Targeting Terrorist Leaders a Case Study
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME for a NEW POLICY? by Tally Helfont
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org October 2010 HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME FOR A NEW POLICY? By Tally Helfont Tally Helfont is an FPRI research fellow. Her research focuses on Middle East-related issues and radical Islamic movements. She has also instructed training courses on behalf of K3 Enterprises in Civil Information Management to U.S. Military Civil Affairs Units and Human Terrain Teams assigned to Iraq and Afghanistan. September 2010 marked the beginning of renewed peace negotiations in the Middle East. The American-brokered talks took some time to restart—18-months to be exact—and its two primary participants, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, were reluctant at best. The parties met on three separate occasions: in Washington D.C. from September 1-2, in Sharm El-Sheikh from September 13-14, and at the Israeli Prime Minister's official residence in Jerusalem on September 15. It is difficult to say whether there was any tangible progress achieved during these meetings, but as it currently stands, the continuation of these efforts is uncertain, and some would even say, unlikely. The United States, on the one hand, and Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia on the other, are exerting significant diplomatic pressure to bridge the current gaps and bring the two sides back to the negotiating table. But what about those who seek to obstruct such efforts? Chief among this camp is the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas. Through numerous statements and acts of violence, Hamas seemed intent on attracting attention during this period of negotiations. -
Reviving a Regional Approach
Reviving a Regional Approach Gilead Sher and Liran Ofek Despite the physical demarcation of the zone of the recent military !"#$!"%&%'!"()*%+**"(,-$&*.(&"/(0&1&-2(%3*()$!&/*$( !"%*4%(+*"%(+*..( beyond the geographical area and the ranges of the rockets shot from it. The operation illustrated the convergence of interests between Israel and 5$&)(-%&%*-2( 3'*\7(897:%(;"/*$(5)/*.(<&%%&3(*.=>'-'2(+3' 3('-(!" *(&9&'"( :.&7'"9(&( *"%$&.(&"/('"\;*"%'&.($!.*('"(%3*(*##!$%-(%!(:$!1!%*(&( *&-*[$*@( Moreover, after the operation, Israeli cabinet ministers spoke of the need to promote a regional initiative, either to achieve a long term solution concerning 0&1&- A and/or as an alternative to bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. 2 0&-(&(#!;"/&%'!"()**"( $*&%*/(#!$(&(:&$&/'91(-3'#%(M(#$!1(&(#$&1*+!$C( of bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians to multilateral $*9'!"&.(/'&.!9;*D(,-$&*.R-(!#[ '&.(-%&" *(%!+&$/(%3*(5$&)(F*& *(,"'%'&%'G*2( which is a proposed framework for multilateral engagement, has remained rather skeptical, and many still see it as a prescription for surrender more than an invitation to negotiations. 3 On the other hand, those who support a $*9'!"&.(#!$1&%()*.'*G*(%3&%(%3*(5$&)('"'%'&%'G*('-(1*&"%(%!(.*G*$&9*('"%*$*-%-( !11!"(%!(,-$&*.(&"/(-!1*(!#(%3*(.*&/'"9(5$&)(-%&%*-(H897:%2(>&;/'(5$&)'&2( I!$/&"2(&"/(%3*(J"'%*/(5$&)(81'$&%*-K2(&"/(%3&%(%!(%3'-(*"/2('%(-3!;./()*( reexamined as a framework for negotiations. L3*(5$&)(F*& *(,"'%'&%'G*(+&-(&""!;" */('"(MNNM2(O;-%()*#!$*(P:*$&%'!"( Q*#*"-'G*(>3'*./2(&"/(3&-(-'" -
Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second In
Digital Commons at St. Mary's University Faculty Articles School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2014 Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada Jeffrey F. Addicott St. Mary's University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.stmarytx.edu/facarticles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey F. Addicott, Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada, 4 St. John’s J. Int’l & Comp. L. 71 (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Articles by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. USING A CIVIL SUIT TO PUNISH/DETER SPONSORS OF TERRORISM: CONNECTING ARAFAT & THE PLO TO THE TERROR ATTACKS IN THE SECOND INTIFADA Dr. Jeffery Addicott* INTRODUCTION “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”1 -Edmund Burke As the so-called “War on Terror” 2 continues, it is imperative that civilized nations employ every possible avenue under the rule of law to punish and deter those governments and States that choose to engage in or provide support to terrorism.3 *∗Professor of Law and Director, Center for Terrorism Law, St. Mary’s University School of Law. -
