Relations Between Soccer Team Owners and Fans in Israel: a Case Study of Maccabi Tel Aviv FC
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Journal of Physical Education and Sport ® (JPES), 11(4), Art 64, pp.420 - 430, 2011 online ISSN: 2247 - 806X; p-ISSN: 2247 – 8051; ISSN - L = 2247 - 8051 © JPES Original Article Whose Team Is It? Relations Between Soccer Team Owners and Fans in Israel: A Case Study of Maccabi Tel Aviv FC YAIR GALILY1, DROR RUBIN2, MOSHE LEVY3 1,2,3,Zinman College, Wingate Institute ISRAEL Published online: December 25, 2011 (Accepted for publication December 5, 2011) Abstract The paper aims to better understand the significance and characteristics of the phenomenon of soccer team ownership in Israel, and its impact on relation patterns between soccer team owners and fans. The central claim is that that the privatization of team ownership has redefined the nature of relations between the two sides, and has led to the development a conflicting relationship between them. The emotional viewpoint held by fans, a central element of their identity, has suddenly juxtaposed with the business viewpoint held by the team owner. In Israel, the gap between these two viewpoints has led to a rift, with relations even deteriorating in to violence. Keywords: Privatization, Soccer, Fans, Maccabi Tel Aviv FC Introduction The widespread influence of capitalization and globalization processes during the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has brought about significant changes in the character of soccer and the way the game is perceived. The privatization of soccer teams has been explained in detail by the commercialization thesis, which claims that within several years a large number of teams were transformed from community representation frameworks into worldwide economic empires (Coakley, 2009; Guilianotti & Robertson, 2004). The current paper aims to better understand the significance and characteristics of the private soccer team ownership phenomenon in Israel, and its impact on relation patterns between soccer team owners and fans. The central claim, which will be expanded upon below, is that change in ownership patterns has redefined the nature of relations between the two sides and has led to the development of conflicting relations between them. The emotional viewpoint held by fans, a central element of their identity, has suddenly been juxtaposed with the business viewpoint held by team owners. In England, as in Israel, the gap between those viewpoints has led to a rift, with relations deteriorating into violence. This paper contends that understanding the phenomenon described here can teach us a great deal about how social struggle is carried out, how relations can deteriorate into violence, and what means and strategies can be employed to deter violence. Moreover, we maintain that conflicting relations between soccer fans and team owners reflect economic and social trends which require examination. In seeking to comprehend the processes and achieve the above aims, we found it useful to call upon the ‘figurational’ or ‘process sociology’ developed by Norbert Elias. Elias’s sociology (Elias, 1978), offers a useful approach to the study of the development of sports and other procedural aspects of culture. We will argue that the process through which sports gambling developed in Israel can be understood adequately only by presenting it in a historical context and by examining its interdependent processes. Using aJPES process-sociological perspective, we paid particular attention to balance of power among individuals and groups. The struggles between sport organizations ies and private entrepreneurs in Israel are examples of balances of power that led to both intended and unintended consequences. In the global era new trends can quickly spread to many other countries, Israel among them. Until the 1990s, Israeli soccer was influenced by the integration of sport and politics. Soccer teams belonged to various sport associations, such as Hapoel, Maccabi, Beitar, etc., which belonged to, or were sponsored, by political parties. Associations appointed party representatives as team managers. Thus, during those years soccer served as a tool for reinforcing identification between the fan and a political framework, and reflected the extent of the politicization of Israeli society (Ben Porat, 2001, Resnik, 2002; Baram, 2004). Globalization, the interface between the global and the local (Giulinoatti & Robertson, 2004), has given off its signals in the local sport arena as well. In his book "From a Game to Merchandise", Ben Porat (2002) describes the story of Israeli soccer in light of the expansion and the empowerment of privatization and capitalization processes in the country, and their influence on team ownership patterns. The weakening of the links to political parties which began in the 1980s became a fait accompli once all the senior teams in the league turned to private hands (Ben Porat, 2002). Israeli soccer, like other soccer leagues around the world (especially in the U.K.), underwent a rapid process of commercialization, which