LOCATIONAL STRESS ON 'S URBAN FRINGE: BANDAR TUN RAZAK CASE STUDIES

Peter J. Rimmer, George C.H. Cho

Australian National University Canberra College of Advanced Education Canberra, A.C.T., Australia Belconnen, A.C.T, Australia

... to ascertain the needs of people, we must rely on what they themselves believe to be their needs in the light of their own values, aspirations and experiences. In turn, this implies that the emphasis should be placed on micro-level studies which examine the dual effect the distribution of resources has on behaviour and the levels of satisfaction achieved ... The potential of the stress game technique as an aid to the exploration of human behaviour and the needs at the micro-level is demonstrated ... Yet, the potential of this approach has not been fully realised especially in the way it enables householders to nominate the changes necessary to remedy the problem (1: 288).

1. AN EXPLORATORY STUDY

Researchers examining accessibility to jobs in Kuala Lumpur, , have been well-served by data derived from conventional surveys undertaken as part of comprehensive transport studies of the conurbation and the Klang Valley of which it is part (see, for example, 2,3). An examination of access to educational and retail facilities within eight local areas chosen because of their distinctive socio-economic characteristics, however, has exposed the limitations of the coarse zonal data. Indeed, the zonal information masks important differences in the travel patterns of various social classes, ethnic groups, and males and females. As a means of supplementing metropolitan and local area surveys an exploratory study was undertaken in January 1987 of individual households in one of the eight areas studied -- Bandar Tun Razak -- to provide information on travel behaviour and preferences in a residential setting, travel decision-making processes and travel patterns (Fig. 1). Bandar Tun Razak, an incipient suburb, was chosen for this exercise because it was one of four new 'growth centres' being undertaken by City Hall on the periphery of Kuala Lumpur in a bid to accommodate the capital's very rapid growth in population. At present, Bandar Tun Razak's 1814 hectare site is predominantly residential with both public and private housing schemes though there are plans for institutional and educational development, industrial zones and a metropolitan park. In 1987, it had a population of over 65,000 but by the year 2000 it is expected to reach 140,000 and provide 72,000 jobs (Dewan Bandaraya, 1984). Already, City Hall has been active in improving the immediate residential environment by offering better quality, low- and medium- cost, high and low-rise public housing with carefully-planned thoroughfares to reduce traffic and noise pollution. Although the site is being developed by City Hall for permanent residence a large proportion of the multi-storey flats is being used to 'park' families that have been displaced from inner-city squatter areas while private developers replace the existing single-storey dwellings with new five-storey flats.

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BANDAR TUN RAZAI<

Q Residential ® Education Commercial . Community lacililies ® Public utilities Open space

0. Mosque o loo no A Sumo Figure 1. Location of Bandar Tun Razak

The privatisation project -- one of many -- is intended to dispel locational stress associated with the dwelling itself and noise and air pollution that are all-too-familiar features experienced by families in squatter dwellings adjacent to major thoroughfares in Kuala Lumpur. T.ie temporary displacement of families to Bandar Tun Razak, therefore, has done much to overcome their previous site-related locational stress associated with dilapidated buildings, restrictions on water supply and poor sanitation. The displaced families, however, are experiencing another variant of locational stress in Bandar Tun Razak. It is attributable to the disparity between travel demand and transport availability. This situational-type of locational stress and its associated transport factors in Bandar Tun Razak is affected by permanent and temporary residents having to travel by the congested Cheras Road bottleneck to reach workplaces, schools and major shopping centres in other parts of the Kuala Lumpur conurbation. This relative physical isolation has been aggravated by the lag between the construction of residential units and the realisation of the new town centre, promised jobs in government, institutional, commercial and industrial activities, and an inadequate and inefficient public and private transport system. Before discussing the policies for alleviating locational stress we need to question: how have individual households adapted to the current situation? Then we can explore metropolitan and local infrastructural policies for redistributing urban activities and modifying the transport system. A major problem in exploring these issues is the difficulty of measuring the situational variant of locational stress because of the lack of information provided by conventional surveys on individual households. Consequently, there is a scarcity of data on the nature, causes and effects of this type of stress.

408 P.J. [Zimmer, G.C.H. Cho

The search for an appropriate approach to bridge this information gap resulted in the further development of Faulkner's game technique for identifying the nature and degree of locational stress experienced by individual households (1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9). This technique and its application in case studies of individual families in Bandar Tun Razak is described (Section 2). Initially, the results of the case studies are discussed with particular emphasis being given to identifying symptoms of locational stress and the way families adjust travel behaviour to cope with the characteristic remoteness of new, transport-deficient residential estates and make use of secondary bases (Section 3). Then attention is given to how the chosen households reacted in a game situation to policies that: (a) progressively heightened locational stress through the imposition of additional constraints on their lifestyles; and (b) reduced locational stress brought about by new transport modes and an increase in income. We are then in a position to comment on strategies for relieving locational stress and gauging the value of the game technique (Section 5). Before making these assessments we need to outline the key features of the stress game and report on the response,..

