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MEMO POLICY

THE CONTINENT- WIDE RISE OF Jose Ignacio Torreblanca and Leonard

with Dimitar Bechev, Piotr Buras, Petr Drulák, Silvia Francescon, Ulrike Guérot, Thomas Klau, Hans Kundnani, Jonas Parello-Plesner, Teija Tiilikainen, Nicholas Walton, and Jan Marinus Wiersma

It was once seen as a British disease. But Euroscepticism has In the past, there was an unwritten rule that EU institutions now spread across the continent like a virus. As data from would police the and other technical areas shows, trust in the European project has of policy - from common standards for the composition of fallen even faster than growth rates. Since the beginning of tomato paste to lawnmower sound emissions - while national the crisis, trust in the has fallen from governments would continue to have a monopoly on the +10 to -22 percent in , from +20 to -29 percent in delivery of services and policymaking in the most sensitive , from +30 to -22 percent in , from +42 to -52 areas on which national elections depended. percent in , from +50 to +6 percent in , and from -13 to -49 percent in the . Since the crisis began, citizens in creditor countries have become resistant to taking responsibility for the debts of What is so striking is that everyone in the EU has been losing others without having mechanisms for controlling their faith in the project: both creditors and debtors, and spending. With the fiscal compact and demands by the countries, would-be members, and “opt-outs”. Back in 2007, European (ECB) for comprehensive domestic people thought that the UK, which scored -13 percent in reforms, Eurocrats have crossed many of the red lines of trust, was the Eurosceptic outlier. Now, remarkably, the four national , extending their reach way beyond food largest eurozone countries have even lower levels of trust in safety standards to exert control over pensions, , salaries, the EU institutions than Britain did back in 2007. So what is the labour market, and public jobs. These areas go to the going on? heart of states and national identities.

The old explanation for Euroscepticism was the alleged To an increasing number of citizens in southern European existence of a democratic deficit within the EU. Decisions, countries, the EU looks like the International Monetary critics said, were taken by unaccountable institutions rather Fund (IMF) did in Latin America: a golden straitjacket that than elected national governments. But the current crisis is squeezing the space for national and emptying is born not of a clash between and the member their national democracies of content. In this new situation, states but a clash between the democratic wills of citizens governments come or go but policies remain basically the in northern and southern - the so-called centre and same and cannot be challenged. Meanwhile, in northern periphery. And both sides are now using EU institutions to European countries, the EU is increasingly seen to have failed advance their . to control the policies of the southern rim. The creditors have a sense of victimhood that mirrors that of the debtors. If sovereignty is understood as the capacity of the people as a community of the prosperous. Czechs are glad that, unlike to decide what they want for their country, few in either the Slovaks, who joined the single , they were not the north or the south today feel that they are sovereign. A pressured to contribute to the of southern eurozone substantial part of democracy has vanished at the national countries that are seen as relatively rich, irresponsible, level but it has not been recreated at the European level. and profligate. Meanwhile, Czechs do not see any looming security threats that might make them think they need the In a fully functioning national political system, political EU for protection. Recent Czech governments, which have parties would be able to voice these different perspectives been led by moderate and even die-hard Eurosceptics such - and hopefully act as a referee and find common ground as former President Václav Klaus, have also contributed to between them. But that is precisely what the European the general anti-EU mood. political system cannot deliver: because it lacks true political parties, a proper government, and a public sphere, the EU cannot compensate for the failures of national democracies. Instead of a battle of ideas, the EU has been marred by a vicious circle between anti-EU and technocratic agreements between member states that are afraid of their THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM citizens. Although 2012 is the fortieth anniversary of Denmark’s accession to the EU, there seems to be little for Danish Is the rise of anti-EU populism here to stay? The hope is pro-Europeans to celebrate. Net trust in the EU declined that as growth picks up, Euroscepticism will weaken and from +36 percent in 2007 to +2 percent by 2012. This fall eventually recede. But the collapse of trust in the EU runs in popular support matters because Denmark sits outside deeper than that. Enthusiasm for the EU will not return the most integrated part of the EU and cannot integrate unless the EU profoundly changes the way it deals with its further without . Two of the six referendums member states and its citizens. held on Europe in the past were lost by the pro-EU camp: the nej to the treaty in 1992 led to opt-outs on defence, justice, and home affairs and the euro, and laid the legal foundation for a two-speed Europe. Because of growing Euroscepticism, Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt has postponed the on Europe that she promised in her election manifesto. This means Denmark would be Trust in the EU has actually increased slightly since Bulgaria unable to follow the eurozone countries into a banking, fiscal, joined in 2007: 60 percent “tend to trust” the EU now or political union. compared to 54 percent in 2007 (although distrust has also slightly increased, from 21 to 24 percent). Citizens trust Brussels because of the unpopularity of domestic institutions (the most recent Eurobarometer poll suggested that 74 percent distrust the national parliament and 79 percent hold a negative view of political parties). The EU continues to serve as an external corrective for dysfunctional politics at Attitudes towards the EU in Finland are slightly contradictory: home - illustrated by the wave of mass protests in February while levels of support for Finnish membership of the EU and and March that triggered snap parliamentary elections. But the single currency remain high, levels of trust in the EU are although popular anger was directed at Bulgarian elites who much lower and there is little sense of a European identity. were blamed for poverty and rampant , the EU The economic crisis has polarised Finns and the bailouts was no longer invoked as the cure. Private investors from of indebted eurozone countries have been particularly other member states also came under fire, suggesting a shift controversial. The sharp rise in Euroscepticism in Finland to economic nationalism that might also provide fertile gave a boost to the True , which became the third- ground for Euroscepticism in the future. largest party in parliament, with 39 , in the general elections of 2011. But the increase in criticism of the EU has