reached a peak with the shift in team ownership patterns from political to private. In 1992 the soccer team Maccabi Haifa was purchased by businessman Ya'akov Shahar, and became the first team in Israel whose ownership was transferred from the 420 Corresponding Author: YAIR GALILY, Email: [email protected] YAIR GALILY, DROR RUBIN, MOSHE LEVY hands of a sport association to a private individual. The process of soccer teams transferring to private ownership spread quickly, and was accompanied by a number of trends including securing contracts with foreign backup players, astronomical salary rises for players and profit increases from selling broadcasting rights of soccer games (Ben Porat, 1999; Ben Porat & Ben Porat, 2004). How has the change in the management of the game impacted soccer fans? As far back as the early days of the game in England in the 19th century, and until today, soccer has been a fans' game. Soccer fans are defined as spectators of soccer games who identify with a particular team and display loyalty and emotional identification with it (Guttmann, 1986; Wann et al. 2001). The relations fans have with their teams have been compared to those of believers with their religion (Dunning, 1999:6). The importance of the team's symbol, the enthusiastic chanting, the perception of the stadium as a holy place, the admiration given to the players including the attribution of super-natural abilities to some, the sense of community created among the fans and the feeling of spiritual elevation at times of victory, support the claim that the team and the game represent a substitute for religion for many fans (Coles, 1975). The fans' deep commitment to their soccer team is forged and strengthened as respect, status, and community and personal integrity are assumed by the fans (Real & Mechikoff, 1992). Thus, the team's achievements represent confirmation of the fan's self-respect (Wann et al., 2001). Ben Porat (2000) argues that a soccer team represents a reference group for the fan (Merton, 1949). Fans develop an entire compilation of values, behaviors, opinions and norms in light of their identification with the team. The development of deep identification with and commitment to the team by the fan usually begins at an early age. The process of the fan's connection to the team is often mediated first by a significant figure. Ties are developed based on emotion, history and a sense of mutual belonging – I belong to the team, and the team belongs to me (Hopcraft, 1971; Critcher, 1979; Guttmann, 1986; Taylor, 1992; Hornby, 1992; Duquin, 2000; Wann et al., 2001; Giulianotti, 2002; Ben Porat, 2002; Cooper, 2002; Baram, 2004). Nevertheless, the characteristics of a team's fans are not necessarily similar, and over the years the range of types who make up the character of fans has grown. Fans differ in the intensity and the motives for supporting their team. Giulianotti, who examined fan types in the U.K. at the beginning of the 21st century, claims that the change in the way soccer in U.K. was managed in the 1990s as well as the transfer of team ownership to private hands, have brought about change in the character of the typical British soccer team fan. He argues that the traditional fan has been replaced by a new one – the urban consumer (Giulianotti, 2002). The traditional soccer supporter, usually of lower socioeconomic status, recognized a common denominator for broad class and community identification with the team. However, in contrast the urban consumer reflects the climate of the economic-social era. This personality type belongs to a middle or high socioeconomic status and identifies with the change in social status and prestige of the game. These fans' connection to the team is entirely different from that of traditional fans. They hold a consumer's promotional brand-name viewpoint. Such fans are especially attracted to the big soccer clubs, who represent for them success, professionalism, wealth and social prestige. Giulianotti has emphasized the tension that has grown between the different fan types, as traditional supporters increasingly feel they are being pushed out of the stadium. Indeed, studies have shown that many traditional soccer fans are no longer present at games due to the increase in ticket prices (Campbell, 1999). How are the relations between team owners and fans conducted? The motives, strategies and broader meanings of how relations between the sides are handled have been examined by literature on negotiation and conflict resolution.States of conflict develop in many cases as a result of competition for resources by the different sides. Competition creates a division between "us" and "them" – the ingroup and the outgroup (Sherif, 1966). An individual's sense of belongingness to the group occurs is reinforced when the group provides a framework and a source of identificationJPES for that person. Identification is then accompanied by the aggrandizement of the reference group, and in contrast, the attenuation of the outgroup. As a result, the team's success is perceived as the individual's personal success (Tajfel, 1982).