2. PLAYING THE LOCATIONAL STRESS GAME

Two preparatory steps were necessary before the stress game technique could be applied to identifying transport issues in Bandar Tun Razak. Initially, a conventional survey employing a travel diary was carried out to gather information on the typical daily routines and social attributes of fifty-four households. Then, a further twenty-four households were selected for playing the stress game -- each game being regarded as a case study rather than part of a representative sample. Instead of exploring the travel diary information in this study attention is concentrated on the results of playing the game with the selected families. Prior to discussing the game the latter's family structure, household income and mobility characteristics are summarised.

Family structure. Not surprisingly, as it was City Hall's policy to give priority to ethnic Malays (bumiputra) on fringe public housing estates, they were heads of twenty-three of the households studied -- the other being Indian (Table 1). Reflecting the recency of Malay urbanisation all household heads had been born outside Kuala Lumpur. Their shift to Bandar Tun Razak, therefore, was but one of a series of moves carrying them from the countryside through squatter areas to permanent residence in the capital. Almost two- thirds of the households that played the game, however, has been temporarily displaced from inner-city squatter areas and would return there. The remainder had permanent residence in Bandar Tun Razak. In at least one instance there was evidence of a reverse cycle as unemployment rendered the hold of one family on city life tenuous and a return to their former rural area was imminent. Clearly, the overall effect of the predominance of a large number cf displaced inner-city households is reflected in the array of households at all stages of the family life cycle. Their presence has counteracted the usual predominance of families with pre-school children (Group B) in fringe locations. Household sizes are large averaging over 4.5 persons in groups with primary school children (Group C), secondary schoolchildren (Group D) and with children over 18 years of age (Group E). The other marked feature is the presence of extended family members which include aged parents and various relatives from rural areas working or attending school in the city.

P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

TABLE 1 CHARACTERISTICS OF CASE STUDY HOUSEHOLDS IN BANDAR TUN RAZAK, 1987

Life cycle Households Household head Average Male Female Children Extended Total 0-5 6-11 12-18 18+ family no. age age no. no. no. no. no.

A. No children 1 30.0 28.0 - - - - 2.0 B. With children 9 31.8 28.6 1.7 1.0 0.2 - 0.4 5.3 under 6 years C. With children 6 40.2 36.8 - 1.3 0.8 0.5 - 4.6 6-12 years D. With children 5 46.0 44.2 - - 2.0 2.2 0.4 6.6 12-18 E. With children 3 70.2 60.2 - - - 3.0 1.3 6.3 over 18 years

Household income. The case study households in Bandar Tun Razak were in the low and lower-middle income brackets reflecting the employment of male household heads as drivers, military personnel, factory hands and gardeners and their spouses as clerks, factory hands, cleaners and unpaid housewives (Table 2). On occasions, their income was augmented by other family members (including relatives) though those family groups with adult children also had to contend with unemployment. As the households had been selected accordirg to criteria laid down by City Hall their degree of choice in the move to Bandar Tun Razak had been limited. Normally, preference is given those families with monthly incomes in excess of M$1000 and without a residence in a 33km radius of Kuala Lumpur. Other households, who could have conceivably exercised more choice, could have been attracted by Bandar Tun Razak's newness, spaciousness and environmental considerations. However, the realisation of these benefits depends upon mobility levels.

TABLE 2 ESTIMATED MEAN AND RANGE OF MONTHLY INCOMES OF CASE STUDY HOUSEHOLDS IN BANDAR TUN RAZAK, FEBRUARY 1987

Family Households Mean Range group Household heads Other family Total Total Male Female Male Female number $M $11 $M $M $M $M

A 1 600 525 - - 1125 - B 9 568 133 44 33 778 400-1350 C 6 690 283 66 50 1089 800-1300 D 5 370 130 290 170 990 550-1150 E 3 117 483 - 600 350-800

Total 24 477 148 163 25 813 350-1350

Note: Including regular allowances but excluding commissions and tips.

