ‘em’ the answer or (23) I consider that there people ask Einstein […] preguntaban a Einstein […] while English does not argumentation. It can be is a bit of hesitation at 73

Pete: (21) Uh, Einstein Pete: (21) Eh…Einstein no have any mark. removed without the beginning of the didn't split atoms […] This dividía átomos […] ¡Es affecting the meaning. In Spanish and that it loses is amazing! increíble! the case of Spanish (23), a certain expressive Karen: (22) Well, it’s Karen: Es impresionante, it is omitted and the force. Rather than that, impressive, but […] pero […] meaning is kept. the intensity is very Parker: Mom, a simple Parker: (23) Em…mamá similar. […] […] (S1.07.9) (T1.07/108.9) (24) Equivalence (24) Reinforcement of Both elements have the Maddie: This is my room Maddie: Esto es mío y anger expression. They same intensity in ST and and I call dibs. llegué primero. might be removed and TT. Liv: Dibs? (24) Really? Liv: Primer (24) en serio? the meaning would not be changed significantly. S1.07.10 T1.07/108.10 (25) Equivalence (25) Marker of negation (25, 26, 27 & 28) Both Skippy: Did you see Skippy: ¿Hay tiburones? (26) Equivalence and anger. elements have the same sharks? (27) (26) Confirmation of the intensity in ST and TT. Diggie: (25) No, but I'll tell Diggie: (25) ¡No! Pero te Equivalence previous statement. you […] diré […] (28) (27) Marker of Joey: (26) Okay. That is a Joey: (26) Vale, es un Equivalence agreement or problem […] problema […] confirmation. Diggie: I’m not gonna be Diggie: Y no pienso ser (28) Pragmatic marker Diggie the doofus! Diggie, el tarugo (filler word). It functions Joey: (27) Okay, okay […] Joey: (27) Vale, vale […] as a sarcastic way of Diggie: Oh (28) yeah, take Diggie: (28) Sí…sin prisa confirmation. It can be your time […] […] removed and the meaning stays intact. (S1.07.12) (T1.07/108.12) (29) Equivalence (29) Confirmation of the (29) Both elements have Maddie: Mom, we're really Maddie: Mamá, sentimos previous statement. the same intensity in ST sorry. We messed up. haberlo estropeado. and TT. Liv: (29) Yeah […] Liv: (29) Sí […] Liv: So are we good? Liv: ¿Olvidado? (30) Equivalence (30 & 31) Markers of (30 & 31) Both features Maddie: (30) Yeah, we're Maddie: (30) Sí, claro. (31) Equivalence agreement or have the same intensity good. confirmation. in the ST and TT. 74

Liv: […] Seriously? Liv: […] ¿Va en serio? Maddie: (31) Yeah. Maddie: (31) Sí. (S1.07.13) (T1.07/108.13) (32) Equivalence (32) There is no previous (32) Both elements have Diggie: Ah! (32) All right, Diggie: (32) Muy bien, context, but I understand the same intensity in ST Porcupines. Puercoespines. that Diggie is claiming and TT. his right to speak among the crowd, who was speaking. Diggie: […] Do the honors. Diggie: […] haced los (33) Omission (Ø) (33) It functions as a (33) To me, the English Joey: (33) All right, […] honores. marker of confirmation one links the Joey: La apoteosis final. or agreement. The conversation to what meaning does not change Diggie said, while in Spanish, but it seems Spanish does not. Aside to break the flow of a from this fact, the dialogue conversation intensity remains quite (interaction) similar. (S1.07.14) (T1.07/108.14) (34) Equivalence and (34) These markers are (34 & 35) Both elements Pete: […] Someday, all this Pete: Algún día todo esto omission (though used to indicate have the same intensity will be yours. será tuyo. compensation with agreement and in ST and TT. Joey: (34) Yeah, yeah. […] Joey: (34) Sí, genial […] ‘genial’) confirmation, though not No whiffs of burning glue? ¿No huele a pegamento (35) showing the character’s quemado? Equivalence interest. Pete: (35) No, it's fine. Pete: (35) No le pasa nada. (35) Marker of negation (of previous statement) Joey: […] it appears that Joey: […] pero parece que (36 & 37) Equivalence (36 & 38) Pragmatic (36, 37 & 38) All Dad's grill will be okay. la barbacoa de papá (38) marks (filler marks). elements have the same sobrevivirá. Omission (Ø) They show hesitation and intensity in ST and TT. Parker: (36) Uh, (37) no. Parker: (36) Eh…(37) no. achieve more time to In (38), the Spanish My other scooter broke El otro patinete cascó. Este think. They also work as seems to be more direct, again. es nuevo. starters of the following without hesitation. Joey: (38) Uh, hey, guys. Joey: ¡Eh, escuchad! argumentations. (37) Marker of negation. 75

It negates the previous statement. Table 17.1. Instances of backchannels and interruptions of S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11/209): Backchannels and Interruptions

English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S2.11.1) (T2.11/209.1) (39) Equivalence (39) Marker of negation of the The features have the same Parker: It's my half- Parker: ¿Es mi medio previous question. intensity in ST and TT. birthday? […] cumpleaños […]? Karen: (39) No, no, Karen: (39) No, no. even better […]

(S2.11.2) (T2.11/209.2) (40) Equivalence (40) Pragmatic marker (filler word). (40) The features have the Maddie: Is this blanky Maddie: ¿La mantita It works as confirmation (with same intensity in ST and TT. made of fire? tiene fuego? resignation) of a situation and as a Karen: (40) Well, Karen: (40) Bien, me va starter of argumentation looks like […] a tocar […]

Maddie: Does no one Maddie: ¿Nadie nota (41) Equivalence (41) Pragmatic mark (filler word). It (41) The features have the see me dying here? que me estoy muriendo? functions as the starter of Karen’s same intensity in ST and TT. Karen: (41) Well, hop Karen: (41) Pues venga, answer and (instigate Pete to help). to it […] They can be removed without affecting the context. Pete: Are you all right Pete: Oh, Liv, hija, ¿todo (42) Equivalence (42) Marker of confirmation or (42) The features have the in there? bien por ahí? affirmative answer. same intensity in ST and TT. Liv: (42) Yeah. Liv: (42) Sí. (S2.11.3) (T2.11/209.3) (43) Equivalence (43) Marker of confirmation or (43) The features have the Artie: One, I will Artie: Una, te machacaré affirmative answer. same intensity in ST and TT. 76 destroy you at Kendo al Kendo […] […] Joey: (43) Bien, Joey: (43) Fine, then I entonces te reto a un challenge you to a duel. duelo. Artie: You don't have Artie: Y que lo digas, (44) Equivalence (44). Marker of confirmation or (44) The features have the to tell me, brother. tío. affirmative answer. It functions as a same intensity in ST and TT. Joey: (44) Fine, but if I Joey: (44) Bien, pero si starter of argument. win […] gano […] (S2.11.4) (T2.11/209.4) (45) Equivalence (45) Pragmatic marker (filler word). (45) The features have the Superintendent It can be omitted without affecting same intensity in ST and TT. Kneebauer: […] I Inspectora Kneebauer: the meaning. It marks some want this little monster Castigue a ese monstruo hesitation in the conversation but in there for the rest of lo que queda de semana. prepares the start of an argument. the week. Karen: Oh, (45) well. Karen: (45) Bueno, tiene He kind of has plans planes […] […] (S2.11.5) T2.11/209.5 (46) Equivalence (46) Marker of an affirmative answer (46) The features have the Parker: […] You're in Parker: […] ¿se encarga from the previous question (with a same intensity in ST and TT. charge of detention? de los castigos? tone of defiance) Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: Kneebauer: Oh, (46) Oh, (46) sí. Y te espera yeah. And you’re in for una semana […] a week […] S2.11.6 T2.11/209.6 (47 & 48) (47 & 48) Markers of negation (47 & 48) The features have Pete: No school, no Pete: A tumbarte. Equivalence (From previous statement and the same intensity in ST and school. question). TT. Liv: (47) No, dad. I’m Liv: (47) No, papá. fine. […] Estoy bien […] Pete: Is that the rub my Pete: ¿Es la de frótame feet bell? los pies? Maddie: (48) No, Maddie: (48) No. Es la 77 daddy. It’s the […] de […] (S2.11.7) (T2.11/209.7) (49) Equivalence (49) Pragmatic marker (filler word). (49) The features have the Artie: Joey, Minions Artie: Joey, los esbirros, It functions as confirmation same intensity in ST and TT. cannot be given away. no se pueden regalar, hay (affirmative answer) from the They must be won back que recuperarlos […] previous statement. I believe that at […] least one of the fillers could be Joey: (49) Fine, fine. Joey: (49) Bien, bien. Te removed without changing the Then we'll just have a doy la revancha […] meaning. rematch […] (S2.11.8) (T2.11/209.8) (50) Equivalence (50) Marker of confirmation. It (50) The features have the Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: functions as agreement with the same intensity in ST and TT. Kneebauer: […] Great […] Bien hecho. previous statement. work. Volquete: (50) Sí, estará Dump Truck: (50) […] Yeah, I bet […] Dump Truck: Whoa! Volquete: ¡Ala! ¿Los has (51 & 52) (51) Pragmatic marker. Filler (51 & 52) The features have You scraped all this quitado tú solo, chaval? Equivalence marker. Can be omitted without the same intensity in ST and gum yourself? Parker: (51) Bueno, changing the meaning of the TT. Parker: (51) Well, I quería dejar claro […] sentence. It serves as an introducer of wanted you to know Volquete: (52) No. No argumentation. […] eres un tío. Eres una (52) Dump Truck: (52) No. máquina […] Marker of negation of the previous You're no man. […] sentence (S2.11.9) (T2.11/209.9) (53 & 54) (53 & 54) Marker of agreement or (53 & 54) The features have Artie: […] Some Artie: […] Unos Equivalence confirmation. They serve as filler the same intensity in ST and hunters found me cazadores me words and they can be removed TT. wandering in the encontraron por el without affecting very much the woods. bosque. meaning of the sentence. Joey: (53) Yeah, Joey: (53) Ya. Da igual whatever, weirdo. […] Artie: […] I feel my Artie: […] Siento mis strength returning. fuerzas…¡resurgir! 78

Joey: (54) Okay, it's Joey: (54) Vale, es que si just like […] […] (S2.11.10) (T2.11/209.10) (55 & 56) (55) Marker of negation (of the (55 & 56) The features have Karen: […] Are you Karen: […] ¿Intentas Equivalence previous question) the same intensity in ST and trying to stay in que te castiguen […]? (56) Pragmatic marker (filler word). TT. detention […]? Parker: ¿Qué? (55) ¡No! They can be removed without Parker: What? (55) Es que me he vuelto affecting so much the meaning of the No, I…I just broke bad malo […] sentence. They are used when the […] Karen: (56) Vale, vale. character both realizes and Karen: (56) Okay, Sé que estás fingiendo understands a situation. okay, you are definitely […] faking […] (S2.11.12) (T2.11/209.12) (57, 58, 59, 60, (57) Marker of affirmative answer to (57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 & 63) Pete: […] Feeling Pete: […] ¿Estáis mejor? 61, 62 & 63) the previous question. The features have the same better? Liv: (57) Sí. Estoy Equivalence (58) Maddie’s positive confirmation intensity in the ST and TT. In Liv: (57) Yeah, I am deseando hacer el to Liv’s appreciation. It can be (63), the English command is raring to go for that examen […] removed without affecting the whole softened by introducing ‘can.’ exam […] Maddie: (58) Ya…yo meaning. However, in Spanish, Pete Maddie: (58) Yeah, I estaba fatal […] (59) Liv’s agreement with Maddie’s does not suggest that Karen was so sick […] Liv: (59) Sí. Papá, previous statement. It can be can replace the toaster but Liv: (59) Yeah. Dad, gracias […] removed without having an effect on seems to command it. thanks […] Maddie: (60) Sí, no es the meaning. Maddie: (60) Yeah, que me parezca muy (60) Maddie’s agreement to Liv’s not that I really think it difícil pero…gracias por previous statement. It might be was that hard, but we todo. removed but it would break a bit the really appreciate it. Liv: (61) Eso. flow of the conversation. Liv: (61) Yeah. Karen: (62) Bueno, (61) Liv’s positive answer to Karen: (62) Well, they aunque ellas no lo Maddie’s statement. may not appreciate it, valoren, yo sí. […] Te (62) Pragmatic marker (filler word). but I do. […] I owe you debo una. It can be removed without affecting one. Pete: (63) Bien, the meaning. It functions as the Pete: (63) Good, you reemplaza la […] introductory of an argumentation. 79 can replace […] (63) Pragmatic marker. They act as agreement of the previous statement and as starters of the argument. Table 17.2. Instances of backchannels of S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

10.4. Table 18. Question Tags: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity In these tables I included the instances of question tags and similar forms (underlined) together with the methods of translation; the function and the intensity that the features found have in both the Source Text (ST) and the Target Text (TT). When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.2.2.). I included the scene codes for clearer identification with the transcripts.

‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07/108): Tag Questions & Similar Forms

English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S1.07.3) (T1.07/108.3) (1) Equivalence (1) It is a similar version of a (1) Both formulas achieve Maddie: […] So really I Maddie: […] así que tag question structure. It could the same intensity in the ST was just lying to myself, técnicamente le mentí a be reformulated as ‘[…], which and TT. They are direct in which makes it okay. (1) la cara…que también es makes it okay, doesn’t it?’ The tone but at the same time Right? la mía. Y mentirme a mí formulas seek confirmation question the statement. no es malo, (1) ¿verdad? (from audience) of the previous statement. (S1.07.14) (T1.07/108.14) (2) Omission (Ø) (2) The tag question in the (2) In general, both texts Joey: Yeah, yeah. Dad, Joey: Sí, genial. ¿Pero English text seeks have the same intensity. I that's great. Uh, grill's all está todo bien? […] confirmation. It can be would say that the Spanish right though, (2) right? […] Pete: No le pasa nada reformulated as ‘[…] grill’s all sounds more direct and a bit Pete: No, it’s fine […] […] right though, isn’t it?’ […]. more certain than the 80

There is no tag (such as no, English one, which, to me, verdad) in Spanish but the expresses a hint of doubt question also seeks and hesitation. confirmation. Table 18.1. Instances of question tags and similar forms from S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11/209): Tag Questions & Similar Forms English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S2.11.7) (T2.11/209.7) (3) Omission (Ø) (3) I considered that ‘too’ could (3) The feature (even though there Joey: […] You’re not Joey: […] ¿No vas a be used in this context as a is an omission in Spanish) gonna chew for me, (3) masticar por mi? question tag, since it might be achieves a very similar intensity. too?55 reformulated as ‘[…] not gonna However, I would consider the chew for me, are you’? It seeks Spanish sentence slightly more for confirmation, which it comes direct. in visual (not linguistic) response. I understand that Spanish could have made use of the word ‘no’ at the end of the sentence. Table 18.2. Instances of question tags and similar forms from S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

55 This example might be open to discussion, since it is not a clear instance of tag questions. Even though this example was the only one that I found in S2.11 and T2.11/209, I decided to include it because I believe that the character is somehow seeking for confirmation. To me, it expresses a higher degree of certainty than the other tags mentioned. However, it might be considered as a similar (though not equal) form of question tags. 81

10.5. Table 19. Adjectives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity In these tables I included the instances of adjectives56, together with the methods of translation; the function (and whether they refer to emotions, feelings and states or the evaluation of objects) and the intensity that the features found have in ST and the TT. When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.3.2.)

‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07/108): Adjectives English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S1.07.1) T1.07/108.1 (1) Equivalence (1) Positive evaluation (1) I reckon that the English formulation Maddie: […] I had (1) Maddie: […] He (1) (2) Equivalence of the day. adds more strength than the Spanish one the best day […] disfrutado mucho […] (3) Equivalence (2) Positive evaluation (which could be reformulated as ha sido lo Helping people feels ¡Ayudar (2) sienta (4) Equivalence on the act of helping. mejor) (2) so great. genial! (3) Expression of (2) The English sentence is reinforced by Karen: […] I’m (3) so Karen: […] ¡Me (3) emotion or feeling so. The Spanish seems to lose a bit of glad […] alegra tanto! […] (positive) intensity. […] […] (4) Positive evaluation (3) Both elements achieve the same Karen: […] she was Karen: […] estaba (4) on Liv’s attitude. intensity in the text. (4) unbelievably muy animada con ser (4) I consider that the Spanish feature loses excited about voluntaria […] intensity, which could be fixed by using volunteering […] súper. (S1.07.2) (T1.07/108.2) (5) Omission (Ø) (5) Positive evaluation (5) The hint of humour and exaggeration is Diggie: […] try to steal Diggie: […] intentan on the mascot. In lost in Spanish. It does not involve a great our (5) beloved mascot robarnos nuestra mascot Spanish, the loss of intensity, but there is a difference. […] […] characterization is lot.

