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Dítě Ve Velkomoravských Právních Památkách

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Dítě Ve Velkomoravských Právních Památkách Dítě ve velkomoravských právních památkách Lubomíra Havlíková Slované kdysi znali zvyk zabíjení novorozenců.1 V případě zabíjení novorozenců, jak je reflektují velkomoravské zákoníky, se však již nejednalo o staré pohanské reziduum, o zabíjení nadbytečných dětí, zejména ženského pohlaví, které bylo a je dodnes v některých civilizačních okruzích a kulturních společenstvích prak- tikováno jako legitimní nástroj regulace porodnosti.2 Tento pohanský relikt již velkomoravské zákoníky neakceptovaly a pokud bylo (ne)narozené dítě zabito, jednalo se nejčastěji o případy nechtěného těhotenství, které bylo důsledkem: 1. znásilnění dívky a ženy a 2. nemanželského sexuálního styku, cizoložství. V pohanské době se rodilo hodně nemanželských dětí v důsledku promisku- itního chování rodičů,3 spojeného často s polygamií a polyandrií.4 Ani postupná christianizace slovanských národů pohanské zvyky a rituály zcela nevymítila a ty přetrvávaly jako rezidua ve slovanské společnosti i po její christianizaci. V této souvislosti se mluví v dekretech mohučské synody z roku 852 o raném křesťanství na Moravě jako o „hrubém“, „drsném“ či „nevyspělém“ (rudis adhuc christiani- tas).5 Porušování křesťanského mravního kodexu, křesťanských zásad Desatera 1 Slované prý praktikovali zabíjení „kojenců o skály jako krysy“ (zpráva u tzv. Pseudo-Caesaria, 6. stol.). Případy zadušení dětí, převážně nemluvňat ženského pohlaví, když se jich narodilo víc, byly doloženy v prostředí slovanských kmenů Luticů a Pomořanů. Srov. L. NIEDERLE, Slovanské starožitnosti. Život starých Slovanů, I/1, Praha 1911, 60-61. 2 Podrobněji L. HAVLÍKOVÁ, Středověké slovanské právo a žena. Žena v právním systému velkomoravské společnosti, in: Byzantinoslovaca I, ed. M. Daniš, Bratislava 2006, 175-205, zde 187-188. 3 L. HAVLÍKOVÁ, Femina slavica – žena a mateřství ve velkomoravských právních památkách 9. století (Příspěvek ke středověkým gender studies), in: Pulchritudo et sapientia. Ad honorem Pavel Spunar, ed. Z. Silagiová – H. Šedinová – P. Kitzler, Praha 2008, 163-178. L. NIEDERLE, Slovanské starožitnosti. Život starých Slovanů, I/1, 88-89 uvádí, že na mnoha místech končila svatba lascivním veselím s náměty falického kultu a erotickými orgiemi; podobně na str. 109sq. autor zmiňuje „večerní plesy“, „nestydaté hry běsovské“, „hry ďábelské“. K veselí při svatbách, divadelním hrám, tanci ve velkomoravském prostředí, srov. Nomokanonь (Synagoga L titulorum), Magnae Moraviae fontes historici ( dále MMFH), IV. Leges – Textus iuridici – Supplementa, ed. L. E. Havlík, Brno 1971, 302-304, XXVII/XXVIII. 4 Podrobněji k bigamii a polygamii, která byla ve starším období u Slovanů běžná, srov. L. HAVLÍKOVÁ, Středověké slovanské právo a žena, 183-185. 5 Decreta synodi Moguntiensis, MMFH, IV, 33-35: rudem adhuc christianitatem gentis Maraensium…. 