Is All Descriptive Representation Equal?: a Closer Look at Latino Representation in the U.S
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Is All Descriptive Representation Equal?: A Closer Look at Latino Representation in the U.S. House of Representatives Jennifer Garcia Graduate Student Department of Political Science University of California, Irvine [email protected] 1 Across the country, the ranks of Latinos are increasing in the Republican Party. The 2010 Midterm elections witnessed a record number of Latino Republicans elected to statewide and national office.1 Latino Republicans more than doubled in size in the U.S. House of Representatives, making up eight out of 27 Latino members in the 112th Congress. Yet, it is unknown whether their presence benefits Latinos. Although there is a general consensus among scholars that descriptive representation benefits racial and ethnic communities, it is also acknowledged that political parties significantly influence representation, at least for Blacks. Further, scholars have shown that political parties have become even more important in Congress. However, Blacks benefit from descriptive representation because Black representatives place racial and symbolic issues on the political agenda that are otherwise given little to no attention by non-Black representatives. This paper will take a closer look at the symbolic representation provided by Latino Republicans in the 112th Congress by examining bill sponsorship/co-sponsorship and floor speeches in the U.S. House of Representatives. A considerable amount of work has examined minority representation and its benefits. Some have emphasized the substantive benefits of descriptive representation by examining roll call votes, bills sponsorship/co-sponsorship, participation during committee hearings, and constituent services. Others have focused on the effect that descriptive representatives have on minority political behavior, showing that Latinos, like Blacks, are mobilized by co-ethnic candidates.2 Still others have focused on the symbolic benefits provided by descriptive representatives, finding that Black representatives provide the greatest amount of symbolic representation to Blacks (Tate 2003). To date, much of the work examining minority 1 Republican Susana Martinez was elected the nation’s first Latina governor. Nevada elected its first Latino governor, Brian Sandoval, also a Republican. And, in Florida, Republican Marco Rubio was elected to the U.S. Senate. 2 Matt Barreto (2007) shows that Latinos will vote for co-ethnic Democrats and Republicans. 2 representation has focused on Blacks. While a growing number of scholars have turned their attention to Latinos, there is still limited work examining the symbolic representation provided by Latino representatives. This paper seeks to fill this gap by conducting an exploratory analysis of symbolic representation provided by Latino Democrats and Republicans. This paper will proceed as follows. First, I review previous research on descriptive representation, highlighting the work on Latino representation. Second, I point out ways in which our understanding of Latino descriptive representation can be expanded. Third, I describe the data and methods used in this paper to examine symbolic representation provided by Latino members of Congress. Finally, I discuss the findings and suggest lines for future research. Minority Representation In her seminal work, Hanna Pitkin (1967) outlines three different ways in which citizens are represented: substantive, descriptive, and symbolic. Substantive representation, which describes the more traditional understanding of representation, occurs when representatives are responsive to the demands and interests of their constituents. Descriptive representation occurs when elected officials mirror some characteristic of their constituents, like race or ethnicity. Lastly, symbolic representation, while at times devoid of substance, influences the attitudes and behavior of constituents through feelings of empowerment. Much research on minority representation focuses on how these three forms of representation overlap. Considering the significant role of race throughout U.S. history, many have argued that descriptive representation plays a vital role in the representation of historically disadvantaged groups (Mansbridge 1999; Phillips 1995; Sapiro 1981; Williams 1998; Young 1990). While political institutions in the U.S. were designed to uphold fundamental democratic values, like liberty and equality, throughout history they have served as a vehicle for the White-majority to 3 oppress and discriminate against racial and ethnic minorities. Consequently, Sapiro (1981) points out that it may be “unreasonable” to expect the majority to protect the rights and interests of the oppressed minority. This requires minority legislators to be present in representative institutions so that they can pursue the interests of their group (Phillips 1998). Furthermore, scholars contend that members of historically disadvantaged groups benefit from seeing people like them in positions of power (Phillips 1998). “Representatives and voters who share membership in a subordinate group can also forge bonds of trust based specifically on the shared experience of subordination” (Mansbridge 1999: 641). Why Does Descriptive Representation Result in Better Minority Representation? Based upon a shared identity and the shared experiences that result, it is thought that descriptive representatives hold a unique understanding of the needs and interests of their group, which enhances their representation. Dawson (1994) argues that due to a shared history of racial discrimination and institutionalized racism in the U.S., Blacks share a feeling of “linked fate” whereby they view their individual interests and the interests of the group as intrinsically connected. This sense of linked fate, therefore, is expected to influence the behavior of Black legislators leading them to pursue policies that disproportionately impact Blacks (Whitby 1997). In contrast to Blacks, a “linked fate” is less clearly seen among Latinos, who are members of a pan-ethnic group. Unlike Blacks in the U.S., Latinos come from a variety of different countries and cultures, and therefore lack a shared history. Given this, it seems unreasonable to expect Latinos to share a sense of “linked fate” comparable to African Americans (de la Garza et al. 1992; DeSipio 1996). However, scholars have shown evidence that group consciousness among Latinos exists (Garcia Bedolla 2009; Hero 1992; Jones-Correa and Leal 1996; Masuoka 2006; Sanchez 2006; Stokes 2003). While this feeling of linked fate 4 does not reach the levels felt by African Americans, Sanchez and Masuoka (2008) find that it is present and stronger than the group attachment felt by Asian Americans. Rouse (forthcoming) finds that while Latinos are more heterogeneous than African Americans, once they enter the United States they often share similar experiences, such as inclusion in a minority group status, discrimination, and exclusion from the political process, thus establishing a basis on which group consciousness emerges. Regardless of the level of group consciousness felt by rank and file Latinos, some research has shown that Latino representatives feel a strong attachment to their pan-ethnic identity. Through interviews with Latino state legislators, Casellas (2010) determines that there exists sense of linked fate among Latino representatives. Similar to what has been found among Black representatives (Fenno 2003; Grose 2010), Latino representatives often have a sense of obligation to the broader Latino community that extends beyond their district and national-origin group (Fraga et al. 2007). Mansbrige (2003) identifies this as surrogate representation. She contends that “it is in the surrogate process that descriptive representation often plays its most useful role, allowing representatives who are themselves members of a subordinate group to circumvent the strong barriers to communication between dominant and subordinate groups” (2003: 642). Therefore, even if a strong group consciousness does not exist among rank and file Latinos, we would still expect Latino representatives to behave in ways that symbolically and substantively represent Latinos because they have a strong sense of linked fate. Others, however, argue that representatives respond to the needs of minorities because they seek reelection. A vast majority of Black and Latino representatives in the U.S. Congress are elected from majority-minority districts or minority influence districts, where Blacks and Latinos constitute a significant minority of the district (see Canon 1999). Since the primary 5 motivation of representatives is to win reelection (Mayhew 1974), these representatives pursue the interests of Blacks and Latinos because of electoral incentives. Therefore, as scholars like Swain (1995) have argued, Blacks and Latinos can be represented by non-descriptive representatives. Do Latino Representatives Behave in Distinct Ways? Beyond the normative arguments for descriptive representation, empirical scholars have evaluated descriptive representation based upon its substantive and symbolic benefits. Following more traditional understandings of representation as policy congruence (Miller and Stokes 1963), a vast majority of the work evaluating Latino descriptive representation has focused on its effect on substantive representation. Under this perspective, representation is thought to be strong when members act like good delegates, responding to the demands of their constituents (Hall 1996: 2). Supporters of descriptive representation