www.ecfr.eu also led to some strengthening of pro-European sentiments among its supporters. This suggests that while the True Finns will be able to gain political capital by mobilising latent dissatisfaction with the EU, they are less likely to be able to undermine the broad, deep-rooted support for the EU that There has been a steady decline in support for the EU in the exists in Finland.

May 2013 Czech Republic: net support fell from +29 percent in 2007 to -26 percent in 2012. Czechs have a pragmatic rather than idealistic attitude towards the EU: they see EU membership as a “marriage of convenience” that provides prosperity and ECFR/79 security. However, the crisis has tainted the image of the EU 2 Figure 1 EU-13. Trust in the EU - Net Support* (2007-2012)

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0 Italy Spain France

-10 Poland Finland Bulgaria Denmark Germany

-20 UK Czech Republic The -30

-40

-50

-60

-70

2007 2012

Source: Standard Eurobarometer 67, Spring 2007 Standard Eurobarometer 78, November 2012

* “Net support in the EU” has been calculated by subtracting the people who “tend to trust the EU” from the people who “tend not to trust the EU”. A methodological note including a detailed table summarising the data for 27 EU member states can be found on ECFR’s website: http://www.ecfr.eu/publications/summary/the_ continent_wide_rise_of_euroscepticism207

3 France As Greece has experienced widespread civil unrest and anti- immigrant violence, support for explicitly anti-EU parties such as the communist KKE and the far-right Chryssi Avgi For once, France is no exception: since the crisis began, trust (Golden ) has also increased. in the EU has diminished and its image has worsened. In 2012 the number of French respondents who “tend not to trust” the EU rose to 56 percent from 41 percent in 2007. This negative judgment about the EU’s response to the crisis has Italy already had an impact on French politics: it is undoubtedly a factor in the even deeper entrenchment of the violently anti- EU, far-right in France’s political life and an is changing perceptions of the EU among Italian equally significant factor in the political and media success citizens - especially among the young, 40 percent of whom of the radical left leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon. However, if are unemployed. The recent Italian election showed that the are able to identify a visible, resolute, and Italians have lost their faith in, and patience with, Brussels accountable leadership at the EU or eurozone level that gives and and no longer believe that the end of the crisis economic recovery priority by focusing on debt reduction as is around the corner. But although trust in the EU has THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM much as on investment strategies and growth policies, and decreased in Italy, a majority of Italian respondents still see indeed takes the first step towards pan-European welfare themselves as European citizens and identify with Europe. models, then the anti-EU trend could be reversed. In a recent poll, only 1 percent wanted to leave the EU. Instead, a large majority - especially among the business community - wants to move ahead to a real political union that is more democratic and more social than the current Germany EU. The election did not show that Italians want less Europe. Rather, they want a different Europe: one that is more flexible and more symmetrical, less focused on austerity and Germans see themselves as the victims of the euro crisis. more focused on investment in the real economy. They feel they have been betrayed and fear that they will be asked to pay higher taxes or accept higher levels of inflation in order to save the euro. But the jury is still out in Germany on the EU itself. The Eurobarometer data shows that 56 Netherlands percent of Germans have “no trust” in the EU while only 30 percent have a “fairly positive” image of the EU. At the same time, however, populism has so far been contained: the Dutch support for the EU fell from +44 percent in 2007 mainstream political parties all support the euro and recent to -8 percent in 2012. The main reason was the perceived polls show that three quarters of Germans are against leaving weak performance of both the EU and eurozone countries the euro. A new anti-euro party, , in dealing with the crisis. In particular, the Dutch see the EU has just been set up but is so far projected