1 Konštantínove listy 5/2012 (Dekalog) v moravské společnosti 9. století dokládají delikty, penalizované a uvá- děné v moravských legislativních normách, jako byly Zakonъ sudnyi ljudьmъ,6 Nomokanonъ,7 Zapovědi svętyichъ otьcь8 a adhortace ke knížatům-soudcům Vladykamъ zemlę božie slovo velitъ.9 6 Zakonъ sudnyi ljudьmъ (dále ZSL), MMFH, IV, 147-198. Řecký text převzat z Collectio librorum juris graeco-romani ineditorum, Ecloga Leonis et Constantini, Epanagoge Basilii, Leonis et Alexandri, ed. C. E. Zachariae a Lingenthal, Lipsiae 1852. Někteří badatelé se domnívali, že Zakonъ sudnyi ljudьmъ je bulharského nebo makedonského původu jako např. M. Andreev, Kăm văprosa za proizchoda i săštnostta na Zakonъ sudnyj ljudьmъ, in: Godišnik na Sofijskija universitet, Juridičeski fakultet 49, 1957, 1-60; idem, Zakonъ sudnyj ljudьmъ – starobălgarski praven pametnik, Pravna misăl 2/1, 1958, 13-27; idem, Sur l´origine du „Zákon sudnyj ljudem“ (Loi pour juger les gens), Revue des études sud-est européennes I/3-4, 1963, 335-337; V. Ganev, Zakonъ sudnyj ljudьmъ, Sofija 1959; M. N. Tichomirov – L. V. Milov, Zakon sudnyj ljudem kratkoj redakcii, Moskva 1961 nebo F. Milkova, Zakonăt za sădene na chorata – Starobălgarski pametnik, in: Bălgarskite zemi v drevnostta. Bălgarija prez srednovekovieto, Sofija 1978, 692- 708, ale jejich teorie byly již překonány (srov. J. VAŠICA, Origine cyrillo-méthodienne du plus ancien code slave dit „Zakon sudnyj ljudem“, Byzantinoslavica 12, 1951, 154-157; idem, K otázce původu Zakona sudného ljudem, Slavia 30, 1961, 1-19; V. PROCHÁZKA, Deset poznámek ke Ganevovu výkladu krátké redakce Zakona sudného ljudem, Právněhistorické studie 9, 1963, 302-317; idem, Tři marné pokusy o prokázání bulharského a makedonského původu Zakona sudného ljudem, Slavia 33, 1964, 262-267; nejnověji k původu a autorství Zakona sudnyi ljudьmъ K. A. MAKSIMOVIČ, Zakonъ sudьnyi ljudьmъ. Istočnikovedčeskije i lingvističeskije aspekty issledovanija slavjanskogo juridičeskogo pamjatnika, Moskva 2004 a K. ILIEVSKA, Zakonъ sudnyi ljudьmъ, Skopje 2004). Z tohoto hlediska je studie L. SimeonovÉ (Pravna zaštita na ženite i decata v novopokrăstenoto bălgarsko obštestvo (Zakon za sъdene na chorata, Ekloga), in: V. Gjuzelev – L. Simeonova – A. Garabedjan – E. Stateva (ed.), Štrichi kăm balkanskoto srednovekovie. Izsledvanija v pamet na prof. Nikolaj Kočev (= Studia balcanica 27), Sofia 2009, 117-125), která aplikovala ZSL, určený pro moravské prostředí, na bulharskou společnost, metodologicky pochybná. 7 Nomokanonъ, MMFH, IV, 205-363. Předlohou slovanského Nomokanonu byl řecký text převzatý z Ioannis Scholastici Synagoga L titulorum ceteraque eiusdem opera iuridica, ed. V. Beneševič, Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch- historische Abteilung, Neue Folge, Heft 14, München 1937. 8 Zapovědi svętyichъ otьcь (dále ZSO), MMFH, IV, 137-146. Staroslověnský text podle Euchologium Sinaiticum, starocerkvenoslovanski glagolski spomenik I-II, ed. R. Nahtigal, Ljubljana 1941-1942. Předlohou ZSO byl latinský, tzv. Merseburský penitenciál (dále Mers), zachovaný v kodexu č. 103 merseburské katedrální knihovny (F. W. H. WASSERSCHLEBEN, Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche, Halle 1851; H. J. SCHMITZ, Die Bussbücher und das kanonische Bussverfahren II, Düsseldorf 1898). Srov. W. VONDRÁK, Zachodnioeuropejskie postanowienia pokutne w języku cerkiewnosłowiańskim, Kraków 1904, 57-67 a nejnověji uvádí edici slovanského penitenciálu ZSO, doplněnou paralelním textem latinského Mers (příloha 170-195) K. A. MAKSIMOVIČ, Zapovědi svętyichъ otьcь. Latinskij penitencial VIII veka v cerkovnoslavjanskom perevode, Moskva 2008. 