410 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

TABLE 3 THE PRIME MODE OF TRANSPORT AVAILABLE TO CASE STUDY HOUSEHOLDS

Life cycle Household heads Working adults Schoolchildren Male Female Male Female Bus Car M/cycle. Bus Bus M/cycle Bus Bicycle Bus

A - 1 - 1 - - - - - B 2 4 3 9 - 1 1 - 10 C 1 4 1 6 - 1 1 1 13 D 1 1 2 5 2 3 2 - 8 E 2 - - 2 - 3 - - -

Total 6 10 6 23 2 8 4 1 31

Note: Three heads of household (two male and one female) were deceased.

Mobility. Traditionally, housing estates on the periphery are considered good public transport country. Only one-third of the households surveyed in Bandar Tun Razak was captive to that mode. Two-fifths of the male household heads had cars and and one-quarter had motorcycles; the latter were also popular among other adult male workers. Although monthly contracts on school buses catered for children, working women were reliant on overcrowded stage buses. Not only were their routes circuitous but passengers had to change buses to reach their ultimate destination. Thus, the shift to the urban fringe had been gained only at the expense of poor access to amenities and jobs, particularly for women. Pinpointing these accessibility problems was the objective of playing the stress game. The game-interview technique developed in Bandar Tun Razak involved three elements: setting up the gaming board; playing the constrained game; and playing the unconstrained game. i. Setting-up the gaming board

As shown in Figure 2, the first step was to introduce the household being interviewed to the gaming board comprising a map of Kuala Lumpur overlain on a metal base. Then their residence was located on the gaming board with the ald of an appropriately-named, white magnetised flag. Similar flags with different colours for work, school, shopping, health and social trips were used to record the destinations of the existing travel patterns of all residents over the past month (a check-list of primary trip purposes being used to ensure none was omitted). In registering these trips further information was sought on the mode, frequency and cost of travel and other destinations incorporated in the same journey -- magnetised representations were employed to record different forms of transport and a 'play-money' budget, comprising different-sized mahjong chips, was used to mark the cost of travel. Once all trip destinations within the households activity system had been plotted on the board respondents were given 'special powers' and allowed to move the location of specific activities closer or further from the home base.

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P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

STAGE THREE REARRANGE ACTIVITIES Home Work Primary Secondary Markel school school

AF Shopping Health Kindergarten Library Social e

Pool Recreation Private car Taxi

OCIl]CII=OQt I p pl u Bus Light rail transit

Budget Die

Figure 2 The five stages in the locational stress game.

412 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

When this 'magic wand' exercise was completed a further critical question was put to the respondents. As a means of determining how individuals and households perceive their locational needs and gauge their satisfaction they were requested to specify any destination not on their current itinerary that they would like to visit but were prevented from doing so. The nature and reasons for these unrealised trips were noted. Apart from collecting information on travel behaviour in a systematic fashion this exercise familiarised all members with the representation of Kuala Lumpur's major land marks and significant features of the immediate neighbourhood of Bandar Tun Razak. Although it provided an opportunity for the expression of preferences in regard to unrealised trips the exercise did not require respondents to consider the consequences of undertaking them. Hence, the intention of playing the game was to consider realistic alternatives and feasible locational adjustments in terms of the household's own economic and organisational constraints. ii. The constrained game

The constrained game was instituted by using the mahjong chips to increase the price of the preferred mode of transport (car, motorcycle and bus) in a bid to gauge what it would cost to persuade individual household members to change their current travel patterns. Reflecting the imposition of tolls, parking fees and higher fares, this procedure was designed to direct respondents to reassess their travel priorities. The strategy employed in the unconstrained game hinged on whether households members travelled by public transport or personal transport (motor car/motorcycle). Where the respondent travelled by public transport the aim was to note repercussions on timing, location and transport use in relation to work, shopping and school trips of: (a) increasing bus fares initially by 20 per cent and then 50 per cent; and (b) decreasing the frequency of service (i.e. from twenty minutes to thirty minutes and then sixty minutes). Conversely, where the respondent travelled by car or motor cycle the cost of travel was increased by adding tolls, parking fees at work and the flats.

Once note was made of the trade—offs varying degrees of cataclysmic change were introduced by the roll of a die to gauge family reactions -- the geometrical progression in numbers from 2 to 64 representing severe dislocations in household activity: (2) school closed because of dengue epidemic; (4) local shops burnt down; (8) public transport strike/car breakdown; (16) job moved to Baru (i.e. on periphery of Kuala Lumpur); (32) job moved to Shah Alam (i.e. another town within the Klang Valley); and (64) job moved interstate to Johor Baru. Record was made of the trade—offs, options considered, ranking of options and perceived gains and losses for each person. iii. The unconstrained game

The unconstrained game was played by using the mahjong chips to represent the price of different forms of transport to determine the reaction of individual household members to the varying cost of new modes (minibus and light rail transit). This strategy was developed to gauge the reaction of respondents to other transport options.