to get at most two as part of the problem rather than the solution. The Greek percent of the vote in September’s general election. Germans in 2010 followed newspaper stories about deceit not love the euro anymore but that does not mean they and mismanagement in debtor countries and was heavily want to leave it. criticised in the media. Populist parties took advantage. Politicians have also been suspected of using the imposed 3 percent deficit target to justify unpopular budget cuts. Although Europe was an issue in election campaigns in 2012, Greece its actual impact on results was limited. The (moderately Eurosceptic) liberal VVD and the (pro-European) centre-left PvdA won, while the anti-European parties failed to profit Before the crisis began in 2012, EU membership was from the growing Euroscepticism of voters. Recent opinion associated in Greece with economic progress, prosperity, polls indicate that the Dutch still support EU membership.

www.ecfr.eu and modernity following totalitarian rule. But since then, Greece has gone through severe recession, harsh austerity, structural reform, and humiliating bailouts. Unsurprisingly, this traumatic experience has led to a precipitous fall in Poland Greek support for the EU: in 2007 net support was +26 percent; by 2012 it was -63 percent. Support for the two

May 2013 biggest political parties, and PASOK, has In May 2012, for the first time since Poland joined the EU, also collapsed. The main beneficiary has been the radical the percentage of Poles who “tend not to trust” the EU (46 party, which opposes the austerity programme agreed percent) was higher than the percentage of Poles who do with the “troika” of the IMF, the , and “tend to trust” it (41 percent) - a remarkable development for a ECFR/79 the ECB but wants Greece to remain in the single currency. country that has traditionally been pro-European. To be sure, 4 the EU still has higher approval ratings than the national UK government, parliament, or public television. However, the EU seems to have lost its reputation as the anchor of stability for a country undergoing a huge social and economic Perceptions of the EU in the UK have changed less transformation. In particular, the Poles are sceptical about dramatically than in many other member states: even the future of the common currency and only 29 percent in 2004 there was a relatively low level of trust in, and a of them now wish to join it. These public attitudes pose a relatively negative image of, the EU. The percentage of those dilemma for the country’s political elite whose ambition is who “tend not to trust” the EU has gone from 48 percent in to be at the centre of power in Europe. Poland’s objective in 2004 to nearly 80 percent in 2012. But this increase began the years ahead will be to stay as close to the core as possible long before the crisis started and is unlikely to be reversed while defending the integrity of the whole EU project. even if and when the crisis is resolved. Given that the UK is unlikely to join the single currency in the foreseeable future, it will be in the third tier of the emerging three-tier Europe (the first made of eurozone members, the second of Portugal would-be “ins”, and the third of eurozone “outs”, in other words those who would not join the eurozone even if they could). Thus the question from a British perspective is how The pro-European consensus at the heart of Portuguese the UK can retain influence from the margins of Europe. In politics has been shaken by the euro crisis: net support particular, there is likely to be a demand for a new settlement for the EU has declined from +41 percent in 2007 to -24 that guarantees the rights of eurozone “outs”. percent in 2012. The three main parties had all pushed for Portugal to be at the heart of , which was associated with economic progress and political stability. However, this also led to stagnation after Portugal joined the single currency despite relative disadvantages in economic productivity and competitiveness. Harsh austerity measures and reforms following the onset of the crisis at first led to relatively few violent demonstrations and little political upheaval. But the deepening recession has led to more public unrest, with anger at Portugal’s situation directed at the EU member states believed to be imposing austerity - above all, Germany. The government of now hopes to get more leeway over budget targets to avoid exacerbating this public anger.