56 I just included the adjectives that coincided with the ones suggested by researchers (or those adjectives that I considered that could fit in the same category). Therefore, not all adjectives are included. 82

The English feature seeks to exaggerate such characterization with a humorous tone. (S1.07.3) (T1.07/108.3) (6) Equivalence (6) Positive (6) The feature has the same intensity in Maddie: […] you are Maddie: […] lo estáis reinforcement on the both the ST and the TT. doing (6) great […] haciendo (6) genial […] senior group’s performance. Liv: […] I’m (7) Liv: […] Soy (7) (7) Equivalence (7) Self-evaluation (on (7) The feature has the same intensity in adorable […] adorable […] Liv’s performance) both the ST and the TT. Maddie: […] I Maddie: […] no sabía (8) Omission (Ø) (8) Positive (8) The feature has the same intensity in couldn’t figure out a cómo decirle a […] characterization of the both the ST and the TT. However, the (8) nice way to tell way Maddie wanted to English one emphasizes the positive way […] express her opinion. of expression, while in Spanish (though we can image that she wants to be polite) it is lost. (S1.07.4) (T1.07/108.4) (9) Equivalence (9) Both expressions (9) I consider that both features have the Karen: […] (9) That’s Karen: […]¡Es (9) muy refer to the grill and same intensity in the text. The Spanish one some grill […] guay! […] describe it as very could have been reformulated as good. ¡Menuda/vaya barbacoa! but the expression chosen has the same effect. (S1.07.5) (T1.07/108.5) (10) Equivalence (10) The features (10) I reckon that both features have the Skippy: […] This is Skippy: ¡[…] va a ser describe the job that same intensity in both the ST and the TT. gonna be (10) so much (10) de lo más guay! Joey and Skippy need fun. to accomplish. Joey: (11) Fun? Fun? Joey: (11) ¿Guay? (11) Equivalence (11) In context, this (11) The feature has the same intensity in ¿Guay? positive feature both the ST and the TT. acquires a negative sense, since Joey considers the job as a big responsibility. Diggie: (12) Good Diggie: (12) Bien hecho (12) Equivalence (12) The adjective is (12 & 13) The features have the same 83 practice […] a (13) […] un (13) buen susto (13) Equivalence used to describe the intensity in both the ST and the TT. good scare […] […] practice (sport) done. (13) The adjective is used to describe the scare as big. (S1.07.6) (T1.07/108.6) (14) Equivalence (14) In the superlative (14) The feature has the same intensity in Budge: […] You’re Budge: […] Eres (14) lo mode, the adjective both the ST and the TT. (14) the best thing […] mejor […] attempts to describe Maddie. Baxter: […] Baxter Baxter: […] Baxter (15) Equivalence (15) The feature serves (15) The feature has the same intensity in Fontanel, (15) Fontanel, (15) un placer as a polite marker of both the ST and the TT. However, I charmed. […] introduction. consider that the Spanish feature could also be translated as encantado. In any way, both options serve as equivalence. Liv: […] it would be Liv: ¡[…] será (16) (16) Equivalence (16) The elements (16) The feature has the same intensity in (16) fun to share […] genial! express Liv’s emotion both the ST and the TT. However, I reckon on the idea of working that genial is slightly more powerful than with Maddie. fun. Perhaps the addition of so much (for genial) or the use of divertido (for fun) would equalise the strength. Maddie: I am (17) so Maddie: ¡Cuánto (17) (17) Equivalence (17) The feature is used (17) The feature has the same intensity in glad you’re here […] me alegro que estés aquí! to express Karen’s both the ST and the TT, despite having two […] feelings. different syntactic constructions. (S1.07.7) (T1.07/108.7) (18) Modulation. (18) The feature is used (18) The feature does not have the same Skippy: […] this is Skippy: ¿[…] seguro que I consider that the to describe the mascot’s intensity. First of all, it seems that the (18) the best hiding aquí (18) estará mejor? English text is hiding place and its focus falls on different elements. Second spot? focused on the safety. of all, while English uses a superlative, the place only and the Spanish does not suggest that the hiding Spanish one on spot will be the best. Rather, it questions the mascot. whether or not the mascot will be better. Pete: […] Does it look Pete: […] ¿Creéis que va (19) Equivalence (19) The adjectives are (19) The feature has the same intensity in like rain? a llover? used to positively both the ST and the TT. 84

Karen: […] (19) good Karen: […] (19) Buena describe the question. question […] pregunta […] Joey: […] it’ll be (20) Joey: […] Va a ser (20) (20 & 21) (20) The adjective is (20 & 21) The features have the same awesome hanging that increíble colgarle la Equivalence used to describe Joey intensity in both the ST and the TT. first bratwurst […] primera salchicha […] and Skippy’s reward for they think we can’t get que no se puede ser (21) having protected the any (21) cooler […] más guay […] mascot. (21) The feature makes reference to Joey and Skippy’s perception of themselves. (S1.07.8) (T1.07/108.8) (22 & 23) (22 & 23) The (22, 23 & 24) The features have the same Pete: This is (22) Pete: ¡Es (22) increíble! Equivalence adjectives are used to intensity in both the ST and the TT, despite amazing! Karen: Es (23) (24) Omission positively describe the fact that (24) is omitted in Spanish. Karen: Well, it’s (23) impresionante, pero (Ø) Parker’s invention. impressive […] get my ¿cómo despegarás mi (24) The adjective (24) good pan off […] sartén […]? serves to describe Karen’s pan. (S1.07.9) (T1.07/108.9) (25) Equivalence (25) The feature (25) The feature has the same intensity in Maddie: (25) Nice Maddie: (25) ¡Buen tiro, describes how good both the ST and the TT. shot, Budge. Budge! Budge’s shot was. (S1.07.12) (T1.07/108.12) (26) Omission (26) The adjective (26) In general, both the ST and the TT Liv: […] (26) Cute that Liv: Los dos sitios son (Ø) of the feature functions to show have the same intensity. However, the you think that […] iguales […] and modulation, Maddie’s naiveté in attempt of Liv showing her sister’s since in English is thinking one of the innocence (and therefore, showing herself suggested that places is better than the as the twin who dominates the situation) is both sides are bad other. The Spanish text lost in Spanish. (while expressing directly tells the reader Maddie’s naiveté) that both sites are the and the Spanish same. one just puts forward the idea 85

that both sides are the same (we can imagine that both are bad, but it is not stated in the translation). Liv: […] So we are Liv: ¿Olvidado? (27 & 28) (27 & 28) The (27 & 28) The features have the same (27) good? Maddie: Sí, claro. Omission (Ø) adjectives are used in intensity in both the ST and the TT. Maddie: Yeah, we’re checking whether or not (28) good. the twin’s argument is forgotten. Even though there are no adjectives in the Spanish text, the function is the same. (S1.07.13) (T1.07/108.13) (29) Equivalence (29) Both adjectives are (29) I reckon that the features have a Joey: […] that ‘Parker Joey: […] ¡la «Pasta used to describe similar intensity in both the ST and the TT. Paste’ is (29) amazing Parker» es (29) bestial! Parker’s invention in a I consider that bestial expresses a higher […] […] very positive way. degree of intensity than amazing. In a previous instance, amazing is translated as increíble, which I belief equals the intensity. (S1.07.14) (T1.07/108.14) (30) Equivalence (30) The adjective (30, 31 & 32) The features have the same Joey: […] Dad, that’s Joey: Sí, (30) genial (31) Omission serves to indicate intensity in both the ST and the TT, even (30) great […] […] (Ø) Joey’s emotion towards though Spanish uses an omission in one Pete: No, it’s (31) fine Pete: No le pasa nada (32) Equivalence Pete’s offering. case. […] […] However, the tone that Joey: […] Parker’s Joey: […] ¡Parker está is use reflects that he is here! […] it’s (32) aquí! […] (32) ¡Genial! not entirely listening to awesome. his dad. (31) Both sentences serve to show that the grill seems to be in 86

perfect condition. (33) The adjective describes Joey’s emotion on seeing Parker. Table 19.1. Instances of adjectives of S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11/209): Adjectives English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S2.11.1) (T2.11/209.1) (33) Equivalence (33) The adjective is (33) The intensity is not the same. Excited can Karen: Parker, are Karen: Parker, used to describe Parker’s be translated in many ways and nervioso is just you (33) excited? ¿estás (33) nervioso? emotions. one of them. I reckon that the word needed to It’s that time of the Se acerca ese día tan transmit Karen’s excitement, for example, year again. especial. contento. Karen: […] even Karen: […] Aún (34, 35 & 36) (34 & 36) Both features (34, 35 & 36) Both elements have the same (34) better […] The (34) mejor […] del Equivalence are used to describe the intensity in both the ST and the TT. ‘Momma’s (35) Concurso niño pageant in a good way. Sweet Baby Boy bonito de mamá […] (35) The adjective is part Pageant’ […] (36) el (35) mejor día del of the name of the Best day of the year! año pageant. Parker: (37) Worst Parker: El (37) peor (37) Equivalence (37) The adjective (37) The features have the same intensity in day of the year […] día del año […] describes the day in a both the ST and the TT. negative way. (S2.11.2) (T2.11/209.2) (38) Equivalence (38) The adjective is (38) The features have the same intensity in Karen: […] I saw Karen: […] Vi a used to evaluate Liv’s both the ST and the TT. Maddie this Maddie esta mañana. health. morning. She’s (38) Está (38) bien. fine. Liv: […] (39) Good Liv: […] (39) lo (39 & 40) (39 & 40) The adjectives (39 & 40) The features have the same intensity news is I got it all bueno es que lo he Transposition: The function as description of in both the ST and the TT. 87 out of me. (40) Bad echado todo. (40) Lo adjectives in the the events that take place. news is I think we malo es que hay que English text have might need a new comprar otra been nominalized toaster. tostadora nueva. in Spanish. (S2.11.3) (T2.11/209.3) (41) Equivalence (41) Artie uses this (41) I consider that the Spanish feature carried Artie: (41) Very Artie: (41) structure as agreement or a slightly more intensity than the English one, well. When I win Fantástico. Cuando positive acceptance of a which seems to be neutral and conclusive. […] te venza […] situation with Joey. I considered it as adjective (rather than backchannel) because I consider its use as required. Artie: […] so your Artie: […] para que (42) Omission (Ø) (42 & 43) The adjectives (42 & 43) The intensity is lost in the Spanish (42) enchanting tu hermana Liv (42) (43) Equivalence are used to described text. Besides, The Spanish translation does not sister Liv can be alucine […] Liv’s appearance and her keep the humorous effect and Artie’s language (43) bewitched […] ease to be attracted to becomes colloquial. Artie. The main function, though, is humorous. (S2.11.4) (T2.11/209.4) (44) Transposition. (44) The adjective is (44) The features have the same intensity in Joey: […] You guys Joey: […] Chicos, The word class has used to compliment the both the ST and the TT. are (44) so good at esto se os da (44) de been changed from minions’ performance in that. maravilla. and adjective to a a good way. noun (accompanied with an obligatory verbal complement) Parker: Oh, did Parker: ¡Oh! ¿Podrá (45) Equivalence (45) The adjectives echo (45) The feature has the same intensity in both mama’s (45) sweet el niño (45) bonito the name of the pageant. the ST and the TT. baby boy get thrown de mamá acabar into detention […]? castigado […]? (S2.11.5) (T2.11/209.5) (46) Equivalence (46) The expressions are (46) The features have the same intensity in Parker: […] It’s Parker: Es (46) un and transposition used as polite formulas both the ST and the TT. 88

(46) lovely to meet placer, […] (change from an of introduction. you […] adjective to a noun) Parker: Anything’s Parker: Todo es (47 & 48) (47) The adjective is (47 & 48) The features have the same intensity (47) better than (47) mejor que ser el Equivalence used to describe any bad in both the ST and the TT. being mama’s (48) niño (48) bonito de task as good. sweet baby boy […] mamá […] (48) The adjective is used to refer to the pageant. (S2.11.6) (T2.11/209.6) (49) Modulation. (49) The adjective (49) The features and different constructions Liv: […] Love that Liv: […] (49) The point of view describes the outfit as have the same intensity in both the ST and the outfit. Bonito conjunto. in the English text very nice. Even though TT. is focused on Liv there is no adjective in and her opinion the English text, the while the Spanish function is to compliment text focused on the Karen’s outfit. dress and its quality. Liv: […] I’m (50) Liv: […] estoy (50) (50 & 51) (50 & 51) The adjectives (50 & 51) The features have the same intensity fine […] tell dad bien […] di a papá Equivalence function as self in both the ST and the TT. that I’m (51) fine que estoy (51) bien description (of health […] […] state) (S2.11.7) (T2.11/209.7) (52) Equivalence (52) The adjectives serve (52) The features have the same intensity in Joey: Minions seem Joey: Los esbirros to describe the idea as both the ST and the TT. a (52) good idea parecen una (52) positive. […] buena idea […] Joey: […] I have Joey: Nunca me (53) Equivalence (53) Both structures (53) The features have the same intensity in never been so (53) había (53) alegrado describe Joey’s feelings both the ST and the TT. happy to see you. tanto de verte. on seeing his friend. Joey: […] I thought Joey: […] Creí que (54) Equivalence (54) The adjectives (54) The features have the same intensity in it would be (54) sería (54) guay pero function as description of both the ST and the TT. cool, but […] […] the fact of having minions. 89

S2.11.8 T2.11/209.8 (55) Equivalence (55) The adjectives (55) The features have the same intensity in Superintendent Inspectora Knee describe the work as well both the ST and the TT. Kneebauer: […] bauer: […] (55) done. (55) Great work. Bien hecho. Karen: […] Karen: […] Parker (56) Equivalence (56) The adjectives (56) The features have the same intensity in Parker’s my (56) es mi niño (56) describe Parker as being both the ST and the TT. sweet baby boy […] bonito […] a nice boy. However, they both echo the pageant. Parker: This is the Parker: ¡Esto es lo (57) Equivalence (57) The structures (57) The features have the same intensity in grossest piece of más asquerosamente describe Dump Truck’s both the ST and the TT. (57) awesome […] (57) molón […]! present as being good. Parker: […] told Parker: Y les conté (58) Equivalence (58) The adjectives make (58) The features have the same intensity in the guys about lo del Concurso del reference to the pageant. both the ST and the TT. Momma’s (58) niño (58) bonito de They do not describe a Sweet Baby Boy mamá. particular boy. Pageant. (S2.11.9) (T2.11/209.9) (59) Equivalence (59) Both adjectives (59) The features have the same intensity in Artie: This is a (59) Artie: Es un describe the moment that both the ST and the TT. beautiful moment momento (59) Artie is talking about. […] hermoso […] (S2.11.11) (T2.11/209.11) (60) Equivalence (60) The adjectives refer (60) The features have the same intensity in Karen: Welcome to Karen: Bienvenidos to the name of the both the ST and the TT. the ‘Momma’s (60) al Concurso del niño contest, rather than a boy Sweet Baby Boy (60) bonito de mamá in particular. Pageant’ […] […] Joey: Hey, mama’s Joey: ¡Eh, niño (61) (61) Equivalence (61) The adjectives echo (61) The features have the same intensity in (61) sweet baby boy bonito de mamá! the name of the contest, both the ST and the TT. […] […] rather than referring to a boy in particular. Table 19.2. Instances of adjectives of S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

10.6. Table 20. Colloquial and Vulgar Language: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity In these tables I included the instances of colloquial language (slang) and vulgar language, together with the methods of translation; the function and the intensity that the features found have in both the ST and the TT. I also added a table on high register and scientific language, which serves as the opposite of colloquial and vulgar language. When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.6.2.)

‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07): Colloquial and Vulgar Language

English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S1.07.1) (T1.07/108.1) (1) Equivalence (1) The word makes reference to (1) The two features have the same Karen: […] My Karen: […] Me ocupo (2) Equivalence the people working under intensity. I reckon, though, that the community service is to de garantizar que esos Karen’s responsibility. Its use is use of totales appears to be slightly make sure those (1) (1) vagos totales hagan colloquial, informal. unnatural. lazy slackers do their sus servicios a la (2) Its colloquial or informal use (2) The two features achieve the community service. comunidad. makes reference to a place that a same intensity in the text. […] […] teenage gang consider they own (Urban Dictionary) Maddie: […] I think Maddie: […] Liv sabrá Liv knows that the que el centro de la senior center is (2) my tercera edad es (2) mi turf, you know. territorio. (S1.07.2) (T1.07/108.2) Skippy: (3) Omission (Ø) (3) The word is used as a (3) The intensity is slightly the Skippy: (3) Dude, stop No digas tiburones! vocative, since it directly refers same. The fact that the saying Tiger Sharks. to Joey. Its use is colloquial. colloquialism is omitted in Spanish, reduces the effect of reproducing teenager talk. (S1.07.3) (T1.07/108.3) (4) Equivalence (4) Both expressions are (4) The features have the same 91

Maddie: I love my Maddie: Me encantan colloquial and are used to intensity in both the ST and the TT. Silver Steppers. I mean, los Chicos de Plata. Son express the fact that Maddie is they're (4) a blast. (4) la monda y […] having a good time with the old people. Maddie: Uh, you can’t Maddie: Pues no (5) Equivalence (5) Both words appear to (5) I consider that the Spanish volunteer here […] It’s puede…ser aquí […] describe disappointment. formula has less intensity than the such (5) a bummer […] (5) Es una pena […] English one. However, the difference is not big. (S1.07.4) (T1.07/108.4) (6) Equivalence (6) The expressions refer to the (6) The features have the same Karen: […] (6) That’s Karen: […] ¡Es (6) grill, as something that is very intensity in both the ST and the TT. some grill. Please tell muy guay! ¡Cuéntame interesting. me more. más! Parker: […] my Parker: […] Se ha roto (7) Equivalence (7) The features describe in a (7) The features have the same scooter broke […] This el patinente […] (7) pejorative way the fact that the intensity in both the ST and the TT. (7) piece of junk! ¡Menuda basura! scooter broke. Pete: I'm sorry, (8) Pete: Lo siento, (8) (8) Modulation. (8) The features are used as (8) I consider that the intensity is buddy. hijo. There is a change vocatives because they refer different, since buddy is colloquial in point of view. directly to the person that the or informal and hijo is not. Even though message is addressed to. Parker is Pete’s son, in this English excerpt he is treated like a friend, whereas the Spanish text refers to him as the son. (S1.07.5) (T1.07/108.5) (9) Equivalence (9) The features are used as (9) The intensity changes a little bit Diggie: Look, (9) Diggie: (9) Chicos, que vocatives because they refer to because the use of dude is informal dudes, just make sure no le pase nada […] the person that the message is and chicos is not necessary used in nothing happens […] addressed to. this way. Maybe a word such as tíos would reproduce the same 92

effect. Skippy: […] thanks for Skippy: […] Gracias (10) Equivalence (10) The structure refers to the (10, 11, 12) The features have the (10) hooking me up por (10) conseguirme (11) Equivalence way Joey helped Skippy to get same intensity in both the ST and with this job. This is esto. ¡Porque va a ser (12) Equivalence the job. the TT. (11) gonna be so much (11) de lo más guay! (13) Equivalence (11) The features are referred to (13) The intensity is different. fun. Joey: (12) ¿Guay? (14) Equivalence describe the job. Freshmen refer to students of first Joey: (12) Fun? Fun? ¿Guay? (15) Equivalence (12) The terms function to year, while prigaos makes […] […] characterize the job. reference to an unlucky person. I Skippy: […] We’ll be Skippy: […] Seremos (13) The words are used to refer reckon there has been a translation the (13) freshman that los (13) pringaos que as how they will be seen if they error. […] […] fail to protect the mascot. (14) I reckon that guys has a more […] […] (14) The words are being used as informal tone than chicos. Diggie: Good practice, Diggie: Bien hecho, vocatives because they refer to However, it can be said that they (14) guys. (15) Catch (14) chicos. (15) Hasta the person that the message is have a similar intensity. you later […] luego […] being addressed to. (15) The English structure seems (15) Formulas to say goodbye. more informal (omission of subject) than the Spanish one, which is already a farewell formula. (S1.07.6) (T1.07/108.6) (16) Equivalence (16) The words are used as (16) The features have the same Budge: […] I’m Budge: […] Te estoy vocatives. intensity in both the ST and the TT. looking out for you, cuidando, (16) rica. Hon is the shortened name of honey (16) hon. […] […] and rica makes reference to a cute and charming person (Word Reference) (S1.07.7) (T1.07/108.7) (17) Equivalence (17) The words refer to ways to (17) To me, the intensity is slightly Skippy: Getting Paulie Skippy: Sacar a Paulie call the school. different. Spanish makes use of a out of the (17) school del (17) insti ha sido un shortened word that is colloquially hallway was […] […] used. The English one, however, seems quite neutral. Pete: […] I hate to (18) Pete: […] no me gusta (18) Equivalence (18) Idiom. It is used when the (18 & 19) The features have the have things hanging (18) dejar las cosas (19) Equivalence person becomes worried or same intensity in both the ST and over my head. colgadas. bothered about the things that the TT. 93