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects Testimony by David Makovsky Director, Project on the Middle East Peace Process The Washington Institute for Near East Policy February 5, 2013 Hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, Ranking Member Deutch, and distinguished members of the subcommittee for this wonderful opportunity to testify at your very first session of the new Congress. The issue of unity between Fatah and Hamas is something that the two parties have discussed at different levels since 2007 -- and certainly since the two groups announced an agreement in principle in May 2011. Indeed, a meeting between the groups is scheduled in Cairo in the coming days. One should not rule out that such unity will occur; but the past failures of the groups to unite begs various questions and suggests why unity may not occur in the future. While the idea of unity is popular among divided publics everywhere, there have been genuine obstacles to implementing any unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas. First, it seems that neither Fatah -- the mainstream party of the Palestinian Authority (PA) -- nor Hamas wants to risk what it already possesses, namely Hamas's control of Gaza and the PA's control of its part of the West Bank. Each has its own zone and wants to maintain corresponding control. Second, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has not been willing to commit to a Hamas demand for the end of PA security cooperation with Israel in the West Bank, which has resulted in the arrests of Hamas operatives by the PA. -
Backgrounder on Hamas
APPENDIX F International Relief Fund for the Afflicted and Needy (Canada) Backgrounder on Hamas Appendix F – Backgrounder on Hamas1 Hamas is a radical Sunni terrorist organization that employs political and violent means to pursue the goal of establishing an Islamic Palestinian state in Israel.2 The origins of the movement lie with the Muslim Brotherhood,3 an Islamist organization founded in Egypt in 1928, and led by early Islamist figures such as Hassan el-Banna and Sayyid Qutb. Starting in 1967 and continuing throughout the 1970’s, the Palestinian branch of the Brotherhood gained popularity amongst the people of Gaza via communal activism, religious preaching and education.4 With the outbreak of the first intifada5 against Israel in 1987, the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood moved beyond its basis as a social and religious group establishing Hamas as an Islamist alternative to the secular nationalist resistance led by the PLO. Through its Charter, Hamas clearly states its objectives of establishing an Islamic state in all of Palestine. To realize this goal, the organization relies upon the use of violent jihad, the education of the Palestinian population in its Islamist ideology, providing social services, and promoting the liberation of the “Palestinian land” as an individual duty of Muslims everywhere. Objectives, Strategies, and Structure In its Charter, Hamas describes itself as a “distinct Palestinian Movement which owes its loyalty to Allah, derives from Islam its way of life and strives to raise the banner of Allah over every inch -
Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality
Order Code RS22395 March 3, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary For the first time in its history, the Palestinian parliament is set to be led by Hamas, which the United States and European Union have designated a foreign terrorist organization. Although some lauded the generally free and fair election in January 2006, others criticized the outcome and accused Hamas of “hijacking” democracy. This report provides an overview of the new political realities in the West Bank and Gaza after the election, the challenges Fatah and Hamas face, and possible implications for U.S. policy. This report will be updated as warranted. For more information on the Palestinians, see CRS Report RL33269, Palestinian Elections, by Aaron D. Pina, CRS Issue Brief IB91137 The Middle East Peace Talks, by Carol Migdalovitz, and CRS Report RS22370, U.S. Assistance to the Palestinians, by Jeremy M. Sharp. Background On January 25, 2006, Palestinians voted in parliamentary elections and Hamas emerged as the clear winner, with 74 out of 132 parliamentary seats. Fatah, the dominant party in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), won 45 seats, and 13 seats went to other minor parties. Since then, several governments, including the United States, have cautioned that unless Hamas disavows terrorism, recognizes Israel, and accepts all previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements, diplomatic and economic relations with the Palestinian Authority may be circumscribed or ended altogether. Hamas1 During the 1970s and 1980s, Palestinians experienced a rise in political Islam, embodied in Hamas, founded in 1987 by the late Sheik Ahmad Yasin. -
Tough Choices on Hamas Prompt Arab Disarray by Andrew J