Spain

For decades, Spain saw its relationship with Europe through the eyes of José Ortega y Gasset’s prescription: “Spain is the problem and Europe is the solution.” The dramatic and unprecedented decline in trust in the EU since the crisis began is not simply a result of austerity. After all, Spain went through painful reforms in order to join the EU, and later the euro, and overcome its difficult past. Now, however, the lack of a clear vision about either the national or European future means there is no consensus or legitimacy for the sacrifices that are being demanded of them. Spaniards do not blame Europe for the crisis and do not want to leave the euro. What has eroded their loyalty to, and trust in, Europe is that they have no voice and cannot challenge policies that are clearly not working. Spaniards have not become Eurosceptics – but they have turned into fierce Eurocritics.

5 About the authors

Dimitar Bechev is a Senior Policy Fellow at the on Foreign Relations and the Head of ECFR .

Piotr Buras is Head of ECFR

Petr Drulák is Director of the Institute of International Relations in , and a professor of political science at Charles University

Silvia Francescon is Head of ECFR

Ulrike Guérot is an ECFR Senior Policy Fellow and Representative for Germany THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM

Thomas Klau is an ECFR Senior Policy Fellow and Head of ECFR

Hans Kundnani is Editorial Director at the European Council on Foreign Relations

Mark Leonard is the Founder and Director of ECFR.

Jonas Parello-Plesner is a Senior Policy Fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations

Teija Tiilikainen is Director of the Finnish Institute for International Relations and an ECFR Council Member

José Ignacio Torreblanca is an ECFR Policy Fellow and Head of ECFR .

Nicholas Walton is Communications Director at the European Council on Foreign Relations