[…] […] have to be done. Pete: (19) My man! Pete: (19) ¡Así se (19) Pete uses it to congratulate […] habla! […] (in a friendly way) Joey’s answer. Joey: […] Who’s the Joey: […] ¿Quién es el (20) Equivalence (20) The word is used in this (20, 21 & 24) The features have the Paulie protector? This protector? ¡Este (20) (21) Equivalence context to congratulate oneself. same intensity in both the ST and (20) guy! […] when tío! […] Y cuando (22 & 23) (21) The feature expresses the the TT. In the case of stupid, I they think we can’t get piensen que no se puede Borrowing way Joey and Skippy want to be believe bobo makes more sense any (21) cooler…(22) ser más (21) (24) Equivalence perceived. than estúpido, which seems very Boo-yah! […] We want guay…(22) ¡Boo-yah! (22 & 23) The expression refers strong. to be (23) boo-yah. […] debe ser (23) Boo- to express victory or joy. (22 & 23) The expression needs to Yah-boo is just (24) yah, Yah-Boo sonaría (24) The word is used to refer to be used in the context but since stupid. (24) bobo. an action. Spanish does not contain this expression in its repertoire, it might appear somehow unnatural. (S1.07.9) (T1.07/108.9) (25) Equivalence (25) The expression is used to (25 & 26) The features have the Liv: […] (25) Break it Liv: […] (25) ¡Dale (26) Equivalence encourage a character to perform same intensity in both the ST and down, Baxter! caña, Baxter! an activity that requires a lot of the TT. […] […] energy. Budge: If you got it, Budge: Hay que (26) The words are used as flaunt it, (26) honey. enseñar lo que se tiene, affectionate vocatives. (26) hija. (S1.07.10) (T1.07/108.10) (27 & 27.1) (27 & 27.1) The words are used (27 & 27.1) The features have the Diggie: […] you’ll be Diggie: […] estaréis Equivalence and to express the fact that the boys same intensity in both the ST and (27) outcasts. I’ll be the (27) acabados. Y yo an omission of will be rejected. the TT. (28) doofus who picked sere el (28) tarugo que outcasts in (28 & 28.1) The word is used to (28 & 28.1) The features have the the (27.1) outcasts and os buscó. Y no pienso Spanish. It is describe the way Diggie will be same intensity in both the ST and I’m not gonna be ser Diggie, el (28.1) replaced by a seen. the TT. Diggie the (28.1) tarugo. pronoun (os) (29) The word is used to (29) The features have the same doofus! […] (28 & 28.1) describe in a pejorative way. By intensity in both the ST and the TT. […] Joey: […] (29) Esta Equivalence using cosa, the Spanish text has (30) Since the Spanish text omitted Joey: […] (29) Stupid cosa se ha atascado. (29) Omission the same function. the word, the intensity is reduced, 94 thing is stuck. […] (30) Omission (30) This feature is used as a thus making the turn more polite. […] Parker: Ya he (31) Equivalence vocative. (31 & 32) The features have the arreglado mi patinete. (32) Equivalence (31) It is used to tell the other same intensity in both the ST and Parker: I fixed my Joey: Parker, (31) person to leave in a colloquial the TT. scooter, (30) losers. ¡pírate! […] ¡Tu pasta! way. Joey: Parker, (31) beat Podría ser la solución (32) Both words are used to it […] your paste para sacarme de este describe a difficult situation. might be the only thing (32) problema. that could get me out of this (32) jam […] Parker: […] what you Parker: […] se suele (33) Literal (33) Parker invents a word that (33 & 34) The features have the call a (33) ‘swap- llamer una (33) cambio- translation. consists of a chance to get same intensity in both the ST and portunity’ […] oportunidad […] Ha (34) Equivalence something in exchange of the TT. Pleasure doing business sido un placer hacer another thing. with you, (34) butt bags negocios, (34) cara (34) Expression used as a […] mocos […] vocative to insult the people Parker is talking to. (S1.07.11) Maddie: (T1.07/108.11) (35) Modulation (35) The words function as (35) The words do not have the You sure you want to Maddie: ¿Seguro que vocatives. same intensity. Songbird echoes the do this, (35) songbird? quieres seguir, (35) fact that Liv can sing and it is not pajarraca? seen as an insult. Pajarraca seems to be translated based on the English bird and it carries negative connotations. (S1.07.12) (T1.07/108.12) (36) Equivalence (36) The words are used to (36 & 37) The features have the Maddie: […] The Maddie: […] Es que (37) Adaptation describe Liv’s territory. same intensity in both the ST and senior center is just ese centro era (36) mi (37) Colloquial manipulation of the TT. kind of my (36) hang sitio […] an idiom (‘open a can of worms’ […] Liv: […] antes de que and ‘a can of whoopass’) Liv: […] before the unos ochentones (37) over-80 crowd (37) nos den una paliza […] opens up a can of butt- 95 whoop on us […] (S1.07.13) (T1.07/108.13) (38 & 39) (38 & 39) (38 & 39) Joey: […] (38) Boo- Joey: […] (38) ¡Boo- Borrowing Expression of victory and joy. The expression needs to be used in yah! […] (39) Boo- yah! […] (39) ¡Boo- the context but since Spanish does yah! […] yah! […] not contain this expression in its repertoire, it might appear somehow unnatural. (S1.07.14) (T1.07/108.14) (40) Equivalence (40) The word is used to (40 & 41) The features have the Parker: ‘Parker Paste’ Parker: La Pasta (41) Modulation. describe (in a negative way) same intensity in both the ST and is a total (40) bust […] Parker es una (40) pifia The focus in Parker’s invention the TT. […] […] English is on the (41) The expressions are used to Pete: […] Time to look […] hamburgers and refer to the hamburgers at these (41) bad boys Pete: Veamos (41) in the Spanish one (personification), implying […] cómo va esta joya […] on the grill. strong connotations, while the machine is compared to a jewel (metaphors) Table 20.1. The instances of colloquial and vulgar language from S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11): Colloquial and Vulgar Language

English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S2.11.1) (T2.11/209.1) (42) (42) The expression is (42 & 43) The features have the Parker: Ha! Take that, Parker: ¡Toma ya, (42) pringao! Equivalence used as a vocative. same intensity both in the ST (42) munch! […] (43) (43) Expression used to and the TT. […] Parker: El peor día del año Equivalence reflect Parker’s Parker: Worst day of the […] y (43) lo soporto. Pero me displeasure. year […] so I (43) suck it muero un poco por dentro. up and die a little inside. (S2.11.2) (T2.11/209.2) (44) (44) The feature is used as (44) Even though the English 96

Liv: Hey, (44) guys. […] Equivalence a vocative. word seems more informal than Liv: (44) ¡Hola, chicos! the Spanish one, I consider that both elements have a similar intensity. (S2.11.3) (T2.11/209.3) (45) (45) The word is used to (45 & 47) The features have the Artie: […] to look like a Artie: […] como un (45) memo. Equivalence describe Joey in a same intensity both in the ST (45) doofus. (46) Burn! (46) ¡Booyah! Ahora déjate de (46) pejorative way. and the TT. Now stop this tomfoolery payasadas […] Borrowing (46) The expression in (46) I consider that both features […] […] (47) English is used when a have the same intensity in the […] Artie: […] es natural, (47) Equivalence person has received an text, even though booyah does Artie: […] this is all me, monada. insult (Urban Dictionary) not belong to the Spanish (47) baby. while booyah expresses repertoire. victory or joy. (47) The words are being used as vocatives. Artie: You don't have to Artie: Y que lo digas, (48) tío. (48) (48) The expressions are (48) The features have the same tell me, (48) brother. Equivalence used as vocatives. intensity both in the ST and the TT. (S2.11.4) (T2.11/209.4) (49) Addition. (49) The word serves as an (49, 50, 51, 52 & 53) The Joey: […] Fake Joey: […] (49) ¡Booyah! The Spanish exclamation of joy and features have the same intensity compliment that turned ¡Cumplido falso que es una (50) text has added victory. both in the ST and the TT. into a (50) burn burn. […] puya! […] an exclamation (50) The expressions are […] […] of joy. used after the other person Karen: […] (51) what is (50) has received an insult. the matter with you? Karen: ¿Pero (51) qué Adaptation (51) Informal ways to ask Superintendent demonios te pasa? (51) about the reason of an Kneebauer: […] planning Inspectora Kneebauer: […] Equivalence action. on doing with this (52) ¿Qué piensa hacer con este (52) (52) (52) The words describe hooligan? gamberro? Equivalence Parker as a violent person. […] (53) (53) The features describe Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: […] Equivalence Parker as a bad person. Kneebauer: […] I want Castigue a ese (54) monstruo lo (though 97 this (53) little monster in que queda de semana. omission of there for the rest of the little in week. Spanish) (S2.11.5) (T2.11/209.5) (54) (54) The words are used as (54) The features have the same Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: […] Equivalence insults and function as intensity both in the ST and the Kneebauer: […] Listen ¡Escuchad, (54) gusanos! vocatives. TT. up, (54) maggots […] Parker: […] What kind of Parker: […] ¿Que (55) pringao (55 & 57) (55 & 57) The words (55 & 57) The features have the (55) loser calls himself se pondría ese nombre? Equivalence function as pejorative same intensity both in the ST […] Volquete: (56) ¿A quién llamas (56) Literal terms. and the TT. Dump Truck: (56) Who tú (57) pringao? translation (56) Both structures are (56) The omission of parts of the you calling a (57) loser? used to question a fact. structure (verb ‘to be’) indicates that Dump Truck’s speech is colloquial. It has not been achieved in the Spanish text, though a solution to reach a similar effect would be ‘¿Tú quién llamas pringao?’ Dump Truck: Listen, Volquete: Escucha, (58) nuevo (58 & 59) (58 & 59) The words carry (58 & 59) I reckon that the (58) noob […] You're […] Vas a hacer lo que te Equivalence negative connotations. words do not have a similar gonna do what I say, (59) mande, (59) nuevo. They are used as intensity, since the Spanish term noob. vocatives. is neutral. In order to have negative connotations, a word such as novato could have been used instead. (S2.11.6) (T2.11/209.6) (60) (60) Slang term for mucus. (60) The features have the same Maddie: […] it's get the Maddie: […]Es la de sácame Equivalence intensity both in the ST and the (60) boogies out of my los (60) mocos de la nariz […] TT. nose bell […] Pete: Oh, oh, (61) honey. Pete: Oh, (61) hija, hija. Estás (61) (61) Affectionate terms (61) The features have the same Honey, you’re delirious delirando […] Equivalence used as vocatives. intensity both in the ST and the […] TT even though in the Spanish 98

one Liv is referred as daughter rather than any loving term. (S2.11.7) (T2.11/209.7) (62) (62) The term is being (62, 64, 65, 66 & 67) The Joey: […] (62) Guys, I Joey: […] (62) chicos, puedo Equivalence used as a vocative. features have the same intensity can […] […] (63) (63) Joey is talking about both in the ST and the TT. […] […] Equivalence his butt. (63) The features have the same Joey: […] really soft on Joey: […] suave para mi (63) (64) (64) The word is used as a intensity both in the ST and the my (63) bottom […] trasero […] Equivalence vocative. TT, since they avoid more […] (65) (65) The feature is used to informal words, such as ass or Joey: (64) Dude, you have Equivalence positively describe the culo. to take them back. I Joey: (64) Tío, tienes que (66) minions. thought it would be (65) llevártelos. Creí que sería (65) Equivalence (66) The feature functions cool, but I am just not a guay pero no soy un (66) tío de (67) as a self-description. Minion (66) man, (67) esbirros. (67) Tío. Equivalence (67) Even though there is man. wordplay between two uses of man, I consider the last instance as a vocative. (S2.11.8) (T2.11/209.8) (68) (68) The word is used to (68) The words do not have the Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: […] Equivalence describe Parker in a rather same intensity because the Kneebauer: […] where's ¿dónde está el (68) nuevo? (69) Addition pejorative way. Spanish term is neutral (the use the (68) noob? […] (70) (69) The term is used as a of novato would equalise the […] Volquete: ¡Ala! ¿Los has Equivalence vocative. pejorative term) Dump Truck: Whoa! quitado tú solo, (69) chaval? (71) (70) Parker’s self (69) The features have the same You scraped all this gum Parker: Bueno, quería dejar Equivalence description as a strong intensity both in the ST and the yourself? claro que soy un (70) tío a la man. TT. While the English text Parker: Well, I wanted altura. (71) Description of Parker removes the auxiliary verb to you to know I was (70) as a strong and powerful turn the sentence as man enough for detention. Volquete: No. (71) No eres un boy. ungrammatical, Spanish adds a Dump Truck: No. (71) tío. Eres una máquina […] word to reproduce Dump You’re no man. You’re a Truck’s language. machine […] (70 & 71) The features have the same intensity both in the ST 99

and the TT. Parker: I started the week Parker: Empecé la semana (72) (72) The word is used as (72) The features have the same as a lowly middle school como un pobre (72) novato de Equivalence self-description (colloquial intensity both in the ST and the (72) noob […] colegio […] and pejorative) TT. Dump Truck: […] Dump Truck: […] para (73) (73) The word is used as a (73) I consider that the intensity remember your time in the recorder tu paso (73) por aquí Adaptation synonym of prison, which is different because Dump Truck (73) joint […] You […] Esto lo he aprendido de ti. (with loss of is lost in the translation. talks and behaves as a prisoner showed me something, meaning) (74) The feature is used as (and is what characterizes him as (74) little guy. Parker: ¡Esto es (75) lo más (74) Omission a vocative. funny). These nuances are lost in Parker: This is the (75) asquerosamente molón […] (Ø) (75) Parker is describing Spanish. grossest piece of awesome (75) Literal Dump Truck’ (74) Despite the omission, both […] translation texts have the same intensity. (75) The expression has the same intensity in both the ST and the TT. Parker: That’s when I Parker: Y (76) les conté lo del (76) Omission (76) It functions as (76 & 77) The features have the told the (76) guys about […] pero (77) lo pillaron […] (Ø) (but reference to whom Parker same intensity in both the ST […] but they (77) got it compensation is talking about. and the TT. […] with the use of (77) Colloquial way to say anaphoric that they understood pronoun) something. (77) Equivalence Dump Truck […] That Volquete: […] Nada bien. (78) Omission (78) Colloquial way to say (78) The Spanish version does (78) ain’t right at all. Inspectora Kneebauer: […] (Ø) that something it is not not reproduce Dump Truck’s […] (79) delincuentes, me voy a (79) right. way of speech. Superintendent encargar de que os castiguen Equivalence (79) The word serves as an (79) The features have the same Kneebauer: […] you (79) para toda la vida. (80) Omission insult to the detainees. It is intensity in both the ST and the little punks are (80) gonna (Ø) used as a vocative TT. be in detention the rest of (80) The contracted and (80) The intensity is not the your worthless lives! colloquial form is used to same because Kneebauer’s reproduce a certain kind of language in Spanish is more 100

speech. neutral. (S2.11.9) (T2.11/209.9) (81) Omission (81) The word describes (81) The omission of the Joey: Yeah, whatever, Joey: Ya. Da igual, vamos, (Ø) Artie as a strange person, pejorative term makes the (81) weirdo […] (82) venga […] Kendo, (82) tío. (82) which is lost in Spanish. Spanish version less colloquial. Kendo up. Adaptation (82) In English, there is a (82) Even though both languages focus on the action/activity use different structures, I while in the Spanish one consider that a similar intensity on the person, which can is achieved in both of them. be regarded as a vocative. (S2.11.10) (T2.11/209.10) (83) (83) The pejorative term (83, 84, 85, 86 & 87) The Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: El (83) Equivalence appears to describe Parker. features have the same intensity Kneebauer: Your (83) monstruo de tu hijo y su banda and omission (84) Colloquial way of in both the ST and the TT. little monster of a son and de delincuentes […] of ‘little’ saying that he made a his band of misfits […] (84) mistake. Parker: Sorry, mommy, I Parker: Perdón, mami. (84) Equivalence (85) It is used to express (84) goofed up. Metí la pata. (85) surprise and show sudden, […] […] Equivalence unexpected delight or light Parker: […] I'm going to (86) hearted disappointment be in detention for the Parker: […] Estaré castigado Equivalence (Urban Dictionary) pageant. (85) Shucky por el concurso. (85) ¡Maldita (87) (86) The terms are used to durns! suerte! Equivalence refer to people that […] […] influence in a bad way. Parker: […] Got in with Parker: […] Me he mezclado (87) Positive and the (86) wrong guys […] con (86) mala gente […] affectionate term used as a […] vocative. Karen: […] (87) Honey, Karen: […] (87) Cariño, si no if you didn’t’ […] querías […]

