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Seminarbericht 28 dern auch soziale Sicherheit durch die Übernahme Vielmehr wird sich in den kommenden Jahren von Bildungs- und Versorgungsfunktionen, die der entscheiden, welches Format diese junge Nation Staat in manchen Teilen seines Territoriums nicht ausbildet. Ihre Selbstidentifikation ergibt sich erfüllen kann. Die Bischöfe von Dili und Baucau, dabei über externe und interne Faktoren. Exter- Alberto Ricardo da Silva und Basílio do Nascimen- ne Identifikation findet besonders über das to, sind entsprechend weltlich einflussreich und Verhältnis Osttimors zu den großen Nachbarn willens, zukünftige gesellschaftspolitische Diskurse, Indonesien und Australien statt. Sieht Osttimor sei es zur Familie, der Rolle der Frau oder zur Ahn- seinen Platz in der Gemeinschaft Südostasiati- dung von Abtreibung und Prostitution, in dieser scher Nationen (ASEAN) oder eher doch in der katholischen Nation mitzubestimmen. Die rund Familie portugiesischsprachiger Länder? Wie dreiwöchigen Demonstrationen tausender Osttimo- werden Osttimor und Indonesien ihre schwieri- resen im April und Mai 2005 zur Beibehaltung des ge gemeinsame Geschichte aufarbeiten? obligatorischen Religionsunterrichts an den Schulen Intern treffen wie beschrieben verschiedene bewiesen ihren Rückhalt in der Bevölkerung. Erfahrungswelten aufeinander, die sich auch in zukünftigen politischen Auseinandersetzungen Bilanz und Ausblick manifestieren. Diese werden in mittelbarer Zu- kunft auch ohne die maßregelnde Aufsicht der Osttimor ist ein junger, wachsender, aber mit noch charismatischen Führungsikonen Gusmão und vielerlei strukturellen Unzulänglichkeiten behafte- Ramos-Horta stattfinden müssen. Politisch ver- ter Staat. Zahlreiche Interviews des Autors in Ost- heißungsvoll und stabilisierend ist dabei, dass timor zeigen, dass die hohe Arbeitslosigkeit, die in der politischen Klasse und in der Bevölke- schwache Wirtschaft und die nur eingeschränkte rung ein grundlegender Konsens darüber be- Versorgungsfunktion des Staates bei vielen Ostti- steht, die zurück erworbene Unabhängigkeit in moresen mittlerweile für eine eher nüchterne Bilanz einen politisch stabilen Erfolg zu verwandeln. ihrer Unabhängigkeit sorgen. Ein hoher Grad an nationalem Zusammenhaltsgefühl dämmte bislang Konflikte ein, wobei die Grenzen dieser Einheit bei Andre Borgerhoff ist Doktorand am Institut für den Unruhen im April 1999 deutlich wurden. Vor Politikwissenschaft der Universität Münster und allem die Erfahrung des gemeinsamen Widerstands Stipendiat der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Privat en- hat diese junge Nation schnell reifen lassen. Der gagiert er sich im Vorstand der Deutschen Osttimor Nationsbildungsprozess ist aber nicht am Ende. Gesellschaft (DOTG). Kontakt: [email protected] Projekt Nation-Building gescheitert? Eine Einschätzung der politischen Krise in Osttimor Andre Borgerhoff Osttimor ist in diesen Tagen vorerst einem Bürger- Zu spät erkennt die Regierung die politische krieg entgangen. Weltweit haben die Berichte über Dimension eines Streiks, in den im Februar 2006 gewalttätige Ausschreitungen, anarchische Zustän- 594 Soldaten der 1400 Mann zählenden Armee de und eine Massenflucht der Menschen aus der Falintil-FDTL treten. Die Streikenden stammen Hauptstadt Dili für große Bestürzung gesorgt. Der zum Großteil aus den westlichen Distrikten von Australien angeführten internationalen Ein- (Loro Munu) Osttimors. Sie beklagen schlechte greiftruppe ist es wohl gelungen, die Sicherheitssi- Arbeitsbedingungen und fühlen sich von ihren tuation zu stabilisieren. Der durch die Krise einge- Kameraden aus dem Osten (Loro Sae) vielfach tretene Schaden ist aber umfassend. Die Osttimore- (wie z.B. bei Beförderungen) übervorteilt. Ihre sen haben das Vertrauen in die Schutzfunktion des Aktivitäten koordiniert Leutnant Gastão Salsin- Staats verloren. International hat das Vorzeigepro- ha. Präsident Gusmão bietet den Streikenden jekt für Nation-Building einen herben Rückschlag eine Untersuchung der Umstände an, kann sie erlitten. Bedauerlich ist auch, dass Gewalt als Mittel aber nicht zur Wiederaufnahme des Dienstes der Auseinandersetzung kaum an Legitimität verlo- bewegen. Mitte März veranlasst daher Brigade- ren hat. general Taur Matan Ruak mit Unterstützung Focus Asien Nr. 27 „Osttimor - vier Jahre Unabhängigkeit“ 29 des Premierministers Mari Alkatiri die Entlassung den Alltag der Osttimoresen bindende Wir- der Streikenden. kung. Ihr Ursprung ist obskur und datiert in die Die Lage spitzt sich bei einer Protestwoche der Zeit des Kolonialismus. Dionisio Babo Soares Streikenden in Dili Ende April zu. Von Anfang an führt den Namen Firaku auf das portugiesische mischen sich gewaltbereite Jugendliche unter die vira o cu (jemandem dem Rücken zuwenden) Demonstranten. Zu einer Eskalation kommt es dann