Jan Marinus Wiersma is a Senior Visiting Fellow at the Netherlands Institute of Foreign Relations Clingendael www.ecfr.eu May 2013 ECFR/79 6 Also available Dealing with Yanukovych’s The EU and Rights at the The Case for Co-operation in from ECFR Andrew Wilson, March 2010 UN: 2011 Review Crisis Management (ECFR/20) Richard Gowan and Franziska Richard Gowan, June 2012 (ECFR/59) New World Order: The Balance Brantner, September 2011 (ECFR/39) of Soft Power and the Rise of Beyond Wait-and-See: The Way The Periphery of the Periphery: Herbivorous Powers Forward for EU Balkan Policy How to Stop the Demilitarisation The Western and the Euro Ivan Krastev and Mark Leonard, Heather Grabbe, Gerald Knaus and of Europe Crisis October 2007 (ECFR/01) Daniel Korski, May 2010 (ECFR/21) Nick Witney, November 2011 Dimitar Bechev, August 2012 (ECFR/40) (ECFR/60) A Power Audit of EU- A Global Policy Relations François Godement, June 2010 Europe and the Arab Revolutions: Lebanon: Containing Spillover Mark Leonard and Nicu Popescu, (ECFR/22) A New Vision for Democracy and from Syria November 2007 (ECFR/02) Julien Barnes-Dacey, September Towards an EU Human Rights Susi Dennison and Anthony 2012 (ECFR/61) Poland’s second return to Europe? 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Nick Witney and Anthony Dworkin, Afghanistan: Europe’s The EU and Human Rights at the José Ignacio Torreblanca and Mark September 2012 (ECFR/62) forgotten war UN: 2010 Review Leonard, November 2011 (ECFR/42) Daniel Korski, January 2008 Richard Gowan and Franziska Transnistria: A Bottom-up Solution (ECFR/04) Brantner, September 2010 (ECFR/24) Four Scenarios for the Reinvention Nicu Popescu and Leonid Litra, of Europe September 2012 (ECFR/63) Meeting Medvedev: The Politics of The Spectre of a Multipolar Europe Mark Leonard, November 2011 the Putin Succession Ivan Krastev & Mark Leonard with (ECFR/43) Why the Euro Crisis Threatens the Andrew Wilson, February 2008 Dimitar Bechev, Jana Kobzova (ECFR/05) & Andrew Wilson, October 2010 Dealing with a Post-Bric Russia Sebastian Dullien, October 2012 (ECFR/25) Ben Judah, Jana Kobzova and Nicu (ECFR/64) Re-energising Europe’s Security Popescu, November 2011 (ECFR/44) and Defence Policy Beyond Maastricht: a New Deal The EU and Ukraine after the 2012 Nick Witney, July 2008 (ECFR/06) for the Eurozone Rescuing the euro: what is China’s Elections Thomas Klau and François ? Andrew Wilson, November 2012 Can the EU win the Peace in Godement, December 2010 François Godement, November 2011 (ECFR/65) ? 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A Power Audit of EU-China Turning Presence into Power: March 2012 (ECFR/50) Sebastian Dullien and José Ignacio Relations Lessons from the Eastern Torreblanca, December 2012 John Fox and Francois Godement, Neighbourhood Syria: Towards a Political Solution (ECFR/70) April 2009 (ECFR/12) Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson, Julien Barnes-Dacey, March 2012 May 2011 (ECFR/31) (ECFR/51) Shooting In The Dark? Beyond the “War on Terror”: EU Sanctions Policies Towards a New Transatlantic ’s Hybrid Revolution: a How the EU Can Support Reform Konstanty Gebert, January 2013 Framework for Counterterrorism Bolder EU Approach in Burma (ECFR/71) Anthony Dworkin, May 2009 Anthony Dworkin, Daniel Korski and Jonas Parello-Plesner, March 2012 (ECFR/13) Nick Witney, May 2011 (ECFR/32) (ECFR/52) The New Political The Limits of Enlargement-lite: A Chance to Reform: How the EU China at the crossroads edited by Nicholas Walton European and Russian Power in can support Democratic Evolution François Godement, April 2012 and Jan Zielonka, January 2013 the Troubled Neighbourhood in Morocco (ECFR/53) (ECFR/72) Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson, Susi Dennison, Nicu Popescu and June 2009 (ECFR/14) José Ignacio Torreblanca, Europe and Jordan: Reform European Foreign Policy Scorecard May 2011 (ECFR/33) before it’s too late 2013 The EU and human rights at the Julien Barnes-Dacey, April 2012 February 2013 (ECFR/73) UN: 2009 annual review China’s Janus-faced Response to (ECFR/54) Richard Gowan and Franziska the Arab Revolutions The Struggle for Pluralism after Brantner, September 2009 (ECFR/15) Jonas Parello-Plesner and Raffaello China and Germany: Why the the North African Revolutions Pantucci, June 2011 (ECFR/34) Emerging Special Relationship Anthony Dworkin, March 2013 What does Russia think? Matters for Europe (ECFR/74) edited by Ivan Krastev, Mark What does think? Hans Kundnani and Jonas Parello- Leonard and Andrew Wilson, Edited by Dimitar Bechev, June 2011 Plesner, May 2012 (ECFR/55) Georgia’s bumpy transition: How September 2009 (ECFR/16) (ECFR/35) the EU can help After Merkozy: How France and Jana Kobzova, April 2013 (ECFR/75) Supporting ’s Democratic What does Germany think about Germany Can Make Europe Work Transition Europe? Ulrike Guérot and Thomas Klau, Egypt, the IMF and European Nicu Popescu, October 2009 Edited by Ulrike Guérot and May 2012 (ECFR/56) Economic Assistance (ECFR/17) Jacqueline Hénard, June 2011 Farah Halime, April 2013 (ECFR/76) (ECFR/36) The EU and Azerbaijan: Can the EU rebuild failing states? Beyond Oil Europe’s Strategic Cacophony A review of Europe’s Civilian The Scramble for Europe Jana Kobzova and Leila Alieva, Olivier de France and Nick Witney, Capacities François Godement and Jonas May 2012 (ECFR/57) April 2013 (ECFR/77) Daniel Korski and Richard Gowan, Parello-Plesner with Alice Richard, October 2009 (ECFR/18) July 2011 (ECFR/37) A Europe of Incentives: How to Europe and The Vanishing Regain the Trust of Citizens and Two-State Solution Towards a Post-American Europe: Palestinian Statehood at the UN: Markets Nick Witney, May 2013 (ECFR/78) A Power Audit of EU-US Relations Why Europeans Should Vote “Yes” Mark Leonard and Jan Zielonka, Jeremy Shapiro and Nick Witney, Daniel Levy and Nick Witney, June 2012 (ECFR/58) October 2009 (ECFR/19) September 2011 (ECFR/38) 7 The European Council on Foreign Ingrid Bonde () Aleš Debeljak () Charles Grant (United Kingdom) Relations is a unique strategic CFO & Deputy CEO, Vattenfall AB Poet and Cultural Critic Director, Centre for European Reform community composed of over two hundred members – including (Italy) Jean-Luc Dehaene () Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) serving foreign ministers, members Foreign Minister Member of the ; Director of the Center for International of parliament, former NATO secretary former Prime Minister Conflict Resolution, Columbia generals, intellectuals and business Stine Bosse (Denmark) University; former Deputy Joint Special leaders – from across Europe Chairman & Non-Executive Board Gianfranco Dell’Alba (Italy) Envoy of the United Nations and the Member Director, Confindustria Delegation League of Arab States on Syria to Brussels; former Member of the Asger Aamund (Denmark) Franziska Brantner (Germany) European Parliament Elisabeth Guigou (France) President and CEO, A. 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THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM (United Kingdom) Member of Parliament Ian Buruma (The Netherlands) Andrew Duff (United Kingdom) Hans Hækkerup (Denmark) Writer and academic Member of the European Parliament Ekim Alptekin Former Chairman, Defence Commission; former Defence Minister (Turkey/The Netherlands) Erhard Busek () Mikuláš Dzurinda (Slovakia) President, Turkish American Business Chairman of the Institute for the Former Foreign Minister Heidi Hautala (Finland) Association Danube and Hans Eichel (Germany) Minister for International Development Luis Amado (Portugal) (Poland) Former Finance Minister Sasha Havlicek (United Chairman, Banco Internacional do Member of the European Parliament; Kingdom) Funchal (Banif) former President of the European Rolf Ekeus (Sweden) Parliament; former Prime Minister Former Executive Chairman, United Executive Director, Institute for Strategic (Italy) Nations Special Commission on Iraq; Dialogue (ISD) Former Prime Minister; Chairman, Gunilla Carlsson (Sweden) former OSCE High Commissioner on Minister for International Development National Minorities; 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Deputy Director, Dinu Patriciu European Affairs Center of the Atlantic Council of the Rory Stewart (United Kingdom) Vesna Pusic´ () Member of Parliament United States Nils Muiznieks () Foreign Minister Commissioner for (Finland) Bernard Kouchner (France) Human Rights Robert Reibestein Former Minister of Foreign Affairs Minister for Foreign Trade and Hildegard Müller (Germany) (The Netherlands) European Affairs; former Foreign Ivan Krastev (Bulgaria) Chairwoman, BDEW Bundesverband Director, McKinsey & Company Minister Chair of Board, Centre for Liberal der Energie- und Wasserwirtschaft Strategies George Robertson Michael Stürmer (Germany) Wolfgang Münchau (Germany) (United Kingdom) Chief Correspondent, Die Welt (Bulgaria) President, Eurointelligence ASBL Former Secretary General of NATO President of ‘Bulgaria of the Citizens’ Ion Sturza (Romania) movement Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (Romania) Albert Rohan (Austria) President, GreenLight Invest; former Professor of Democracy Studies, Hertie Former Secretary General for Foreign Prime Minister of the Republic of Aleksander Kwas´niewski School of Governance Affairs Moldova (Poland) Former President Kalypso Nicolaïdis Adam D. 