(S2.11.11) (T2.11/209.11) (88) (88) The English term (2- (88) Despite the loss of the Joey: […] you better (88) Joey: […] ¡Será mejor (88) que Adaptation word combination) is a humorous effect, both nar-work it! le des caña! (the wordplay humorous wordplay. The expressions have a very similar Dump Truck: Hey, (89) Dump Truck: ¡Eh, (89) between the Spanish term uses a intensity in the text. 101 guy I’m about to punch! candidato a puñetazo! […] y narwhal and similar expression though (89) The terms have the same […] (90) ‘cause some of (90) nos dejas disfrutar del […] work cannot be losing the pun. intensity both in the ST and the us is trying to […] maintained in (89) Both languages use a TT. Spanish) colloquial expression to (90) The intensity is different, (89) refer to Joey. since Dump Truck’s language in Equivalence (90) In English, the Spanish is very neutral rather (90) shortened form of words than colloquial. Equivalence and the verb in singular with loss of form reproduce Dump expressive Truck’s colloquial way of emphasis. speaking, which is lost in Spanish. (S2.11.12) (T2.11/209.12) (91) (91 & 92) Affectionate (91, 92 & 93) The features have Pete: Hey, (91) girls! […] Pete: Hola, (91) hijas […] Equivalence forms that function as the same intensity both in the ST […] […] (92) vocatives. and the TT. Karen: […] Thank you, Karen: […] Gracias, (92) cariño Equivalence (93) Colloquial way of (92) honey […] […] (93) asking whether or not […] […] Equivalence someone is joking (it does Joey […] (93) Are you Joey: […] (93) ¿Estás de not seek for confirmation kidding? […] broma? in this case). Table 20.2. The instances of colloquial and vulgar language from S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07) and ‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11): High Register and Scientific Uses of Language English Spanish Method of Function and Intensity Translation (S1.07.2) (T1.07/108.2) (1) Omission (Ø) (1) The word functions as a synonym of ‘loved.’ Diggie: […] try to steal our (1) Diggie: […] intentan robarnos a It contains a humourous effect that is lost in beloved mascot […] nuestra mascota […] Spanish. The intensity is not the same because the Spanish sentence sounds very neutral. (S1.07.3) (T1.07/108.3) (2) Equivalence (2) I do not see a humorous effect but Maddie’s Maddie: […] exercise (2) Maddie: […] el ejercicio (2) way to show off her knowledge. They are used to 102 reverses the aging process […] ralentiza el envejecimiento […] explain that sport makes people feel younger. Both instances acquire the same intensity in the language. (S1.07.6) (T1.07/108.6) (3) Equivalence (3) The terms are used to describe Budge as if Budge: […] and my (3) Budge: […] y a mi (3) cadera de she were mechanical. I considered that the terms titanium hips, I’m practically titatio soy casi biónica. followed Maddie’s scientific jargon. There is a bionic. humorous effect that is achieved in the translation. All terms acquire the same intensity both in the ST and the TT. (S1.07.8) (T1.07/108.8) (4) Equivalence (4) Even though the conversation has a Parker: […] (4) Einstein […] Parker: ¿[…] a Einstein […](4) humorous tone, I considered that the language splitting atoms? cuando dividía átomos? was scientific. In this case, Parker tries to show Pete: […] Einstein didn’t split Pete: […] Einstein no dividía off his knowledge. I reckon that both structures atoms. átomos. have the same intensity in both the ST and the TT. (S1.07.13) (T1.07/108.13) (5) Equivalence with (5) Even though both verbs refer to ‘give Diggie: […] ceremonial Diggie: […] salchica ceremonial loss of meaning. something’, the English term is very formal. It bratwursts to (5) bestow upon para que se la (5) deis […] carries a humorous effect, which is not […] maintained in the translation (a verb such as ‘otorgar’ would achieve the purpose). In this case there is a difference on intensity. (S1.07.14) (T1.07/108.14) (6) Equivalence (6 & 7) Pete is using very formal words in his Pete: […] (6) my firstborn son Pete: […] (6) ¡Mi primogénito! (7) Equivalence speech with the purpose of creating humorous […] for the (7) maiden burn […] en la (7) primera vez […] effect. Except (7), I believe that the humour is […] also achieved in Spanish. In general, I would say that the intensity is very similar between the two texts. (S2.11.3) (T2.11/209.3) (8) Omission (Ø) (9, 10 & 11) Artie’s language in English is Artie: […] so your (8) Artie: […] para que tu hermana (9) Equivalence sometimes very formal. Its purpose is to achieve enchanting sister Liv can be (9) Liv (9) alucine al verme con mi (with loss of formal a humorous effect. In the Spanish text, the bewitched by the sight of me in (10) atuendo informal nocturno. language) formal language is just kept in (10) because in my (10) casual evening attire. […] (10) Equivalence the other cases it is omitted (8) or the high 103

[…] (11) Equivalence register is made neutral (9). Joey: […] if I win, I get your Joey: […] si gano, me quedo a tus (12) Equivalence (10, 11, 12, 13, 14 & 15) make reference to the (11) minions. (11) esbirros. (13) Equivalence minions and (13) is used as a vocative. Even Artie: My (12) minions? […] Artie: ¿Mis (12) esbirros? […] (14) Equivalence though minions are considered as someone’s (13) Minions, seize her. ¡(13) Esbirros, capturarla! (15) Equivalence followers in a colloquial way, the Spanish term […] […] (loss of the pun) seems to formal and a bit unnatural. Maybe a Joey: […] Your (14) minions Joey: […] Tus (14) esbirros ahora word such as ‘compinche’ would acquire a are now (15) mine-ions […] son (15) míos […] similar tone. I believe the intensity is different because the Spanish text becomes too formal without a humorous intention. (S2.11.4) (T2.11/209.4) (16) Equivalence While (16) and (19) are used as vocatives, the Joey: […] (16) Minions! To Joey: (16) ¡Esbirros! A clase de (17) Equivalence other instances just refer to them. As I mentioned robotics class […] like three robótica ¿[…] como el peso de (18) Equivalence previously, the use of ‘esbirro’ appears to be (17) Minions worth […] tres (17) esbirros? […] (19) Equivalence quite formal in a context that is not required. Artie: […] my (18) minions Artie: […] Es que mis (18) That is why the intensity between the English have always opened it for me. esbirros me la abrían. and the Spanish text differs. Joey: […] (19) Minions, we Joey: […] (19) ¡Esbirros, a ride! cabalgar! (S2.11.7) (T2.11/209/7) (20) Equivalence While just (21) works as a vocative, the other Joey: (20) Minions seem like a Joey: Los (20) esbirros parecen (21) Equivalence instances appear are used to talk about the good idea […] una buena idea […] (22) Equivalence minions. As I mentioned previously, the use of […] […] (23) Equivalence ‘esbirro’ appears to be quite formal in a context Artie: Hey, (21) minions. Artie: Hola, (21) esbirros. (24) Equivalence that is not required. That is why the intensity Joey: […] I am just not a (22) Joey: […] no soy un tío de (22) between the English and the Spanish text differs. minion man, man. esbirros, tío. Artie: Joey, (23) minions Artie: Joey, los (23) esbirros no cannot be given away […] se pueden regalar […] Joey: […] I’ll have the (24) Joey: […] que los (24) esbirros minions set it up. lo monten. (S2.11.8) (T2.11/209.8) (25) Equivalence (25) The feature is used as a formal way to beg Karen: […] I have come to Karen: […] he venido para (25) for compassion. Both languages use a formal (25) beg for your mercy […] suplicarle clemencia […] structure to achieve humorous effect. The 104

intensity of the features is the same between the two languages. (S2.11.9) (T2.11/209.9) (26) Equivalence (26) The term is used to talk about the followers. Artie: My (26) minions usually Artie: Los (26) esbirros son mi As I mentioned previously, the use of ‘esbirro’ serve as […] […] appears to be quite formal in a context that is not required. That is why the intensity between the English and the Spanish text differs. Artie: (27) Avert your eyes, Artie: (27) ¡No miréis, (28) (27) Equivalence The instances (28) and (31) are used as (28) minions […] esbirros! […] (28) Equivalence vocatives. The features (29) and (30) make […] […] (29) Equivalence reference to the ‘minion group’, which is used by Artie: He’s breaking all the Artie: Ha roto las reglas del (29) (30) Equivalence inventing a word. As far all these cases are rules of (29) minionhood […] esbirrismo […] (31) Equivalence concerned, ‘esbirro’ appears to be quite formal in Joey: […] if there are “rules” […] a context that is not required. That is why the of (30) minionhood […] Joey: […] si hay reglas del (30) intensity between the English and the Spanish Artie: […] (31) Minions, we ‘esbirrismo’ text differs. ride! Artie: […] (31) ¡Esbirros, When it comes to (27), the English term is much cabalgad! more formal than the Spanish one, even though they mean the same. The loss of Artie’s formal language results in a loss of humour, a fact that defines that character. In this sense, the intensity of these features between English and Spanish is different because the character ends up fostering another image. Table 20.3. The instances of high register and scientific language of both S1.07 and T1.07/108 and S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

105

10.7. Table 21. Diminutives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity. In these tables I included the instances of diminutives (including words with suffixes or with particles indicating diminutives) together with the methods of translation; the function and the intensity that the features found have in both the Source Text (ST) and the Target Text (TT). When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.5.2.).

‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07): Diminutives

English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S1.07.1) (T1.07/108.1) (1) Borrowing (1) Diminutive form of (1) The features have the Karen: Wow, (1) Karen: ¡Vaya (1) Maddie! ‘Madison’. The name is same intensity both in the ST Maddie […] […] shortened and it is used in an and the TT. affective way. Karen: I am so proud of Karen: Estoy muy (2) Equivalence (2) Diminutive form of ‘Olivia’. (2) The features have the you and (2) Liv. orgullosa de ti y de (2) (Olivia is also a The name is shortened and it is same intensity both in the ST Liv. name in used in an affective way. and the TT. Spanish/Catalan) Maddie: Yeah, well, I Maddie: Ya, (3) Liv sabrá (3) Equivalence (3) Diminutive form of ‘Olivia’. (3) The features have the think (3) Liv knows […] […] (Olivia is also a The name is shortened and it is same intensity both in the ST name in used in an affective way. and the TT. Spanish/Catalan) (S1.07.2) (T1.07/108.2) (4) Borrowing All the instances are diminutive (4), (5), (6), (7) & (8) The Diggie: […] try to steal Diggie: […] intentan (5) Borrowing forms. Paulie (4), (5) and (8) features have the same our beloved mascot, (4) robarnos nuestra mascot, a (6) Borrowing refer to Paul. Joey (6) is the intensity both in the ST and Paulie […] two freshman (4) Paulie […] dos (7) Borrowing diminutive of Joseph. Skippy (7) the TT. are chosen to watch over alumnos de primero (8) Borrowing is the diminutive of Skipper. The (5) Paulie […] (6) Joey vigilarán a (5) Paulie […] names are shortened and they 106

Rooney and (7) Skippy (6) Joey Rooney y (7) are used in an affective way. Ramirez to keep (8) Skippy Ramirez para Paulie safe […] mantener a (8) Paulie a salvo […] Joey: I’m sorry, just to Joey: Lo siento, una (9) (9) Equivalence (9) The English sentence is (9) The features have the be clear […] cosita […] formed without a diminutive. same intensity both in the ST Joey uses a diminutive form in and the TT. Spanish to ask for a detail that he did not understand. The English ones serves to check if the person understood the whole message, while in Spanish the focus is on a specific element. Joey: We are your (10) Joey: Somos los (10) Borrowing (10) The word functions as the (10) The features have the Paulie protectors […] protectors de (10) Paulie name of the mascot. It is the same intensity both in the ST […] diminutive form of Paul. It is and the TT. used in an affectionate way. Joey: If (11) Skippy and Joey: […] Si mantenemos (11) Omission (Ø) (11) Skippy is the diminutive (11, 12 & 13) The features I could keep (12) Paulie a (12) Paulie a salvo […] a (12) Borrowing form of Skipper. It is used as a have the same intensity both safe […] (13) Paulie’s (13) Paulie […] (13) Borrowing nickname in an affectionate, in the ST and the TT. neck […] friendly way. (13) The references to Paulie are used to refer to the mascot. They are the diminutive form of Paul. They are used as an affectionate term in a friendly way. (S1.07.3) (T1.07/108.3) (14) Equivalence (14) The diminutive forms (14) The features have the Maddie: So pretty soon, Maddie: […] así que con indicate that the amount of same intensity both in the ST with a (14) little bit of un (14) poquito de exercise to be done is very and the TT. work […] esfuerzo […] small. Maddie: […] one half of Maddie: […] la mitad de (15) Borrowing All the features (15, 16 & 17) (15, 16 & 17) The features (15) Liv and Maddie. (15) Liv y Maddie. Soy (‘Maddie’) and are used to refer to proper have the same intensity both 107

I’m just me, (16) Maddie solo yo, (16) Maddie […] Equivalence (‘Liv’) names. They are used as in the ST and the TT. […] (17) Addie (17) Addie […] (16) Borrowing diminutive forms in an (17) Borrowing affectionate and friendly way. ‘Liv’ is the diminutive form of ‘Olivia’, ‘Maddie’ is the diminutive form of ‘Maddison’ and ‘Addie’ is the diminutive form of ‘Adele, Adeline, Adelaide and Addison’ Liv: (18) Maddie! Hi! Liv: (18) ¡Maddie! ¡Hola! (18) Borrowing The features (18) and (20) (18, 19 & 20) The features Budge: Who’s (19) Budge: ¿Quién es (19) (19) Borrowing function as vocatives. The have the same intensity both Maddie? Maddie? (20) Equivalence feature (19) is used to talk about in the ST and the TT. Maddie: (20) Liv […] Maddie: (20) Liv […] the character. (S1.07.4) (T1.07/108.4) (21) Borrowing (21) Both names are diminutives (21) The features have the Parker: […] (21) Richie Parker: […] (21) Richie y (‘Richie’ corresponds to same intensity both in the ST and Stevie […] Stevie […] ‘Richard’ and ‘Stevie’ to either and the TT. ‘Stephen’ or ‘Steven’). They are used to refer to some friends in a friendly, affectionate way. (S1.07.5) (T1.07/108.5) (22) Borrowing (22) The name refers to the (22) The features have the Diggie: […] nothing Diggie: […] que no le mascot in a loving and friendly same intensity both in the ST happens to (22) Paulie pase nada a (22) Paulie way (nickname) and the TT. […] Diggie: Okay, (23) Joey Diggie: Okay, (23) Joey (23) Borrowing (23) ‘Joey’ is the diminutive of (23) The features have the […] […] ‘Joseph.’ It is used as his same intensity both in the ST nickname in a friendly way. and the TT. Skippy: (24) Joey, Skippy: Gracias por (24) Omission (Ø) The features (24) and (25) are (24, 25, 26 & 27) The thanks for […] conseguirme esto. (25) Borrowing used as vocatives and (26) and features have the same Joey: […] (25) Skippy Joey: […] (25) Skippy (26) Borrowing (27) as references to the mascot. intensity both in the ST and […] […] (27) Borrowing All nouns are diminutives, as I the TT. Skippy […] (26) Paulie Skippy: […] (26) Paulie have been previously showing. […] […] 108

Diggie: […] on our (27) Diggie: […] a los Paulie protectors […] vigilantes de (27) Paulie scream like little girls […] que griten como […] nenas (S1.07.6) (T1.07/108.6) (28) Equivalence (28) The English term is used as (28 & 29) The features have Budge: […] I’m looking Budge: […] Te estoy (29) Borrowing a diminutive but both words the same intensity both in the out for you, (28) hon cuidando, (28) rica […] serve as vocatives. ST and the TT. […] since (29) Raphie desde que (29) Ralphie (29) The word is the diminutive […] […] term (used as a friendly and affectionate name) of ‘Ralph.’ Liv: […] (30) Liv: […] (30) ¡Sorpre! (30) Equivalence (30) The term is used in its (30 & 31) The features have Surprisies! Maddie: (31) Liv, ¿qué (31) Equivalence diminutive form (or shortened) the same intensity both in the Maddie: (31) Liv, what haces […]? for expressive emphasis. ST and the TT. […] (31) The diminutive (nickname and affective term) as a vocative […] […] (32) Equivalence (32) The diminutive form of the (32 & 33) The features have Maddie: Um, wait. (32) Maddie: ¡Eh! Oye, (32) (33) Modulation name is used as a vocative the same intensity both in the Liv, you’re […] Liv. ¿Ensayaréis […]? (the focus in (appellative function) ST and the TT. Liv: […] just another Liv: […] Otra (33) cosita English is on (33) The diminutive is used as a (33) twinsie thing […] de gemelas […] ‘twins’ and in friendly expressive way to Spanish in ‘thing’). describe an activity. However, it can be said to be equivalence. (S1.07.7) (T1.07/108.7) (34) Borrowing (34) The name is used to refer to (34) The features have the Skippy: Getting (34) Skippy: Sacar a (34) the mascot in a friendly and same intensity both in the ST Paulie out of school […] Paulie del insti […] affectionate way. and the TT. Karen: […] I was Karen: Miraba un video (35) Equivalence (35) The diminutive is used to (35) The features have the looking at a (35) kitten de un (35) gatito […] refer to a baby or small cat. same intensity both in the ST video […] and the TT. Pete: (36) Joey, I need Pete: (36) Joey, más vale (36) Borrowing (36) The diminutive of ‘Joseph’ (36) The features have the […] que […] functions as a vocative same intensity both in the ST 109