9 Vladykamъ zemlę božie slovo velitъ, tzv. anonymní homilie Clozova sborníku, MMFH, IV, 199-204. Staroslověnský text podle Clozianus. Staroslověnský hlaholský sborník tridentský a innsbrucký, ed. A. Dostál, Praha 1959. 2 Dítě ve velkomoravských právních památkách Ze starých moravských právních norem se dovídáme, že existovaly děti manželské a nemanželské. Manželské děti pocházely ze zákonného svazku – manželství. Manželství se stalo zákonem chráněnou institucí, která byla určena k zákonnému, legitimnímu rození dětí. Manželství (ženitva; gamos)10 vzniklo po křesťanské svatbě (gamos christianón),11 jejíž konání bylo ve velko- moravském prostředí časově omezeno.12 Oba manželé (malъžena; synoikesion/ synoikesia),13 muž a žena, tvořili podle moravského práva základní rodinnou jednotkou a manželství bylo nerozlučné, protože bylo posvěceno Bohem (nerazlučnoje ot boga malъženoma žitije; tés adialytú tón gamikós en kyrió).14 Rozvody byly řídké a pokud k nim docházelo, byly spojeny se složitými admi- nistrativními církevními úkony, a proto se spíše praktikovala rozluka „od stolu a lože“. Pokud byla v manželství žena mužem oplodněna následovalo podle lunárního kalendáře (měsíc po 28 dnech) její desetiměsíční (jinak devítiměsíční) těhotenství, které končilo, pokud nenastaly komplikace, narozením manželského, legitimní- ho dítěte. Manželé se stali rodiči, pro něž měly velkomoravské právní památky většinou označení roditelь (sg. i pl. tvary).15 ZSL pro označení „rodičů“ uvádí tři 10 Nomokanonъ (Synagoga L titulorum), MMFH, IV, 307, XXIX (= Synagogé, XXIX). Srov. Lexicon linguae paleoslovenicae – Slovník jazyka staroslověnského (dále SJS) I, ed. J. Kurz et al., Praha 1966, 598: ženitva znamenala jednak sňatek, svatbu (gamos; nuptiae), jednak manželství (gamos; conubium, coniugium). 11 Srov. Th. SATURNÍK, Příspěvky k šíření byzantského práva u Slovanů, Praha 1922, 59. Srov. také L. HAVLÍKOVÁ, Žena a manželství ve slovanském prostředí 9. století na příkladu velkomoravských právních památek a jejich byzantských předloh, Synergie/Synergeia. Revue pro byzantologii a filozofii V/2, 2009, 5-26; eadem, K právnímu postavení slovanské ženy v 9. století (K otázce sňatku a uzavření manželství v případech pokrevního, adoptivního a tzv. duchovního příbuzenství v bulharském a velkomoravském prostředí), in: Česká slavistika. Příspěvky k 14. mezinárodnímu sjezdu slavistů, Ochrid 10.-16. 9. 2008, Slavia 77, 2008, 251-263. 12 Snoubenci nemohli konat svatbu v době čtyřicetidenního půstu, v tzv. kvadragesimě (iako ne podobajetь vъ sorokooustiju brakъ tvoriti; hoti ú dei en tessarakosté gamús poiein). Nomokanonъ (Synagoga L titulorum), MMFH, IV, 310, XXXI. 13 Zakonъ sudnyi ljudьmъ, MMFH, IV, 195-198, zde 196, čl. 30a. K výkladu termínu, srov. K. A. MAKSIMOVIĆ, Zakonъ sudьnyi ljudьmъ, 94. Srov. SJS, II, ed. J. Kurz et al., Praha 1973, 183: malъžena; hoi gamikós symbiúntes; coniuges. Slovanský výraz malъžena považoval Th. Saturník (Příspěvky, 59) za zajímavý a starý a podle I. I. SREZNěvského (Materialy dlja slovar´ja drevnerusskogo jazyka po pis´mennym pamjatnikam II, Sankt Peterburg 1902) znamenal
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