zurück, was den rebellischen Charakter der am Freitag, dem 28. April, vor dem Regierungspa- Ostler impliziert. Loro Sae umfasst die Gegen- last in den schwersten Unruhen seit 1999. Die Poli- den um Lautem, Baucau, Viqueque und Mana- zei kann ein Ausbreiten der Gewalt auf die gesamte tuto. Firaku beanspruchen den Sieg gegen die Stadt nicht verhindern. Marodierende Jugendban- indonesische Besatzungsmacht durch ihren den verbrennen, zerstören, plündern und töten dauerhaften Widerstand bis zum September vielfach blindlings besonders in den Vororten Taci- 1999. Zu ihnen gehören ein Großteil der militä- Tolu, Taibessi, Comoro und Becora. Mindestens 27 rischen Elite sowie der Präsident. Den eher Menschen kommen dabei um. Andere Quellen verschlossenen Kaladi (calada bedeutet still, reden von 30 bis zu 70 Toten. Tausende Osttimore- leise) in Loro Munu (Dili, Aileu, Ainaro, Same, sen fliehen aus Dili in das bergige Umland und die Ermera, Bobonaro, Suai, Liquiça und Oecussi) Distrikte. Die Zahl der Flüchtlinge wächst schnell werfen die Firaku vor, während des Unabhän- auf bis zu 100.000 Menschen. Davon halten sich gigkeitskampfes mit Indonesien sympathisiert rund 65.000 in Camps außerhalb Dilis, 4000 am zu haben. Die Indonesier hätten meist Kaladi als Flughafen, weitere 3500 am Hafen und 3000 auf Polizisten rekrutiert. Viele von ihnen wurden dem Gelände der Vereinten Nationen (VN) auf. später von den VN und dem osttimoresischen Rund 16.500 Menschen suchen Schutz in Kirchen Staat übernommen. Hieraus rührt der Konflikt und Missionen wie z.B. bei den Salesianern Don zwischen Militär und Polizei. Bosco. Mitarbeiter internationaler Organisationen Ein regionaler, ethnischer und sprachlicher flüchten in die befestigten Areale der amerikani- Schmelztiegel ist Dili, wo regelmäßige Straßen- schen Botschaft und der VN oder werden evakuiert. kämpfe zwischen Gangs aus dem Osten und Die Krise hat eine Erhöhung der Preise zur Folge. dem Westen stattfinden. Dennoch gibt es auch Benzin ist verknappt. zahlreiche verwandtschaftliche Beziehungen In Osttimor sind gleich mehrere politische Pulver- zwischen den Distrikten und von Osttimoresen fässer, in denen wirtschaftlich-soziale, regional- mit Ausländern, durch Heirat mit Indonesiern, historische und machtpolitische Belange eine Rolle Chinesen, Portugiesen, Australiern und ande- spielen, explodiert. Aus wirtschaftlich-sozialer ren. Präsident Xanana ist mit einer Australierin Perspektive verwehrt vor allem die weiterhin hohe verheiratet, der Oppositionsführer Fernando La Erwerbslosigkeit den jungen Osttimoresen sämtli- Sama mit einer Philippina, Taur Matan Ruak che Zukunftsperspektiven. Besonders Kampfsport- aus Baucau mit Isabel Ferreira aus Same. Die oder Ninja-Gruppen fangen diese Menschen auf. regionale Konfliktlinie West-Ost hat somit vor Bei den Ausschreitungen am Regierungspalast trat allem der Mobilisierung unzufriedener Soldaten z.B. wiederholt die Gruppe Colimau 2000, ange- gedient. Die dahinter stehenden politischen führt durch Osório Reki, in Erscheinung. Junge Interessen bedürfen einer weiteren Aufarbei- Männer ohne Geld, ohne Jobs, mit keinem Status, tung. Eine Untersuchungskommission aus Ver- keinem Respekt und nicht zu tun, welche die De- tretern der Regierung, des Präsidenten, des mos als Vorwand für Vandalismus, Diebstahl, und Parlaments, der katholischen Kirche, des NGO Unruhen missbrauchten. Sie profitieren von einem Forums und der Justiz, soll sich den Belangen Machtvakuum, das nicht nur durch das misstraui- der Deserteure widmen. Ihre „Fall zu Fall“ Vor- sche, gar feindliche Verhältnis zwischen abtrünni- gehensweise impliziert aber eine langwierige gen und loyalen Soldaten, sondern auch zwischen Bearbeitung. Militär und Polizei existiert. Zur Erklärung muss Der machtpolitische Konflikt wird sich hier- hierfür der regional-historische Aspekt der Krise durch kaum eindämmen lassen. Premier Alkati- hinzugezogen werden. Die Unterscheidung von ri steht unter großem Druck, sein Amt zur Ver- Loro Munu, Westlern oder auch Kaladi und den fügung zu stellen. Öffentlichkeitswirksam und Loro Sae, den Ostlern oder auch Firaku, mag in regelmäßig fordert Rebellenchef Major Alfredo einem kleinem Land wie Osttimor, das aus einer Reinado, der sich außerhalb Dilis mit abtrünni- starken Nationalbewegung entstand, konstruiert gen Soldaten verschanzt hat, den Rücktritt des und unwirklich erscheinen. Sie entfaltet jedoch für Premiers. Alkatiri ist in mehrfacher Hinsicht ein Focus Asien Nr. 27 „Osttimor - vier Jahre Unabhängigkeit“ 30 Außenseiter in Osttimor. Lange Jahre verbrachte sich nicht in die inneren Angelegenheiten Ost- der Sohn jemenitischer Siedler in Mosambik. Er ist timors einzumischen. Alkatiri hat jedenfalls das einer der wenigen Moslems im vorwiegend katholi- Motiv internationaler Einmischung dankbar
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