(appellative function) in a and the TT. friendly way. Joey: […] Who’s the Joey: […] ¿Quién es el (37) Omission (Ø) (37 & 38) The terms make (37 & 38) Even though there (37) Paulie protector? protector? […] la primera (38) Borrowing reference to the mascot by its is an omission in Spanish, the […] that first bratwurst salchicha a (38) Paulie friendly nickname. features have the same on (38) Paulie […] […] intensity both in the ST and the TT. (S1.07.9) (T1.07/108.9) (39) Equivalence While (39) is just referring to the (39 & 40) The features have Liv: “(39) Liv and the Liv: “(39) Liv y los (40) Equivalence girl by its affectionate nickname, the same intensity both in the Golden Chords” […] Acordes de Oro” […] (40) functions as a vocative ST and the TT. Maddie: (40) Liv, Maddie: Liv, esto no está (appellative function) this…just is not gonna gustándome […] work […] Liv: […] a (41) couple Liv: ¿[…] Somos (41) (41) Equivalence (41) Even though the English (41) The features have the of first graders? […] niñitas de primero? term does not use a diminutive, same intensity both in the ST both language use an expression and the TT. that implies negative connotations, such as ‘silly.’ Liv: Should have stuck Liv: Lamentarás no (42) Omission (Ø) (42) The feature is used as a (42) In general terms, I with shuffleboard, (42) jugártelo a las cartas […] vocative. Since there is visual reckon that the Spanish text is Granny […] support and the character slightly less powerful than the addresses directly the old English one, which uses the person, the Spanish text has word ‘granny’ as provocative omitted the reference. and challenging. (S1.07.10) (T1.07/108.10) (43) Borrowing (43) The diminutive of ‘Joseph’ (43, 44 & 45) The features Diggie: […] take your Diggie: […] sin prisa. (44) Borrowing is used as a vocative. have the same intensity both time, (43) Joey. Go! ¡(43) Joey, corre! (45) Borrowing (44) The name refers to the in the ST and the TT. Joey: You two get under Joey: Coged a (44) Paulie mascot in a friendly way. (44) Paulie […] […] (45) The diminutive of ‘Paul’ […] […] (used in a friendly and Diggie: (45) Paulie! Diggie: (45) ¡Paulie! affectionate way) functions as a vocative. 110

(S1.07.11) (T1.07/108.11) (46) Borrowing (46) The diminutive of (46) The features have the Liv: […] You know Liv: […] ¿Sabes qué, (46) ‘Maddison’ is used as a vocative same intensity both in the ST what, (46) Maddie? […] Maddie? (appellative function) and the TT. (S1.07.13) (T1.07/108.13) (47) Borrowing (47, 48 & 49) The names are (47, 48 & 49) The features Diggie: […] We made it Diggie: […] Ha llegado el (48) Borrowing used to refer to the mascot in a have the same intensity both to the game and (47) día del partido y (47) (49) Borrowing friendly way. in the ST and the TT. Paulie is…safe and Paulie está sano y salvo sound […] […] Joey: […] We put (48) Joey: Pegamos a (48) Paulie back together […] Paulie […] Diggie: […] to bestow Diggie: […] para que se la upon (49) Paulie […] deis a (49) Paulie. (S1.07.14) (T1.07/108.14) (50) Equivalence (50) The word is used to (50 & 51) Even though the Pete: […] Why are you Pete: ¿Por qué estás tan (51) Modulation (in describe Joey’s awkward Spanish except makes use of acting (50) so weird? (50) rarito? English, Pete behaviour. diminutives and the English […] […] seems more (51) The structure is used to play one does not, I reckon that the Pete: Let’s not (51) get Pete: ¡Déjate de (51) inclusive than in down the importance of the features have the same sidetracked […] detallitos! Spanish, which he grill’s price. I believe that both intensity both in the ST and directly addresses instances state direct comments the TT. to Karen) though it to the addressee, and rather than might also be an showing angriness, they seek to equivalence create a slight humorous effect. Table 21.1. The instances of diminutives from S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity

111

‘Detention- A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11): Diminutives

English Spanish Method of Function Intensity translation (ST & TT) (ST & TT) (S2.11.1) (T2.11/209.1) (52) (52) The terms are used to refer (52) I reckon that the Spanish Karen: […] we parade in Karen: […] para desfilar Equivalence to the mother’s sons. term has more affective and costume with our (52) disfrazadas con nuestros expressive intensity than the youngest sons […] (52) hijitos […] English one, which appears to be rather neutral. Karen: Oh, look at my Karen: Oh, mira mi (53) (53) (53) The term is used to refer to (53 & 54) The features have the (53) little sailor […]. marinerito […] (54) Equivalence Parker in an affective way. same intensity in both the ST and Now, (54) mama pulled a Mami ha usado sus (54) (54) The term is used to refer to the TT. few strings […] influencias […] Equivalence Karen in a friendly and loving way. (S2.11.2) (T2.11/209.2) (55) All the features (55, 56 & 57) (55, 56 & 57) The features have Karen: One time (55) Liv Karen: Una vez, (55) Equivalence make reference to proper names the same intensity in both the ST got sick […] By that Liv se puso enferma […] (56) in an affectionate and friendly and the TT. afternoon, (56) Maddie y esa tarde (56) Maddie Borrowing way. had a fever […] tuvo fiebre […] (57) […] Borrowing Karen: […] I saw (57) Karen: […] Vi a (57) Maddie this morning […] Maddie esta mañana […] Maddie: (58) Mommy. Maddie: (58) (58) The features (58) and (62) are (58, 59, 60, 61 & 61) The features I’m (59) sicky […] I want Mami…estoy (59) malita Equivalence used to refer to Karen in an have the same intensity in both my (60) blanky. […] Quiero mi (60) (59) affectionate and friendly way. the ST and the TT. […] mantita. Equivalence The terms (59), (60) and (61) Maddie: […] Is this (61) […] (60) refer to Maddie’s health and the blanky made of fire? Maddie: […] ¿La (61) Equivalence blanket. By using the […] mantita tiene fuego? (61) diminutives, she is not referring Karen: […] (62) Mama […] Equivalence to small items but she is loves you. Karen: (62) Mami te (62) expressing herself in baby talk 112

quiere Equivalence (or motherese). Maddie: (63) Daddy. Maddie: (63) (63) (63) The terms are used as (63) I consider that the intensity is Bubby. Papi…papi… Equivalence affectionate terms that refer to slightly different. Maddie has a Pete: (64) Liv, honey […] Pete: Oh, (64) Liv, hija (64) Pete. They function as vocatives. stuffy nose and she cannot talk […] Equivalence (64) The diminutive is used as a well. That is the reason why she vocative. It carries affective says ‘bubby.’ In Spanish, the connotations. nuance is lost. (64) The features have the same intensity in both the ST and the TT. (S2.11.3) (T2.11/209.3) (65) (65) The noun is shortened but (65, 66) The features have the Joey: […] are you hiding Joey: […] ¿Llevas una Equivalence Joey does not use it to mean that same intensity in both the ST and one under your orange bajo esa (65) permanente (66) something is small. the TT. man (65) perm? pelirroja? Equivalence (66) He name is shortened and it (67) I reckon that a ‘pijama […] […] (67) functions as an affectionate and completo’ is understood as two Artie: […] so your Artie: […] para que tu Equivalence friendly nickname. cloth pieces than just one. enchanting sister (66) Liv hermana (66) Liv […] (67) Joey uses the word ‘footie’ However, since there is no visual can be […] […] as a diminutive of ‘footed image of the pyjamas, the […] Joey: como un (67) pyjamas’ to refer to Artie’s intensity can be regarded as being Joey: […] like (67) footie pijama complete [….] nightclothes. the same. pajamas […] (S2.11.4) (T2.11/209.4) (68) (68) The name is used as a (68 & 69) The features have the Joey: […] Hello, (68) Joey: […] Hola, (68) Borrowing vocative. It is a diminutive of same intensity in both the ST and Artie. Artie. (69) ‘Arthur.’ The nickname is used the TT, even though in (69) there […] Inspectora Kneebauer: Equivalence as a friendly way. is an omission that makes Superintendent Castigue a ese (69) and omission (69) The use of ‘little’ softens Keebauer’s language towards the Kneebauer: […] I want monstruo lo que queda (Ø) the way Kneebauer refers to children more direct and this (69) little monster in […] Parker. This nuance is lost in aggressive. there […] […] Spanish.

(S2.11.5) (T2.11/209.5) (70) (70) The agreement is (70) Despite the omission, the Dump Truck: […] We Volquete: […] Que Equivalence considered to be small, a fact features have the same intensity in 113 got a (70) little sepas que tenemos (70) and omission that is not known in the Spanish both the ST and the TT. arrangement […] un acuerdo […] text. (S2.11.6) (T2.11.209/6) (71) (71) Affectionate way to refer to (71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76 & 77) The Maddie: (71) Daddy! Maddie: (71) ¡Papi! Equivalence the dad and it is used as a features have the same intensity in […] […] (72) vocative. both the ST and the TT, despite an Pete: (72) Daddy’s here Pete: (72) Papi está aquí Equivalence (72) Self-reference by using a omission of a vocative in Spanish, with the juice. con el zumo. (73) diminutive. Its use echoes baby which does not affect the meaning […] […] Equivalence talk (or motherese) by not repeating the term. Liv: […] I am so late for Liv: […] Llego tardísimo (74 & 75) (73) Self-reference by using her class. (73) Liv Rooney a clase. (73) Liv Rooney Borrowing nickname. present […] presente […] (76) Omission (74 & 75) The brother is referred […] […] (Ø) by his nickname. Both instances Liv: […] I’m fine. (74) Liv: […] (74) Joey, di a (77) are used as vocatives. Joey, tell dad that I’m papá que estoy bien. Equivalence (76 & 77) The dad is referred to fine. Wow, (75) Joey, Vaya, (75) Joey, te estás with affectionate terms that your arms […] poniendo muy […] function as vocatives. Maddie: No, (76) daddy, Maddie: No. Es la de it’s the […] Come on, (77) […] Toma (77) papi, daddy, here’s […] aquí está […] (S2.11.7) (T2.11/209.7) (78) (78 & 79) Both terms refer to the (78 & 79) The features have the Joey: […] (78) Artie! Oh, Joey: […] (78) ¡Artie! Borrowing characters in a friendly way. same intensity in both the ST and I have never […] ¡Ay! Nunca me […] (79) They are both used as vocative the TT. […] […] Borrowing (appellative function) Artie: (79) Joey, minions Artie: (79) Joey, los cannot be given […] esbirros no se pueden […] (S2.11.8) (T2.11/209.8) (80) (80) Affectionate term to refer to (80) The features have the same Karen: Did you hear that, Karen: ¿Lo has oído, Equivalence Parker. It functions as a vocative intensity in both the ST and the (80) sweetie? […] (80) cielito? […] (81) Omission (appellative function) TT. […] […] (Ø) (81) It is used to refer to Parker (81) Despite the fact that the Dump Truck: […] You Dump Truck: […] Esto as positive reinforcement. It vocative is omitted in the showed me something, lo he aprendido de ti. functions as a vocative. translation, I consider that the 114

(81) little guy. intensity in both the ST and the TT is the same. Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: (82) (82) The insult functions as a (82) I consider that the intensity is Kneebauer: […] When I […] Cuando baje de Equivalence vocative (appellative function). slightly different between the two get down from here, you aquí, (82) delincuentes, and omission The diminutive softens the languages because ‘delincuentes’ (82) little punks are gonna me voy a encargar de que of ‘little’ (Ø) pejorative word, which does not (without a softener) increases be in detention […] os castiguen […] happen in Spanish. Parker’s bad behaviour. (S2.11.9) (T2.11/209.9) (83) Omission (83) The nickname is used as a (83) Despite the fact that the Artie: This is a beautiful Artie: Es un momento vocative (appellative function), vocative is omitted, Artie is moment, (83) Joey. hermoso. No lo estropees which does not appear in directly referring to Joey. I […] Spanish. believe there is no need to add a vocative in Spanish. That is why I consider that the intensity is the same. (S2.11.10) (T2.11/209.10) (84) (84) The pejorative term is used (84) Together with (82), the fact Superintendent Inspectora Kneebauer: Equivalence to refer to Parker. By using that Spanish omits ‘little’ in the Kneebauer: Your (84) El (84) monstruo de tu and omission ‘little’, the effect is softened. In translation increases Parker’s bad little monster of a son and hijo y […] of ‘little’ Spanish, the word also refers to behaviour and the terms seem […] Parker: Perdona, (85) (85) Parker. more pejorative than the English Parker: Sorry, (85) mami […] Equivalence (85) The term is used to refer to one. mommy, […] Karen in a loving way. It (85) The features have the same functions as a vocative intensity in both the ST and the (appellative function) TT. Table 21.2. The instances of diminutives forms from S2.11 and T2.11/209, the fucntions and intensity

115

10.8. Table 22. Transcripts S1.07 and S1.07/108 Liv and Maddie Liv y Maddie “Dodge-A-Rooney” “El partido de brilé de las Rooney” (S1.07) (T1.07/108) (In Rooney’s kitchen) (En la cocina de los Rooney) S1.07.1 T1.07/108.1 Maddie: Hi, mom. I had the best day doing community service at the Maddie: ¡Hola mamá! He disfrutado mucho ayudando en el centro de la senior center. Helping people feels so great. tercera edad. ¡Ayudar sienta genial! Karen: Wow, Maddie. I'm so glad. Would you help me set the table? Karen: ¡Vaya, Maddie! ¡Me alegra tanto! ¿Me pones la mesa? Maddie: Ugh! I'm so tired. Maddie: ¡Oh! ¡Estoy tan cansada! Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Karen: I chair the Ridgewood High community service campaign. Karen: Yo dirijo los servicios a la comunidad del instituto, ¿sabéis? Me My community service is to make sure those lazy slackers do their ocupo de garantizar que esos vagos totales hagan sus servicios a la community service. comunidad. (In Rooney’s kitchen) (En la cocina de los Rooney) Karen: I am so proud of you and Liv. But I'm surprised you didn't Karen: Estoy orgullosa de ti y de Liz, pero ¿cómo no estáis en el mismo pick the same project. programa? Maddie: Yeah, well, I think Liv knows that the senior center is my Maddie: Ya, Liv sabrá que el centro de la tercera edad es mi territorio. turf, you know. I've been there for two years. Plus, it's all florescent Llevo dos años. Además, dice que con la luz de allí, su cutis palidece. lighting. She says it makes her look like she has the flu. Karen: Bueno, estaba muy animada con ser voluntaria para Karen: Well, she was unbelievably excited about volunteering for «Embellecer Wisconsin». “Beautify Wisconsin.” Maddie: Yeah, wait till she finds out what “Beautify Wisconsin” Maddie: Sí, pues cuando sepa lo que es «Embellecer Wisconsin», ya actually means. verás. Liv: Turns out “Beautify Wisconsin” is not going door-to-door Liv: Oh, resulta que «Embellecer Wisconsin» no era un programa de giving makeovers. cambios de imagen. He pasado dos horas en una zanja, recogiendo lo I spent two hours in a ditch! Picking up anything that people threw que tiran de los coches: bolsas de patatas, colillas, y lo más humillante out of their cars, cigarette butts, potato chip bags, and most de todo, un DVD de “Sing It Loud”. humiliating of all, the season one DVD of “Sing It Loud.” (At school) (En la escuela) S1.07.2 T1.07/108.2 Diggie: All right, all right, Porcupines. Friday night we play our Diggie: Bien, bien, puercoespines. Este viernes vamos a aplastar a 116 biggest rivals “The Fairview Tiger Sharks!” And every year, those nuestro gran rival, «¡Los Tiburones Tigre de Fairview!» Tiger Sharks try to steal our beloved mascot: Paulie, the Porcupine! Y cada año, los Tiburones Tigre intentan robarnos nuestra mascota, a But the night before the big game, two freshmen are chosen to watch Paulie, el Puercoespín. El día anterior al partido, dos alumnos de over Paulie. As basketball Team Captain, I have selected Joey primero vigilarán a Paulie. Como capitán del equipo, he elegido a Joey Rooney and Skippy Ramirez to keep Paulie safe from the Tiger Rooney y a Skippy Ramírez para mantener a Paulie a salvo de los Sharks! Tiburones Tigre. Joey: I'm sorry. Just to be clear, are you booing us or are you booing Joey: Lo siento, una cosita, va por nosotros o por los tiburones? the Tiger Sharks? Skippy: Dude, stop saying Tiger Sharks. Skippy: No digas tiburones! Joey: We are your Paulie protectors! Yeah! Joey: Somos los protectores de Paulie! ¡Sí! ¡Sí!

Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Joey: I begged Diggie for this job. If Skippy and I could keep Paulie Joey: Le supliqué a Diggie que nos diera el puesto. Si mantenemos a safe all night, we'd get the honor of hanging the first bratwurst link Paulie a salvo toda la noche tendremos el honor de poner a Paulie la around Paulie's neck. It's like winning an olympic medal, but with primera salchicha en el cuello. Es como ganar una medalla, pero de meat. puerco. (At the senior centre) (En el centro de la tercera edad) S1.07.3 T1.07/108.3 Maddie: Okay, “Silver Steppers”, you are doing great. Now Maddie: Bien, «Chicos de Plata», lo estáis haciendo genial! No olvidéis remember, exercise reverses the aging process. So pretty soon, with a que el ejercicio ralentiza el envejecimiento, así que con un poquito de little bit of work, you will all look 70 again. And if you get any esfuerzo aparentaréis tener 70! Y si seguís así, no os harán descuento en younger than that, then you'll have to pay full price at the movie el cine! Venga! Listos para cambiar de sitio y…¡ya! theater. Okay, get ready to switch stations. And go. Budge: Hey, if you really want to get their attention, yell “bingo.” Budge: ¡Oye! Si lo que quieres es que te presten atención, grita ¡Bingo! They'll listen to anything you say after that. Escucharán todo lo que digas después! Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Maddie: I love my “Silver Steppers.” I mean, they're a blast. And Maddie: Me encantan los «Chicos de Plata». Son la monda y…y no me they don't think of me as one half of Liv and Maddie. I'm just me, ven como la mitad de Liv y Maddie. Soy sólo yo, ¡Maddie! Aunque Maddie. Although they do keep calling me Addie, but you know, you siempre me llaman Addie, pero no se puede tener todo. can't have everything. (At the senior centre) (En el centro de la tercera edad) Liv: Maddie, hi. Liv: Maddie, hola. 117

Budge: Who's Maddie? Budge: ¿Quién es Maddie? Maddie: Liv, what are you doing here? Maddie: Liv, ¿Qué haces aquí? Liv: I've decided to ditch the ditch. I didn't even know that was Liv: Voy a zanjar la zanja. ¡Anda! ¡Si me ha salido solo! Soy gonna come out of my mouth until I said it. Oh, I'm adorable. adorable…En fin, busco otra actividad para ayudar y creo que… Anyway, I'm looking for a new community service idea. And I thought… Maddie: Uh, you can't volunteer here! I already checked. There is a Maddie: Pues no puede…ser aquí. Ya me he enterado. Hay una lista de waiting list. For volunteers. You should check with mom. She will espera. De voluntarios. Háblalo con mamá, te asignará otro sitio. Sería reassign you. I so wish that we could do this together, you know? I genial poder hacer esto juntas pero…¡Qué va! Es una pena. Es tan just we can't. It's such a bummer. It's so sad. Next station! triste…¡Cambio de sitio! Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Maddie: The truth was I couldn't figure out a nice way to tell my Maddie: En realidad, no sabía cómo decirle a mi hermana que sister that I needed space so technically I was lying right to her face, necesitaba espacio, así que técnicamente le mentí a la cara…que which is also my face. So really I was just lying to myself, which también es la mía. Y mentirme a mí no es malo, ¿verdad? makes it okay. Right? (In Rooney’s courtyard) (En el patio de los Rooney) S1.07.4 T1.07/108.4 Pete: Check it out. The “Fire Magic Smokehouse Deluxe” is ready Pete: Fíjate, a barbacoa «Grill Magic Deluxe» está lista para la acción. for action. Complete with thumbprint ignition pad. Only I can use it. Y tiene encendido por huella dactilar. Así. Solo puedo encenderla yo. Karen: Well, then I must have one of those on the stove, the Karen: Pues yo debo de tener algo así en la cocina, el lavavajillas, la dishwasher, the dryer, the iron, the vacuum, and the toilet handle secadora, la plancha y la tapa del váter tras usarla Parker. Perdón, after Parker uses it. Sorry, sorry. That's some grill. Please tell me perdón. ¡Es muy guay! ¡Cuéntame más! more. Parker: Ah, my scooter broke. It was the weirdest thing. Me and Parker: Ah, se me ha roto el patinete. No lo puedo entender. Me, Cooper and Isaac, and Caulden and Jack and Richie and Stevie and Cooper, Issac, Caulden y Jack y Richie y Stevie y yo estábamos encima, Evan were riding on it. And it just snapped! This piece of junk! y se partió. ¡Menuda basura! Karen: Eight people on a scooter? What were you thinking? Karen: ¿Con ocho personas encima? ¿Qué te creías? Parker: We were going for the world record. Didn't think it would Parker: Es que queríamos batir el récord. Aguantó hasta que se montó snap till we added big Wayne. So can you glue it back together? Wayne el fofo. Oye, ¿crees que se podrá pegar? Pete: I'm sorry, buddy. They haven't invented glue strong enough to Pete: Lo siento, hijo, pero no se ha inventado un pegamento lo bastante fix that. fuerte. Parker: Correction, they haven't invented it yet. To my laboratory! Parker: ¡Corrección! No se ha inventado todavía. ¡A mi laboratorio! 118

(At school) (En la escuela) S1.07.5 T1.07/108.5 Diggie: Look, dudes, just make sure nothing happens to Paulie, all Diggie: Chicos, que no le pase nada a Paulie, ¿vale? Nos da buena right? He's our good-luck charm. suerte. Skippy: I'll crush anyone who comes near him. Skippy: ¡Machacaré a quien se acerque a Paulie! Diggie: Okay, Joey, I can't believe I'm gonna say this, but I think Diggie: Vale, Joey, tu eres el más fuerte por increíble que parezca. you're the muscle. Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Joey: I was the muscle, which comes with great responsibility. At Joey: Yo era el fuerte y eso es mucha responsabilidad. O eso creo least I think it does. I don't really know. I've never been the muscle porque nunca he sido el fuerte. before. (At school) (En la escuela) Skippy: Joey, thanks for hooking me up with this job. This is gonna Skippy: Gracias por conseguirme esto. ¡Porque va a ser de lo más guay! be so much fun. Joey: ¿Guay? ¿Guay? Skippy, este es un trabajo serio. ¿Te has fijado? Joey: Fun? Fun? Skippy, this is serious work. Have you looked No se puede proteger al puercoespín. He hecho un reconocimiento y hay around? We can't secure this porcupine. I did a quick 360 and there 47 orificios de entrada, 48 si los Tiburones Tigre entran por abajo. are 47 points of entry…48 if these Tiger Sharks can tunnel up through the floor. Skippy: This is…this is so bad. We'll be the freshman that let Paulie Skippy: Esto…¡Esto no mola nada! Seremos los pringaos que perdieron fall into enemy hands. What are we going to do?! We can't wait for a Paulie. ¿Qué hacemos? ¡No podemos esperar! ¡Haz un plan! them to come to us. We need a new plan! Joey: Un segundo, voy a…pensar. No me mires mientras pienso. Me Joey: Okay, give me second. I'm…I'm thinking. Don't look me in the hace sentir incómodo. eye when I'm thinking.It makes me uncomfortable. Diggie: Bien hecho, chicos. Hasta luego. ¡Eh! Voy a espiar a los Diggie: Good practice, guys. Catch you later. Hey, I'm gonna go vigilantes de Paulie para darles un buen susto y que griten como nenas. sneak up on our Paulie protectors, give them a good scare and listen ¡Chao! ¡Ataque de tiburón! ¡Aaah! them scream like little girls. See you. Shark attack! (At the senior centre) (En el centro de la tercera edad) S1.07.6 T1.07/108.6 Maddie: Four more. Three, two, one, and take a break. Maddie: Cuatro más. Tres, dos, uno…y descanso. Budge: Don't need a break. Thanks to you and my titanium hips, I'm Budge: No me hace falta, gracias a ti y a mi cadera de titanio soy casi practically bionic. biónica. Maddie: Okay well, let's not exaggerate things, Budge. You did need Maddie: Es mejor no exagerar, Budge. Antes me pediste que te abriera 119 me to unscrew your water bottle. una botella. Budge: Ah, no. I can do that myself. But you could use the exercise. Budge: No, eso podía hacerlo yo. Te viene bien hacer ejercicio. Te I'm looking out for you, hon. You're the best thing to hit the wrinkle estoy cuidando, rica. Eres lo mejor que ha pasado en este rancho de ranch since Ralphie showed up in short shorts. viejos desde que Ralphie vino en pantalón corto. Liv: Cha cha cha cha cha, hey. (x6) Okay, everyone, big finish. Big Liv: Chá, chá, chá, chá, ¡hey! (x6) ¡Venga! El gran final, ¡vamos! finish. Jazz hands! Surprisies. ¡Manos de Jazz! ¡Sorpre! Maddie: Liv, what are you doing here? Maddie: Liv, ¿qué haces aquí? Liv: I'm teaching show choir. I stopped off at the office and it turns Liv: Darles clases de coro. Fui a la oficina y sí tenían sitio para más out that they do have more room for volunteers. So…say hello to the voluntarios, así que…saluda a los «Acordes de Oro» “Golden Chords.” Baxter: Hello. Baxter: ¡Hola! Woman I: Hello. Señora I: Hola. Woman II: Hello. Señora II: Hola. Liv: Hello. “Hello-ooo Hello-ooo.” Liv: Hola. «Hola-aaa Hola-aaa». Baxter: Hello. Am I seeing double or did I lose a contact? Baxter Baxter: Hola. Acaso veo doble o es que he perdido una lentilla? Baxter Fontanel, charmed. Fontanel, un placer.

Liv: Baxter, could you put piano in the corner? Liv: Baxter, ¿pones el piano allí? Baxter: Sure. Send the 70-year-old man with a cane to move the Baxter: ¡Claro! Pídele al setentón con bastón que mueva el piano. piano. Maddie: Um, wait. Liv, you’re gonna practice in here? This is my Maddie: ¡Eh! Oye, Liv. ¿Ensayaréis aquí? Esta es mi sala. room. Liv: Ya, pero no hay más sitio. Además, será genial! Otra cosita de Liv: Yeah, but I mean, all the other rooms are booked. Plus, I gemelas que haremos juntas. thought it would be fun to share. You know, just another twinsie thing that we can do together. Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Maddie: How do you tell your best friend to go back to the ditch she Maddie: ¿Cómo le dices a tu mejor amiga que se vuelva a la zanja de la came from? You look her right in the eye and you lay down the cold, que venía? Mirándola a los ojos y soltándole toda la verdad. Dura y hard truth. cruda. (At the senior centre) (En el centro de la tercera edad) Maddie: I am so glad you’re here. Jazz hands! Maddie: ¡Cuánto me alegro que estés aquí! ¡Manos de jazz! Liv: Jazz hands! Liv: ¡Manos de jazz! 120

(In Rooney’s courtyard) (En el patio de los Rooney) S1.07.7 T1.07/108.7 Skippy: Getting Paulie out of the school hallway was a stroke of Skippy: Sacar a Paulie del insti ha sido un golpe de puro genio. ¿Pero pure genius. But are you sure this is the best hiding spot? seguro que aquí estará mejor? Joey: Absolutely. He’ll be safe until tomorrow. Joey: ¡Por supuesto! Estará a salvo hasta mañana. Skippy: Your parents aren’t gonna notice a giant porcupine swinging Skippy: ¿Tus padres no verán que hay un puercoespín gigante colgado from your oak tree? del roble? Joey: No. Everyone’s got their nose in their phones nowadays. Joey: ¡No! Hoy en día todo el mundo mira el móvil, no hacia arriba. Nobody looks up. Karen: Oh, sorry. I didn’t see you there. I was looking at a kitten Karen: ¡Oh! ¡Perdón! ¡No os había visto! Miraba un video de un gatito. video. You should have known you weren’t big enough to jump over ¿Cómo es que has saltado por encima de esa valla? that baby gate. Pete: Joey, I need answers from you. I need them now. Bratwurst or Pete: Joey, más vale que me des una respuesta ya. ¿Carne o pescado pork burgers for the barbecue this weekend? I know I’m asking early, para la barbacoa del sábado? Aún queda tiempo pero no me gusta dejar but I hate to have things hanging over my head. las cosas colgadas! Joey: Well, Dad, just pick a dead animal and I’ll eat it. Joey: Ah, bueno, papá, pues pilla un animal muerto, ¡y a comer! Pete: My man! Does it look like rain? Pete: ¡Así se habla! ¿Creéis que va a llover? Karen: Oh, that’s a good question. I’ll check my phone. Karen: ¡Ah! Buena pregunta. Miraré en el móvil. Joey: Huh? I’m sorry, wait, what’s that? Who’s the Paulie protector? Joey: ¿Eh? ¿Perdona? ¿Qué dices? ¿Quién es el protector? ¡Este tío! Va This guy! Oh, it’ll be awesome hanging that first bratwurst on Paulie. a ser increíble colgarle la primera salchicha a Paulie. Todos aplaudirán. Everyone’ll be clapping and, just when they think we can’t get any Y cuando piensen que no se puede ser más guay…«Boo-yah!» cooler…Boo-yah! Oh, it’s perfect. Just remember to stay on my left. ¡Perfecto! Pero ponte ahí, deber ser «booyah», «yabooh» sonaría bobo. We want to be ‘boo-yah.’ ‘Yah-boo’ is just stupid. (In Rooney’s kitchen) (En la cocina de los Rooney) S1.07.8 T1.07/108.8 Pete: How’s it going with the glue, Professor? Pete: ¿Qué tal va con el pegamento, profesor? Parker: Uh, did people ask Einstein “how’s it going” while he was Parker: Eh…¿Le preguntaban a Einstein qué tal le iba cuando dividía splitting atoms? átomos? Pete: Uh, Einstein didn’t split atoms. Pete: Eh…Einstein no dividía átomos. Parker: Maybe that’s because people kept interrupting him. And Parker: Puede que no interrumpieran siempre. Y ahora…el momento de now…the moment of truth. Yes, it worked! la verdad. ¡Sí! ¡Funciona! Pete: This is amazing. Pete: ¡Es increíble! 121

Karen: Well, it’s impressive, but how are you gonna get my good Karen: Es impresionante, ¿Pero cómo despegarás mi sartén de la pan off the fridge? nevera? Parker: Mom, a simple “Parker, you’re a genius” will do. Parker: Em…mamá, tú dime «Parker eres un genio», y ya está. (At the senior centre) (En el centro de la tercera edad) S1.07.9 T1.07/108.9 Liv: “I’m gonna strap on my velcro shoes. And dance with the Liv: «Mis zapatos listos para bailar con los Acordes de Oro hoy, cantaré Golden Chords. Sing with the Golden Chords. Check with the con ellos hoy, saltaré con ellos hoy, enciende el audífono abuelo hoy, Golden Chords. So turn up your hearing aid and come see the Golden ven con nosotros hoy, Liv y los Acordes de Oro» ¡Dale caña, Baxter! Chords. Liv and the Golden Chords.” Break it down, Baxter! Baxter: “Still got my teeth, still got my hair. My funky tight Baxter: «Aún tengo dientes, aún tengo pelo y unos tirantes con los que suspenders give me lots of flair. Come on, lady, I’m coming up at voy a juego. ¡Vamos, preciosa! No te retrases, soy un viejo rapero que you. I’m a grey-haired rapper who’s handle is Baxter.” Word. Wait, I responde por Baxter». ¡Hecho! Espera, me hace falta. need that. Maddie: Liv, this…just is not gonna work for me, okay? You’ve got Maddie: Liv, esto no está gustándome, ¿vale? Estamos más apretados us packed over here tighter than Budge’s workout pants. que los pantalones de Budge. Budge: If you got it, flaunt it, honey. Budge: Hay que enseñar lo que se tiene, hija. Baxter: If you got it, I’ve never seen it. Baxter: Si lo tienes, yo no lo he visto. Maddie: This is my room and I call dibs. Maddie: Esto es mío y llegué primero. Liv: Dibs? Really? What, are we a couple of first graders? Are we Liv: Primer en serio? Somos niñitas de primero? Vamos a jugarnos el gonna settle this with a game of dodge ball? Winner’s gonna get the sitio al balón prisionero y la que gane se queda? room? Maddie: Nice shot, Budge. Maddie: ¡Buen tiro, Budge! Liv: Should have stuck with shuffleboard, Granny, because this Liv: Lamentarás no jugártelo a las cartas, porque esto te va a doler. game’s gonna hurt. (In Rooney’s courtyard) (En el patio de los Rooney) S1.07.10 T1.07/108.10 Diggie: What is wrong with you two? Diggie: ¿Pero qué os pasa a los dos? Joey: What’s wrong? Joey: ¿Qué pasa? Skippy: Did you see sharks? Skippy: ¿Hay tiburones? Diggie: No, but I’ll tell you what I did see, a giant bronze porcupine Diggie: ¡No! Pero te diré lo que hay: una estatua de bronce de un statue swinging from the tree. When I was three blocks away! puercoespín colgada de un árbol que se puede ver desde lejos. Joey: Okay. That is a problem. But you have to admit when you’re Joey: Vale, es un problema. Pero tienes que admitir que desde aquí 122 standing right here, you don’t see it at all. dentro no se ve en absoluto. Diggie: We have to get him back. If people find out you took him, Diggie: Tenemos que devolverlo. Si ven que os lo llevasteis estaréis you’ll be outcasts. I’ll be the doofus who picked the outcasts and I’m acabados. Y yo seré el tarugo que os buscó. Y no pienso ser Diggie, el not gonna be Diggie the doofus! tarugo. Joey: Okay, okay. Let’s get him down. Joey: Vale, vale. Lo bajaré. Diggie: Oh, yeah, take your time, Joey, go! Diggie: Si…sin prisa. ¡Joey, corre! Joey: You two get under Paulie. I’m going to let him down gently. Joey: Coged a Paulie. Lo bajaré con suavidad. ¡Esta cosa se ha Stupid thing is stuck. atascado! Diggie: Oh! Going this way. Going this way. Diggie: ¡Uy! ¡Cuidado, cuidado! Joey: Dad’s grill! Joey: ¡La barbacoa de papá! Diggie: Paulie! Diggie: ¡Paulie! Skippy: My lemonade! Skippy: ¡Mi limonada! Parker: I fixed my scooter, losers! Parker: Ya he arreglado mi patinete. Joey: Parker, beat it. We have to figure…wait a second. How’d you Joey: Parker, ¡pírate! Tenemos que…un segundo. ¿Cómo has podido get your scooter back together? pegar el patinete? Parker: Oh, my new invention. “Parker Paste”, patent pending. Parker: ¡Ah! Con mi invento: «Pasta Parker» sin patentar. La que lo Sticks to anything. I just glued Dad’s toilet seat shut, so after dinner, pega todo. He pegado la tapa de váter de papá, así que listos para las get ready for the show. risas! Joey: Parker, your paste might be the only thing that could get me Joey: ¡Parker! ¡Tu pasta! Podría ser la solución para sacarme de este out of this jam. Well, I beg of you. As your brother, Parker, please. problema. Te lo suplico. Como hermano, Parker. Por favor. ¡Dame Give me some glue. pegamento! Parker: I think what we have here is what you call a “swap- Parker: Creo que esto es lo que se suele llamar una cambio- portunity”. Ah! Pleasure doing business with you, butt bags. Diggie, oportunidad. ¡Ah! Ha sido un placer hacer negocios, cara mocos. Diggie, you’re better than this. Ah! ¡qué bajo has caído! ¡Ah! (At the senior centre) (En el centro de la tercera edad) S1.07.11 T1.07/108.11 Baxter: This is no holds-barred dodge ball. Winner takes the room. Baxter: Este es el balón prisionero sin piedad. El que gane se queda. El Loser takes…who cares. You’re the loser. que pierda…¡da igual! Perderás tú. Maddie: You sure you want to do this, songbird? Jazz hands can’t Maddie: ¿Seguro que quieres seguir, pajarraca? Las manos de jazz no te save you now. salvarán esta vez. Liv: Oh, estoy segura. Esa zanja me ha congelado las venas. E irritado el Liv: Oh, I’m sure. That ditch put ice in my veins. And a rash on my tobillo. ¿Sabes, Maddie? Pensándolo mejor, es todo tuyo. Chao. 123 ankle. You know what, Maddie? Changed my mind. The room all yours. See ya. (In Rooney’s living room) (En la sala de estar de los Rooney) S1.07.12 T1.07/108.12 Karen: Do you have any idea what it feels like to have to pick up Karen: ¿Tenéis alguna idea de lo que es tener que ir a buscar a tus hijas your daughters because they started a dodge ball riot at the senior porque se han pegado con balones en un centro de la tercera edad? ¡No, center? No, you don’t because it’s never happened before in the qué va! ¡Porque es la primera vez que había pasado en la vida! history of the world. Liv: High marks for originality, what, what? Liv: ¿Buena nota por originalidad, qué tal? Karen: Because of you the senior center will no longer allow my Karen: Por vuestra culpa, el centro ya no permitirá que mis alumnos Ridgewood students to volunteer. sean voluntarios allí. Maddie: Mom, we’re really sorry. We messed up. Maddie: Mamá, sentimos haberlo estropeado. Liv: Yeah, and we swear if we could fix it, we would. Liv: Sí, y lo arreglaríamos si pudiéramos. Karen: Funny you should mention that because I just happen to have Karen: Me alegra que lo digas porque tengo justo dos vacantes. two openings. Liv: Ah! Not the ditch! Liv: ¡Ah! ¡La zanja no! Karen: I signed you both up for double the hours. Report to mile Karen: Os he apuntado por el doble de horas. Debéis ir al kilómetro 35 marker 35, between the cow farm and the sewage plant. Uh, what, entre una cuadra y el vertedero. ¿Qué tal? what? Maddie: Dibs on the cow farm side. Maddie: Me pido lo de la cuadra. Liv: Ha. Cute that you think that there’s a good side. What happened Liv: Los dos sitios son iguales. ¿Pero qué nos ha pasado? back there? Maddie: I just…The senior center is just kind of my hang and you Maddie: Es que ese centro era mi sitio, y tú…fuiste a invadirlo. sort of space invaded it. Liv: Got it. Oh, hey, here’s an idea. Next time you have a problem, Liv: Entiendo. ¡Oh! Oye, tengo una idea. Cuando te moleste algo, tell me before the over-80 crowd opens up a can of butt-whoop on us. dímelo antes de que unos ochentones nos den una paliza. ¿Olvidado? So are we good? Maddie: Sí, claro. Maddie: Yeah, we’re good. Liv: Vale. ¿Va en serio? Liv: Okay. Seriously? Maddie: Yeah. There’s no way I’m losing any sport to you. You Maddie: Sí. Me niego a perder contra ti. ¡Lanzas como una nena! throw like a girl! Liv: Vale, ven ven ven. Liv: Come at me! What? What? What? 124