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International and European Affairs Olivier Roy (France) Professor, European University Institute, Florence Teija Tiilikainen (Finland) Miroslav Lajcˇák (Slovakia) Christine Ockrent (Belgium) Director, Finnish Institute for Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Editorialist Foreign and European Affairs Daniel Sachs (Sweden) International Relations Andrzej Olechowski (Poland) CEO, Proventus Alexander Graf Lambsdorff Nathalie Tocci (Italy) Former Foreign Minister Ghassan Salamé Deputy Director, Istituto Affari (Germany) Internazionali Member of the European Parliament Dick Oosting (The Netherlands) (Lebanon/France) CEO, European Council on Foreign Dean, Paris School of International Luisa Todini (Italy) (France) Relations; former Europe Director, Affairs; Professor of International Chair, Todini Finanziaria S.p.A; Member Honorary President, Notre Europe and Amnesty International Relations at Sciences Po and Columbia of the Board of Directors, RAI Director-General of WTO; former EU University Commissioner Mabel van Oranje Loukas Tsoukalis (Greece) (The Netherlands) Pasquale Salzano (Italy) Professor, University of and Thomas Leysen (Belgium) Senior Advisor, The Elders Vice President for International President, ELIAMEP Chairman, Umicore Governmental Affairs, ENI Anita Orbán (Hungary) Erkki Tuomioja (Finland) (France) Ambassador-at-Large for Energy Stefano Sannino (Italy) Foreign Minister Former Minister for Food, Agriculture Security, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Director General for Enlargement, & Fishing European Commission Daniel Valtchev, (Bulgaria) Marcelino Oreja Aguirre (Spain) Former Deputy PM and Minister of Mark Leonard (United Kingdom) Member of the Board, Fomento de Javier Santiso (Spain) Education Director, European Council on Foreign Construcciones y Contratas; former EU Director, Office of the CEO of Telefónica Relations Commissioner Europe Jordi Vaquer (Spain) Director, Open Society Initiative for Jean-David Lévitte (France) Monica Oriol (Spain) Marietje Schaake Europe Former Senior Diplomatic Advisor and CEO, Seguriber (The Netherlands) former Sherpa to the President of the Member of the European Parliament Vaira Vike-Freiberga (Latvia) French Republic; former Ambassador to Andrés Ortega (Spain) Former President the United States Writer & journalist; former Director of Klaus Scharioth (Germany) Policy Planning, Office of the Spanish Dean of the Mercator Fellowship Antonio Vitorino (Portugal) Sonia Licht () Prime Minister. on International Affairs; former Lawyer; former EU Commissioner President, Fund for Political Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Excellence Cem Özdemir (Germany) Germany to the US Andre Wilkens (Germany) Leader, Bündnis90/Die Grünen (Green Director Mercator Centre Berlin & Juan Fernando López Aguilar Party); Member of Parliament Pierre Schori (Sweden) Director Strategy, Stiftung Mercator (Spain) Chair, Olof Palme Fund; Member of the European Parliament; Ana Palacio (Spain) former Director General, FRIDE; former Karla Wursterová former Minister of Justice Member of the Council of State; former SRSG to Cote d’Ivoire Director, International Visegrad Fund Foreign Minister; former Senior Vice Adam Lury (United Kingdom) President and General Counsel of the Wolfgang Schüssel (Austria) Carlos Alonso Zaldívar (Spain) CEO, Menemsha Ltd Former Federal Chancellor Former Ambassador to Brazil Simon Panek (Czech Republic) Karel Schwarzenberg Stelios Zavvos (Greece) Monica Macovei (Romania) CEO, Zeus Capital Managers Ltd Member of the European Parliament Chairman, People in Need Foundation (Czech Republic) Foreign Minister Emma Marcegaglia (Italy) Chris Patten (United Kingdom) Samuel Žbogar (Slovenia) Chair, BBC Trust; Chancellor of Oxford EU Representative to ; former CEO of Marcegalia S.p.A; former Giuseppe Scognamiglio (Italy) Foreign Minister President, Confindustria University; former EU Commissioner Executive Vice President, Head of Public Affairs Department, S.p.A Marco Margheri (Italy) Diana Pinto (France) Senior Vice President Public and EU Historian and author Piotr Serafin (Poland) Affairs, Edison S.p.A Georgi Pirinski (Bulgaria) Secretary of State for European Affairs Katharina Mathernova (Slovakia) Former Deputy Speaker of the Bulgarian Senior Advisor, World Bank Parliament 9 www.ecfr.eu does not make grants to individuals or institutions. in partnership with other think tanks and organisations but and advocate for a values-based EU foreign policy. 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