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1465 Tough Choices on Hamas Prompt Arab Disarray by Andrew J. Tabler, Simon Henderson Jan 27, 2009 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew J. Tabler Andrew J. Tabler is the Martin J. Gross fellow in the Geduld Program on Arab Politics at The Washington Institute, where he focuses on Syria and U.S. policy in the Levant. Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis rab support for the Palestinians has been the bedrock of Arab diplomacy for decades, but the recent Israeli A military action against Hamas fighters in the Gaza Strip has divided those backing Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas's Fatah Party and those supporting its Hamas rival. A series of meetings before and after the January 18 unilateral Israeli ceasefire could mark the beginning of significant changes in Arab diplomacy concerning the Palestinians. Arab attitudes toward the emerging threat of a nuclear-armed Iran are also in flux. Background The recent diplomatic maneuvering was marked by drama and near farce. An effort by the small Persian Gulf state Qatar to hold a summit of all Arab states and Iran, as well as Syria-based Hamas leader Khaled Mashal, was challenged by Saudi Arabia, which attempted to host its own gathering. Instead, on January 19, a long-scheduled Arab economic meeting in Kuwait was transformed into a full-scale Arab summit. Historically, Arab summits are dominated by Egypt, the oldest Arab state, and Saudi Arabia, the self-proclaimed leader of the Islamic world and, by virtue of its huge oil reserves, the richest Arab state. -
001-Complaint-Henkin-V-Iran.Pdf
Case 1:19-cv-01184 Document 1 Filed 04/24/19 Page 1 of 39 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) ESTATE OF EITAM HENKIN, by its legal ) representatives, Yoav Armoni and David ) Jackson, ) ) ESTATE OF NAAMA HENKIN, by its legal ) representatives, Yoav Armoni and David ) Jackson, ) ) I.Z.H., a minor, by his guardians ad litem ) YOAV ARMONI and DAVID JACKSON, ) ) M.H.H., a minor, by his guardians ad litem ) YOAV ARMONI and DAVID JACKSON, ) ) N.E.H., a minor, by his guardians ad litem ) YOAV ARMONI and DAVID JACKSON, ) ) N.Y.H., a minor, by his guardians ad litem ) YOAV ARMONI and DAVID JACKSON, ) ) Plaintiffs, ) COMPLAINT ) v. ) Civil Action No. 1:19-cv-1184 ) THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN ) The Ministry of Foreign Affairs ) Imam Khomeini Ave., United Nations St. ) Tehran, Iran, ) ) ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARD ) CORPS ) Armed Forces Headquarters ) Zone 7 – Shariati ) Ghoddoosi Square (Ghaar) ) Tehran, Iran, ) ) IRANIAN MINISTRY OF ) INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY ) (a/k/a Vezarat-e Ettela’at Va Amniat-e ) Keshvar a/k/a VEKAK a/k/a VAJA) ) Second Negarestan St., Pasdaran Ave. ) Tehran, Iran, ) 1 Case 1:19-cv-01184 Document 1 Filed 04/24/19 Page 2 of 39 BANK MARKAZI JOMHOURI ISLAMIC ) IRAN ) a/k/a Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of ) Iran ) No 198, Mirdamad Boulevard ) Tehran, Iran, ) ) BANK MELLI IRAN ) Ferdowsi Avenue ) 10 Building ) P.O. Box 11365-144 Tehran, Iran, ) ) BANK SADERAT IRAN ) 43 Somayeh Ave., ) P.O. Box 15745-631 ) Tehran, Iran, ) ) and ) ) THE SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC ) Ministry of Foreign Affairs ) Damascus, Syria, ) ) Defendants. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Conceptualising Suicide Bombings and Rethinking International Relations Theory: The Case of Hamas, 1987-2006 Rashmi Singh A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2008 UMI Number: U615475 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615475 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ■ rc s g e s F g ^ l \ 12 ^ 0 % im 'zoT - Battles “They'll wake up in the morning And they will fight. That which you saw last night was my dream The other will answer: no, it was my dream They will gently retrieve two pistols From the sides of the same pillow And at the same moment They will fire” - Salvos of Mercy From a selection of poems by Ibrahim Nasrallah Translated by Ibrahim Muhawi Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). -
Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and Iran | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1476 Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and Iran by Mehdi Khalaji Feb 12, 2009 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mehdi Khalaji Mehdi Khalaji, a Qom-trained Shiite theologian, is the Libitzky Family Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis uring a February trip to Iran, Hamas leader Khaled Mashal praised Iranian leaders for their support during D the conflict in the Gaza Strip, a further indication of the strengthening ties between the Sunni Islamist group, which the United States has designated as a terrorist organization, and the Shiite regime in Tehran. Mashal's statements come on the heels of the U.S. Treasury Department's terrorist designations of al-Qaeda leaders and operatives sheltered in Iran. These latest examples of Sunni-Shiite cooperation raise new questions about whether Iran can improve its relationship with Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood. While such a rapprochement appears unlikely, history suggests it is far from impossible. Iran has maintained informal ties to the Muslim Brotherhood for many years, and Shiite Islam probably has more appeal among Egyptian Sunnis than it does among Sunnis in other Arab countries. Iran's sharp criticism of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak is also likely to resonate with Egyptian radicals under the thumb of the regime in Cairo. If Iran were to develop close relations with the Brotherhood, Iranian influence would grow considerably in the Arab world, giving Tehran a significant say among Arab radicals and, undoubtedly, producing dangerous developments for U.S. interests in the region. Ties between Iran and Sunni Extremists Egypt has long been suspicious of the connection between the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and Iran, based in large part on Iran's longstanding strong ties to Hamas -- an offshoot of the Brotherhood. -
Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas?
Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas? Yousef Munayyer March 15, 2017 Background importantly the United States and other western players. Over the course of this time, Since its establishment in the 1980s, the the Fatah faction in the West Bank has been led Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, or by Mahmoud Abbas, who is simultaneously Hamas, has increasingly become an important the chairman of the PLO as well as the player in domestic Palestinian politics as well president of the Ramallah-based Palestinian as in the armed struggle against Israel. As its Authority. The Gaza-based PA, run by Hamas, ranks and its role have grown over the years, has been led by Ismail Haniyeh, who served so too has tension with its rival Palestinian both as prime minister and as head of Hamas’s political faction Fatah. Despite opposing the Gaza-based political organization. Oslo Accords, Hamas decided to enter into the Palestinian political fray in 2006 when it fielded candidates for the Palestinian An Internal Election Legislative Council (PLC), an Oslo-created institution, and ultimately won enough votes For the first time in recent memory, there will to form a Palestinian Authority (PA) governing be a change in the figures playing these roles. coalition. What followed, along with Haniyeh, who has been the Gaza-based Hamas opposition to such an outcome from the West, prime minister since Hamas ran in the PLC was an unwillingness on the part of Fatah to elections, came up to the end of his second partner in any sort of wider coalition. -
Attacking the Leader, Missing the Mark Attacking the Leader, Jenna Jordan Missing the Mark Why Terrorist Groups Survive Decapitation Strikes
Attacking the Leader, Missing the Mark Attacking the Leader, Jenna Jordan Missing the Mark Why Terrorist Groups Survive Decapitation Strikes Does leadership de- capitation lead to the demise of terrorist organizations? Can the United States undermine or destroy terrorist organizations such as al-Qaida by arresting or killing their leaders? What explains organizational resilience to leadership tar- geting? Leadership decapitation, or the killing or capturing of the leaders of terrorist organizations, has become a core feature of U.S. counterterrorism policy. Many scholars and analysts claim that it weakens terrorist organiza- tions and reduces the threat they pose. Unsurprisingly, they saw the killing of Osama bin Laden on May 2, 2011, in Abbottabad, Pakistan, as a major tactical victory for President Barack Obama and for the broader war on terrorism. De- spite the success of this operation and subsequent attacks on al-Qaida leaders, decapitation is unlikely to diminish the ability of al-Qaida to continue its activ- ities in the long run. Rather, it may have counterproductive consequences, em- boldening or strengthening the organization. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States has killed or captured many al-Qaida leaders as part of a general campaign to de- capitate the organization. It has employed a variety of military operations to achieve this objective, including raids by Special Operations forces. Both bin Laden and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of al-Qaida in Iraq, were killed as a result of such raids. On October 5, 2012, U.S. forces captured Abu Anas al-Libi, an al-Qaida leader, in a raid in Libya.