Maddie: Ah! Maddie: ¡Ah! (At school) (En la escuela) S1.07.13 T1.07/108.13 Diggie: Ah! All right, Porcupines. We made it to game day and Diggie: Muy bien, puercoespines! Ha llegado el día del partido y Paulie Paulie is…safe and sound. está sano y salvo. Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Joey: It took all night, but that “Parker Paste” is amazing. We put Joey: Fue difícil, pero la «Pasta Parker» es bestial! Pegamos a Paulie y Paulie back together and fixed my Dad’s barbecue. Oh, and la barbacoa de mi padre. ¡Ah! Y no se cómo, tengo una espátula pegada somehow I got a spatula stuck to my elbow. en mi antebrazo. (At school) (En la escuela) Diggie: Gentlemen, your ceremonial bratwursts to bestow upon Diggie: Caballeros, vuestra salchicha ceremonial para que se la deis a Paulie. All right. Do the honors. Paulie. Venga, haced los honores. Joey: All right, big finish. Boo-yah! Oh, we’re yah-boo. We’re yah- Joey: La apoteosis final. ¡Boo-yah! ¡Pone yah-boo! ¡Cambio! ¡Cambio! boo. Switch. Switch. Switch. Boo-yah! Uh! Go Porcupines! ¡Cambio! ¡Booyah! ¡Vamos, puercoespines! (In Rooney’s courtyard) (En el patio de los Rooney) S1.07.14 T1.07/108.14 Pete: Joey, my firstborn son. It means a lot to me that you’re here for Pete: ¡Joey! ¡Mi primogénito! Significa mucho para mi que estés the maiden burn of the “Fire Magic Smokehouse Deluxe.” Someday, presente en la primera vez que uso el «Grill Magic Deluxe». Algún día all this will be yours. todo esto será tuyo. Joey: Yeah, yeah. Dad, that’s great. Uh, grill’s all right though, Joey: Sí, genial. ¿Pero está todo bien? ¿No huele a pegamento right? No whiffs of burning glue? quemado? Pete: No, it’s fine. Why are you acting so weird? Pete: No le pasa nada. ¿Por qué estás tan rarito? Joey: Hey, look! Parker’s here. Yeah! Oh, it’s awesome. Your Joey: ¡Eh, mirad! ¡Parker está aquí! ¡Sí! ¡Genial! Aún sigue de una scooter’s still in one piece. You know, I was kind of worried about pieza. Empezaba a dudar de la «Pasta Parker». Después de lo de “Parker Paste” after the whole Paulie fiasco, but it appears that Dad’s Paulie…pero parece que la barbacoa de papá sobrevivirá. grill will be okay. Parker: Uh, no. My other scooter broke again. This is a new one. Parker: Eh…no. El otro patinete cascó. Este es nuevo. La Pasta Parker Parker Paste is a total bust. But I did make some adjustments to my es una pifia. Pero he hecho unos ajustes en mi detector de metales. metal detector. Now it detects fear. Ahora detecta el miedo. Joey: Uh, hey, guys. Does it look like rain? Sure does. Cancel the Joey: ¡Eh, escuchad! Creo que va a llover. ¡Seguro! ¡Apagad la barbecue. Everyone inside. Everyone inside. barbacoa! ¡Todos adentro! ¡Todos adentro! Pete: What are you talking about? You’re about to taste what a Pete: ¿Pero de qué estás hablando? Vas a probar lo que hace con la 125

$2,000 grill can do to a piece of meat. carne una barbacoa de dos mil dólares. Karen: It cost how much? Karen: ¿Cuánto dices que has pagado? Pete: Let’s not get sidetracked. Time to take a look at these bad Pete: ¡Déjate de detallitos! Veamos cómo va esta joya…¿Cómo es boys. How did this happen? posible?

Table 22.1. English transcript (S1.07) and the Spanish transcript (T1.07)

10.9. Table 23. Transcripts S2.11 and S2.11/209 Liv and Maddie Liv y Maddie “Detention-A-Rooney” “El castigo Rooney” (S2.11) (T2.11/209) (In Rooney’s living room) (En la sala de estar de los Rooney) S2.11.1 T2.11/209.1 Parker: Ha! Take that, munch! Parker: ¡Toma ya, pringao! Joey: Why did you kill me? We are teammates. Joey: ¿Por qué me has matado? ¡Vamos en el mismo equipo! Parker: Not anymore. You're dead. Parker: Estás muerto. Ya no. Karen: Parker, are you excited? It's that time of year again. Karen: Parker, ¿estás nervioso? Se acerca ese día tan especial. Parker: It's my half-birthday? Where's my half-cake and half-gift? Parker: ¿Es mi medio cumpleaños, media tarta y medio regalo? Karen: No, no, even better. It's time for “The Momma's Sweet Baby Karen: No, no. Aún mejor. Es la época del «Concurso niño bonito de Boy Pageant.” mamá». Additional comments: Comentarios adicionales: Karen: The mothers of Stevens Point have a pageant where we Karen: Las madres de Stevens Point tenemos un concurso para desfilar parade in costume with our youngest sons. Oh! Best day of the year! disfrazadas con nuestros hijitos. Oh, es el mejor día del año. Parker: Worst day of the year, but it's really important to my mom, Parker: El peor día del año. Pero es importante para mamá y lo soporto. so I suck it up and die a little inside. Pero me muero un poco por dentro. Joey: Mom used to make me do the pageant, but then there was a Joey: Mamá me llevaba a mi al concurso, pero tuvo otro bebé al que new baby boy for her to dress like a doll. Now I go to laugh and take vestir de muñeco. Ahora puedo reírme y hacer muchas, muchas fotos. lots and lots of pictures. (In Rooney’s living room) (En la sala de estar de los Rooney) Joey: Remember when you were seven and the theme was Joey: ¿Recuerdas a los siete años? El tema fue «Misterios del océano». "Mysteries of the Ocean"? My favourite. Mi favorito. 126

Karen: Oh, look at my little sailor. So this year's theme is “Beyond Karen: Oh, mira mi marinerito. Bueno, el tema de este año es «Más allá the Arctic Circle.” Now, mama pulled a few strings so you get to be del círculo ártico». Mami ha usado sus influencias, así que podrás ser el the narwhal. Ha ha! Can I get a nar-what-what? Whoo! Whoo! narval. ¡Quiero un nar-narval! ¡Uh! ¡Uh! Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Parker: This is a narwhal. I know it's technically a whale, but let's be Parker: Esto es un narval. Ya sé que es una ballena, pero siendo honest. It's a sea unicorn. I've gotta get out of this pageant. It'll be sinceros, es un unicornio marino. Debo librarme del concurso. Será peor worse than “disco fever.” que la fiebre disco. (In Rooney’s kitchen) (En la cocina de los Rooney) S2.11.2 T2.11/209.2 (The parents enter in silence) Karen: No, de eso nada. Liv: Hey, guys. Liv: ¡Hola chicos! Karen: Oh, no, she's sick. Pete, she's sick. Karen: ¡Oh no! Está mal. Pete, está mal. Additional comments: Comentarios adicionales: Karen: Whenever one twin gets sick, the other goes down, too. One Karen: Si una de las gemelas se enferma, la otra también cae. Una vez, time Liv got sick in California. By that afternoon, Maddie had a fever Liv se puso enferma en California y esa tarde Maddie tuvo fiebre en in Wisconsin. Wisconsin. Pete: You've heard of the black plague. Well, this is the blonde Pete: ¿Conocéis la peste negra? Pues esto es la peste rubia. plague. (In Rooney’s kitchen) (En la cocina de los Rooney) Karen: Oh, let's not panic. Maybe they've grown out of it. You Karen: No, que no cunda el pánico, lo habrán superado. Vi a Maddie know, I saw Maddie this morning. She's fine. esta mañana, está bien. Maddie: Achoo! Maddie: ¡Achú! Pete: Is she, woman? Is she? Pete: ¿Lo está mujer? ¿Tu crees? Maddie: Mommy. I'm sicky. I'm so cold. I want my blanky. Maddie: Mami…estoy malita…tengo frío. Quiero mi mantita. Karen: I can't get sick. Okay. There, there. All better. Okay. Karen: No puedo enfermar. Vale, venga, toma, mucho mejor. Maddie: Mmm, so hot. Is this blanky made of fire? Maddie: ¡Qué calor! ¿La mantita tiene fuego? Karen: Oh, well, looks like I'm on plague patrol. I can kiss that Karen: Oh, bien, me va a tocar hacer de enfermera. Me puedo despedir pageant goodbye. del concurso. Pete: Wait a minute, honey. I can take care of the twins. Pete: No, un momento. Yo puedo cuidar de las gemelas. Karen: What? You would do that for me? Karen: ¿Qué? ¿Harías eso por mi? Pete: Sure. Pete: Claro. Karen: You are such a prince. Karen: Eres todo un príncipe. 127

Maddie: Does no one see me dying here? Maddie: ¿Nadie nota que me estoy muriendo? Karen: Well, hop to it, prince. Mama loves you. Karen: Pues venga, príncipe. Mami te quiere. Maddie: Daddy. Bubby. Maddie: Papi…papi… Pete: Liv, honey. Are you all right in there? Pete: Oh, Liv, hija, ¿todo bien por ahí? Liv: Yeah. Good news is I got it all out of me. Bad news is I think Liv: Sí, lo bueno es que lo he echado todo. Lo malo es que hay que we might need a new toaster. Just one second. comprar otra tostadora nueva. Un segundo. (At the community centre) (En el centro social) S2.11.3 T2.11/209.3 Joey: There's a hundred ways to die in Clancy's Dairy Farm slash Joey: Hay cien maneras de morir en la lechería guión centro social de community centre. Choose one. Ha! Clancy. Elige una. ¡Ha! Artie: There's also a hundred ways to look like a doofus. Burn! Now Artie: Y hay cien maneras de quedar como un memo. ¡Booyah! Ahora stop this tomfoolery and turn the mat over to a real Kendo master. déjate de payasadas y cede el sitio a un maestro del Kendo. Joey: Why, are you hiding one under your orange man perm? Joey: ¿Por qué? ¿Llevas uno bajo esa permanente pelirroja? Artie: One, I will destroy you at Kendo. And two, this is all me, Artie: Una, te machacaré al Kendo y dos, es natural, monada. baby. Joey: Fine, then I challenge you to a duel. I'm gonna slice you, dice Joey: Bien, entonces te reto a un duelo. Voy a cortarte, picarte y servirte you, then serve you over rice, you. con arroz…te. Artie: Very well. When I win, you will have me over for a sleepover Artie: Fantástico. Cuando te venza, me invitarás a tu casa para que tu so your enchanting sister Liv can be bewitched by the sight of me in hermana Liv alucine al verme con mi atuendo informal nocturno. my casual evening attire. Joey: Nada las atrae como un pijama completo. Joey: Nothing lights a girl's candle like footie pajamas. Artie: Y que lo digas, tío. Artie: You don't have to tell me, brother. Joey: Bien, pero si gano, me quedo a tus esbirros. Joey: Fine, but if I win, I get your minions. Artie: My minions? I could never part with Taylor, Joel and the Artie: ¿Mis esbirros? Nunca abandonaría a Taylor, Joel y el otro, ese. other one. Luckily, that will never happen because of my can-do Por suerte, eso no pasará por mi nivel de Kendo. Kendo skills. Joey: [unrecognizable sound] Is that a ladybug? Joey: ¡Ay, duele! ¿Es una mariquita? Artie: Ah! Demon at the summer garden. Minions, seize her. Artie: ¡Ay! ¡Demonio en el jardín! ¡Esbirros, capturarla! Joey: Ha-ha-ha! I used your fear of ladies and bugs against you. Joey: ¡Hahaha! He usado tu miedo a los bichos para poder superarte. Your Minions are now my mine-ions. Victory music, please. ¡Hehe! Tus esbirros ahora son míos. ¡Música de victoria! Artie: Wait! Don't leave me with the ladybug. Artie: ¡Alto! No me dejéis con la mariquita. (At school) (En la escuela) 128

S2.11.4 T2.11/209.4 Joey: Mm, minty. I could get used to this. Minions! To robotics Joey: Mmm mentolado. Podría acostumbrarme a esto. ¡Esbirros! A class. Hello, Artie. Have you lost weight since yesterday? Like, I clase de robótica. Hola, Artie. ¿Acaso has perdido desde ayer? Como el don't know, like three Minions worth. Fake compliment that turned peso de tres esbirros? ¡Booyah! ¡Cumplido falso que es una puya! into a burn burn. You guys are so good at that. Chicos, esto se os da de maravilla. Artie: I don't even know the combination to my locker. My…my Artie: Ni siquiera sé la combinación de mi taquilla. Es que mis esbirros minions have always opened it for me. me la abrían. Joey: I wouldn't worry about it. Ha-ha! That's not your locker. Joey: No te preocupes, esa no es tu taquilla. ¡Haha! ¡Esbirros, a Minions! We ride! Parker, I know you're only here twice a week for cabalgar! ¡Eh, Parker! Solo vienes dos veces por semana a robótica, pero robotics class, but you were not supposed to take projects out of the no se pueden sacar los prototipos. Mamá y la inspectora Kneebauer lab. Mom and superintendent Kneebauer are right there. están aquí. Parker: Don't worry. I know what I'm doing. Parker: Tranquilo, sé lo que hago. Superintendent Kneebauer: Hey! Inspectora Kneebauer: ¡Eh! Parker: Oh, no, I have made a horrible error in judgment. Parker: ¡Oh, no! He cometido un error de cálculo que ha sido terrible. Karen: Parker, what is the matter with you? And why are you Karen: ¡Parker! ¿Pero qué demonios te pasa? ¿Y usted por qué lleva wearing a second skirt? otra falda? Superintendent Kneebauer: I have four more under this one. I don't Inspectora Kneebauer: Llevo cuatro más debajo. No salgo de casa sin leave the house until I'm completely prank proof. Now what are you estar a prueba de bromas. ¿Qué piensa hacer con este gamberro? ¿Está planning on doing with this hooligan? Are you tough enough to lista para castigar a su hijo? discipline your own kid? Karen: Of course I am. Now, Parker, if you are old enough to get Karen: ¡Por supuesto que sí! Bien, Parker, si eres mayor para liarla en into high school trouble, you are old enough for high school el instituto, también lo serás para sufrir las consecuencias. Te pongo dos consequences. You have detention for the next two days. I'll make días de castigo. Te traeré un bollo. you a snack. Superintendent Kneebauer: Two days? This entire hallway almost Inspectora Kneebauer: ¿Dos días? ¡Pero si todos han estado a punto de got an eyeful of underpants. I want this little monster in there for the ver mi ropa interior! Castigue a ese monstruo lo que queda de semana. rest of the week. Karen: Oh, well, he kind of has plans on Friday. Karen: Bueno, tiene planes para el viernes. Superintendent Kneebauer: They've just been canceled. Inspectora Kneebauer: Acaban de cancelarse. [Background music. Karen does not seem to answer] Karen: ¿Qué? Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Parker: Oh, did mama's sweet baby boy get thrown into detention Parker: ¡Oh! ¿Podrá el niño bonito de mamá acabar castigado en el insti 129

“accidentally,” making himself unavailable for the pageant? Oops! I sin querer y por lo tanto no ir al concurso? ¡Uy! Parece que sí. guess he did. (At school/Detention room) (En la escuela/Sala de castigados) S2.11.5 T2.11/209.5 Superintendent Kneebauer: Line up, detainees. Inspectora Kneebauer: ¡En fila, castigados! Parker: Superintendent Kneebauer, you're in charge of detention? Parker: Inspectora Kneebauer, ¿se encarga de los castigos? Superintendent Kneebauer: Oh, yeah, and you're in for a week of Inspectora Kneebauer: Oh, sí. Y te espera una semana de duro trabajo. hard labor. Listen up, maggots. I want this school to shine. First up, ¡Escuchad, gusanos! Quiero que este centro brille. Lo primero, a borrar graffiti removal. And we're waiting for what? esos grafitis. ¿Y a qué estáis esperando ahora?

Parker: Dump truck? What kind of loser calls himself “dump Parker: «¿Volquete?» ¿Que pringao se pondría ese nombre? truck”? Dump Truck: Who you calling a loser? Volquete: ¿A quién llamas tú pringao? Parker: Woe! What. It's lovely to meet you, Mr. Dump Truck, sir. Parker: Es un placer, señor Volquete. Me encanta su obra. I'm a big fan of your work. Volquete: Escucha, nuevo, no sé cómo hacéis las cosas en el cole, pero Dump Truck: Listen, noob, I don't know how they do things in esta zona es solo mía. Ella manda, pero yo soy el jefe. Que sepas que middle school, but this here is my detention. That's the boss, but I'm tenemos un acuerdo entre los dos. Vas a hacer lo que te mande, nuevo. the guy. She lets me say that. We got a little arrangement going on. Primero, vacía las trampas para ratones, después, vacía las trampas para You're gonna do what I say, noob. First, you're gonna empty the rat cucarachas y después limpia los restos. Y luego ve a la cafetería y traps out by the dumpster. Then you're gonna empty the roach traps tráeme unos nachos. Pero lávate las manos primero. out by the dumpster. And then you're gonna clean the dumpster. Then you're gonna go to the cafeteria and you're gonna make me some nachos. Wash your hands after the dumpster. Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Parker: Anything's better than being mama's sweet baby boy. Even a Parker: Todo es mejor que ser el niño bonito de mamá. Incluso un saco bag of dead dumpster rats. Mostly dead dumpster rats. lleno de ratas muertas. La mayoría están muertas. (In Liv and Maddie’s bedroom) (En la habitación de Liv y Maddie) S2.11.6 T2.11/209.6 Maddie: Daddy! Maddie: Papi… Liv: There's the bell. Gotta go to school. Hey, mom. Love that outfit. Liv: ¡El despertador! Me voy a clase. Hola, mamá. Bonito conjunto. Pete: Daddy's here with the juice. Pete: Papi está aquí con el zumo. Maddie: What? Dad, that wasn't the juice bell. That was the fluff my Maddie. ¿Qué? No era la campana del zumo. Es la de mullir almohadas. 130 pillows bell. This is the juice bell. Ésta es la del zumo. Liv: That's the first period bell. I am so late for class. Liv Rooney Liv: ¡Oh, es el timbre! Llego tardísimo a clase. Liv Rooney presente, present, Mrs. Tidwell. I have my pencil and I'm ready to learn. profesora. Tengo el lápiz para coger apuntes. Pete: Oh, oh, honey. Honey, you're delirious with fever. Pete: Oh, hija, hija. Estás delirando por la fiebre. Liv: What? Liv: ¿Qué? Pete: Come on, no school for you, sweetheart. No school, no school. Pete: Venga, hoy no puedes ir a clase. Nada de clase. A tumbarte. Liv: No, dad, I'm fine. Joey, tell dad that I'm fine. Wow, Joey, your Liv: No, papá, estoy bien. Joey, di a papá que estoy bien. Vaya, Joey te arms are getting really big. estás poniendo muy musculoso. Pete: Is that the rub my feet bell? Pete: ¿Es la frótame los pies? Maddie: No, daddy, it's get the boogies out of my nose bell. Come Maddie: No. Es la de sácame los mocos de la nariz. Toma papi, aquí on, daddy, here's a snot sucker. esta la pera. Liv: Second period. It's time for choir. [sings] Thank you. Liv: Segunda clase, toca coro. [Canta] Gracias. Pete: Come on, come on [unrecognizable word due to the Liv Pete: Vamos, otro día, cielo, vamos. ¿Qué? ¿Qué? ¿Pañuelos? ¿Té? singing] What? What? Tissue, tea, cough drop? What? ¿Jarabe? ¿Qué? Maddie: If you loved me, you would know. Maddie: Si me quisieras lo sabrías. Liv: [Sings] Thank you. Liv: [Canta] Gracias. (In Rooney’s living room) (En la sala de estar de los Rooney) S2.11.7 T2.11/209.7 Joey: Oh, wow, oh, wow, okay. Guys, I can crack my own claw. Joey: ¡Oh! Vaya, oh, vale, chicos, puedo partir las pinzas. ¡Hehe! ¿No You're not gonna chew for me, too? vais a masticar por mi? Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Joey: Minions seem like a good idea until they are smothering you Joey: Los esbirros parecen una buena idea hasta que empiezan a all day long. Applying your deodorant after gym. Popping agobiarte el día entero. Te ponen desodorante en gimnasia, te quitan los blackheads on your forehead. Handing you toilet paper under the puntos negros de la frente, te dan el papel higiénico por la puerta. Cierto, stall. Granted, it was six ply and really soft on my bottom. But still, a era de seis capas y suave para mi trasero. Aún así, un hombre necesita man needs his space. Stop it. respirar. ¡Para ya! (In Rooney’s living room & courtyard) (En la sala de estar de los Rooney y el patio) Joey: Okay, really, none of this is weird for you guys? Get off me, Joey: Vale, ¿nada de esto os resulta raro, chicos? ¡Fuera, fuera, fuera! get off me, get off me, get off me. Ah! Artie! Oh! I have never been ¡Ah, Artie! ¡Ay! Nunca me había alegrado tanto de verte. so happy to see you. Artie: Hey, minions. Artie: Hola, esbirros. Joey: Dude, you have to take them back. I thought it would be cool, Joey: Tío, tienes que llevártelos. Creí que sería guay pero no soy un tío 131 but I am just not a Minion man, man. de esbirros. Tío. Artie: Joey, Minions cannot be given away. They must be won back. Artie: Joey, los esbirros, no se pueden regalar, hay que recuperarlos. Yo I won them from Neville Hosaka in a vicious game of Hopscotch. se los gané a Neville Hosaka en un partido de fútbol. Y tú me los And now you've won them from me. ganaste a mi. Joey: Fine, fine. Then we'll just have a rematch so you can win them Joey: Bien, bien. Te doy la revancha para que los recuperes. Y todo back fair and square. I'll have the Minions set it up. listo. Que los esbirros lo monten. Artie: You'd do that? Bless you, brother! Artie: ¿Harías eso? ¡Eres un hermano! (At school/Detention room) (En la escuela/Sala de castigados) S2.11.8 T2.11/209.8 Superintendent Kneebauer: Dump truck, where's the noob? Inspectora kneebauer: Volquete, ¿dónde está el nuevo? Dump truck: I sent him to scrape the gum off from under every desk Volquete: Lo he mandado a raspar los chicles de las mesas, jefa. in school, boss. Superintendent Kneebauer: A job like that could break a man. Inspectora Kneebauer: Algo así hunde a un hombre. Bien hecho. Great work. Dump Truck: Yeah, I bet he's curled up under one of them desks Volquete: Sí, estará metido debajo de una mesa llorando, ¿sabe? ¿Tiene right now, sobbing. Listening for crying, boss? ganas de oír llantos? Superintendent Kneebauer: Listening for crying. Inspectora Kneebauer: Tengo ganas de oírlos. Parker: Gum scraped. What's next? Parker: Chicle raspado. ¿Ahora qué? Dump Truck: Whoa! You scraped all this gum yourself? Volquete: ¡Ala! ¿Los has quitado tú solo, chaval? Parker: Well, I wanted you to know I was man enough for Parker: Bueno, quería dejar claro que soy un tío a la altura. detention. Dump Truck: No. You're no man. You're a machine. Guys, how Volquete: No. No eres un tío. Eres una máquina. ¡Chicos, un aplauso about a round of applause for the gumball machine, huh? para la máquina de chicles, eh! Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Parker: I started the week as a lowly middle school noob. Now I Parker: Empecé la semana como un pobre novato de colegio. Ahora era was the gumball machine. I had broken the ice, like the horn of the la máquina de chicles. Rompí el hielo como el cuerno del narval. No, narwhal. No wait. Not a narwhal, never a narwhal. espera, no como un narval. Narval, jamás. (At school/Detention room) (En la escuela/Sala de castigados) Karen: Superintendent Kneebauer, I have come to beg for your Karen: Inspectora Kneebauer, he venido para suplicarle clemencia, mercy. Parker's my sweet baby boy. Oh, he done wrong, but he paid porque Parker es mi niño bonito. Hizo mal, pero ya ha pagado el precio. the price. Can you find it in your heart to set him free tomorrow? ¿Tendría la bondad de dejarlo libre mañana? Superintendent Kneebauer: You know what? I think he's learned Inspectora Kneebauer: ¿Sabes qué? Creo que ha aprendido la lección. 132 his lesson. This is your last day of detention, gumball machine. Uh, Este será tu último día de castigo, máquina de chicles. Oh, no, no, no. no, no, no. Not a fan of human contact. No me gusta el contacto humano. Karen: Did you hear that, sweetie? We are going to make it to the Karen: ¿Lo has oído cielito? Al final vamos a poder ir al concurso. pageant after all. Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Parker: Or I'm going to rob a bank and go to actual jail. It's got to be Parker: O también puedo atracar un banco e ir a la cárcel. Será mejor better than last year's pageant. que el concurso del año pasado. (At school/Detention room) (En la escuela/Sala de castigados) Dump Truck: Gumball machine, we wanted to give you something Volquete: Máquina de chicles, queríamos darte algo para recordar tu to remember your time in the joint. Gum me. You showed me paso por aquí. ¡Chicles! Esto lo he aprendido de ti. something, little guy. Parker: This is the grossest piece of awesome I've ever held. But I'm Parker: ¡Esto es lo más asquerosamente molón que me han dado en mi not going anywhere. vida! Pero no pienso irme de aquí. Additional comment: Comentario adicional: Parker: That's when I told the guys about “Mama's Sweet Baby Boy Parker: Y les conté lo del «Concurso del niño bonito de mamá». Fue Pageant.” It was humiliating, but they got it. There's something about humillante, pero lo pillaron. Los monos idénticos de color naranja identical orange jumpsuits that brings people together. tienden a unir a la gente. (At school/Detention room) (En la escuela/Sala de castigados) Dump Truck: A whale with a pointy horn? That's not right, gumball Volquete: ¿Una ballena con un cuerno? Eso no está bien, máquina de machine. That ain't right at all. chicles. Nada bien. Parker: Exactly. Which is why I need your help to stay in detention. Parker: Exacto. Por eso quiero que me ayudéis a seguir aquí. Dump Truck: What can we do? Volquete: ¿Qué hacemos? Parker: We can give Kneebauer a wake up call. Parker: Podríamos ayudar a Kneebauer a despertarse. Dump Truck: You do the honors. Volquete: Haz los honores. Superintendent Kneebauer: Aaah! When I get down from here, Inspectora Kneebauer: ¡Aaah! ¡Cuando baje de aquí, delincuentes, me you little punks are gonna be in detention the rest of your worthless voy a encargar de que os castiguen para toda la vida! lives! (At the community centre) (En el centro social) S2.11.9 T2.11/209.9 Joey: You're late. Joey: Llegas tarde. Artie: My inions usually serve as my navigation system. I got lost Artie: Los esbirros son mi sistema de navegación. Me perdí tres veces al three times on the way here. Some hunters found me wandering in venir. Unos cazadores me encontraron por el bosque. 133 the woods. Joey: Yeah, whatever, weirdo. Come on, let's do this. Okay, come Joey: Ya. Da igual, vamos, venga. Bien, dame una sola vez y me caeré. on, just hit me once and I'll take a dive. Kendo up. Kendo, tío. Artie: Avert your eyes, minions. I don't want you to remember me Artie: ¡No miréis, esbirros! No quiero que me recordéis así. like this. Joey: ¿Le está permitido hacer esto? Joey: Is he allowed to do that? Artie: Ha roto las reglas del «esbirrismo». Por mi. Siento mis Artie: He's breaking all the rules of “minionhood.” For me. I feel my fuerzas…¡resurgir! strength returning. Joey: Okay, it's just like, if there are “rules” of “minionhood”… Joey: Vale, es que si…si hay “reglas” del «esbirrismo»… Artie: This is a beautiful moment, Joey. Don't ruin it. Wow! Yeah! Artie: Es un momento hermoso, no lo estropees. ¡Toma! ¡Yii-hah! ¡Yii- Haw! Yii-hah! The king is back! Minions, we ride. Yii-hah! hah! El rey ha vuelto. Esbirros, ¡cabalgad! ¡Yii-hah! (In Rooney’s living room) (En la sala de estar de los Rooney) S2.11.10 T2.11/209.10 Superintendent Kneebauer: Your little monster of a son and his Inspectora Kneebauer: El monstruo de tu hijo y su banda de band of misfits tied me to a chair and hung me from the ceiling. delincuentes me ataron a una silla y me colgaron del techo. Parker: Sorry, mommy, I goofed up. Parker: Perdona, mami. Metí la pata. Superintendent Kneebauer: If I didn't carry a multi-tool in my Inspectora Kneebauer: De nos ser por la navaja suiza que llevo en la garters, I never would have gotten out of there. liga no habría podido bajar. Karen: Parker! Wait. You wear garters? Karen: ¡Parker! Espere…lleva ligas? Superintendent Kneebauer: Just because I'm superintendent doesn't Inspectora Kneebauer: Que sea inspectora no significa que deba dejar mean I have to stop being a lady. de ser una dama. Parker: She revoked my pardon, mom. I'm going to be in detention Parker: Me ha retirado el perdón, mamá. Estaré castigado por el for the pageant. Shucky darns! concurso. ¡Maldita suerte! Karen: Wait a minute. Something's up. Are you trying to stay in Karen: Un momento. Pasa algo. ¿Intentas que te castiguen para no ir al detention so that you don't have to do the pageant with me? concurso conmigo? Parker: What? No, I…I just broke bad. Got in with the wrong group Parker: ¿Qué? ¡No! Es que me he vuelto malo. Me he mezclado con of guys, stopped eating vegetables, quit flossing before bed. I'm mala gente. Ya no como verdura, ya no me cepillo los dientes…¡me riddled with gingivitis. acosa la gingivitis! Karen: Okay, okay, you are definitely faking. Honey, if you didn't Karen: Vale, vale. Sé que estás fingiendo. Cariño, si no querías ir al want to do the pageant with me, all you had to do was say so. concurso conmigo, ¿por qué no me lo has dicho antes? Parker: I don't want to do the pageant. Parker: No quiero ir al concurso. Karen: Oh, you are doing that pageant. Karen: Oh, sí que vas a ir. 134

(At Momma’s Sweet Baby Boy Pageant) (En el Concurso del niño bonito de mamá) S2.11.11 T2.11/209.11 Karen: Welcome to the “Momma's Sweet Baby Boy Pageant.” We Karen: Bienvenidos al «Concurso del niño bonito de mamá», amigos. bring you “Beyond the Arctic Circle.” Os presentamos «Más allá del circulo ártico». Joey: Uh! Uh! Joey: Parker, Parker. Parker: I am the narwhal, the unicorn of the sea. Parker: Soy el narval, el unicornio de los mares. Joey: Hey, mama's sweet baby boy, you better nar-work it. Joey: Eh, niño bonito de mamá, será mejor que le des caña. Dump Truck: Hey, guy I'm about to punch. How about you keep it Volquete: ¡Eh, candidato a puñetazo! ¿Por qué no te callas y nos dejas down 'cause some of us is trying to enjoy the show? You go, gumball disfrutar del espectáculo? ¡Dale, máquina de chicles! ¡Uh! machine! Whoo! (In Rooney’s kitchen) (En la cocina de los Rooney) S2.11.12 T2.11/209.12 Maddie: Ah, morning, guys. Maddie: ¡Ah! Hola a todos. Pete: Hey, girls. Feeling better? Pete: Hola, hijas. ¿Estáis mejor? Liv: Yeah! I am raring to go for that exam in Mrs. Tidwell's class, Liv: Sí! Estoy deseando hacer el examen de la señora Twindle. Y luego and then it is off to buy a new purse. One with less chunks in it. me compraré otro bolso. Uno sin tropezones dentro. Maddie: Yeah, I was so sick. But luckily I was able to shut my body Maddie: Ya…yo estaba fatal. Por suerte conseguí apagar mi organismo down, and I slept the whole time. y dormir. Liv: Yeah. Dad, thanks for taking care of us. Liv: Sí. Papá, gracias por cuidarnos. Maddie: Yeah, not that I really think it was that hard, but we really Maddie: Sí, no es que me parezca muy difícil pero…gracias por todo. appreciate it. Liv: Yeah. Liv: Eso. Karen: Well, they may not appreciate it, but I do. Thank you, honey. Karen: Bueno, aunque ellas no lo valoren, yo sí. Gracias, cariño. Te I owe you one. debo una. Pete: Good, you can replace the toaster that Liv ruined. Pete: Bien, reemplaza la tostadora que estropeó Liv. Joey: Ruined? Are you kidding? This is the best toast I have ever Joey: ¿Estropeada? ¿Estás de broma? ¡Es la mejor tostada que he had. Mmm, tastes like hotdogs. probado! Sabe a perrito. Table 18.2. The English transcript (S2.11) and the Spanish transcript (T2.11)

135