413 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

The strategy used in the unconstrained game was to reduce the cost of daily travel to determine repercussions on timing, location and transport use in relation to work, shopping and school activities. Attention was focused on two transport improvements: a 'super-minibus' offering a service every ten .minutes with air-conditioning, airline-type seats and video costing M$2 per trip; and Metrolink, a light rail transit system, offering a ten minute service frequency with and without the need for a feeder bus service. As in the constrained game the interviewer recorded the trade-offs, options considered and ranking of alternatives and checked the perceived gains and losses for each person.

A random element was induced by rolling the die with numbers in geometrical progression (i.e. from 2 to 64) to observe reactions to a set of cataclysmic changes representing quantum improvements in the economic standing of the household: (2) new shopping complex opened at Bandar Tun Razak; (4) win M$6000 four digit (Empat Nombor Ekor) lottery; (8) win new/second motor cycle; (16) salary doubled; (32) win new/second car; and (64) win M$1.2 million in social welfare lottery. Again, the aim of the exercise was to determine the reactions of individual household members to these far-reaching changes.

Some facets of this game are reflected in a similar interactive gaming technique called 'HATS' (Household Activity-Travel Simulator) developed contemporaneously by Oxford University's Transport Study Unit which focused on comparing the benefits of various transport options arising, for example, from changes in school journeys, other travel patterns and in-home activities (10, 11 12, 13, 14). The game technique employed in Bandar Tun Razak, however, emphasised not only the restrictions on travel in the context of household daily activity patternstterns (i.e. what people do in time and over space) but the locational constraints on accessibility. This emphasis was attuned to the needs of both permanent and temporarily displaced households in Kuala Lumpur's outer suburban locations as is shown in the analysis of responses.

3. RESPONSES

Preparatory to considering the policy options the key results derived from the game are discussed in terms of the (a) the sources of locational stress; (b) adjustments in travel behaviour; and (c) the use of secondary bases.

Sources of locational stress

Insights into the problems of locational stress experienced by families in Kuala Lumpur can be gained by examining the responses of the residents who played the stress game. Major sources of stress were reflected in the frequency with which specific destination locations were changed by households during the game. Table 4 ranks these destinations accordingly. The three highest ranking destinations were husband's work, the lack of a shopping complex with specialist shops and the absence of a large, modern market. Prominence of the husband's work stemmed from the longer journey to work inherent in the shift to Bandar Tun Razak. A shopping complex featured because of the limited range of goods available in Bandar Tun Razak and poor public transport facilities for weekly visits to specialist shops in Kuala Lumpur (e.g. Globe Silk Store) The high ranking of the market was attributed to the premium placed on cheap fresh food by Malaysian housewives.

414 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

TABLE 4 RANKINGS OF DESTINATIONS MENTIONED IN BANDAR TUN RAZAK GAME, 1987

Rank Destination Total Rank Destination Total

1. Husband's work 12 5. Recreation 3 2. Shopping complex 9 6 Relatives 2 3. Market • 8 7. School 1 4. Wife's work 3 8. Police station 1

Destinations that received less attention included the wife's workplace, relatives and outdoor recreation. These responses reflected the limitations imposed by public transport on working wives and visits to relatives and the restricted leisure time available to those working in Kuala Lumpur but residing in Bandar Tun Razak. Significantly, no change was made to the location of the general hospital, local health clinic or local shops. No desire was expressed for a cinema, swimming pool or cultural facilities.

Looking at the sources of locational stress within this framework failed to reveal the underlying organisational implications of coping with isolated situations and limitéd transport resources. Thus attention in analysing the stress game is directed to the way in which Bandar Tun Razak households have coped with their fringe location.

Adjustments in travel behaviour

During the course of the stress game three sets of actual and potential adjustments based on the home were revealed. The first set hinged on vary4ng the arrangements involving motor vehicle use (car or motor cycle), the second set on alterations in the responsibilities of family members and the third set on journey patterns.

Vehicle arrangements. These had changed since the shift to the metropolitan fringe: there was greater dependence on the motor vehicle for the journey-to work and it was unavailable for longer periods for other household activities. Although much emphasis was placed on moving the husband's workplace during the stress game there was no way wives could benefit from taking him to work or getting him to switch to public transport as none possessed driving licences. Given the congested arteries to the centre of Kuala Lumpur few husbands were in the position to return home at lunchtime for other activities (e.g. shopping or taking the child to school).

Family responsibilities. A common example of changes in family responsibilities on the metropolitan fringe involved the husband taking over shopping, banking and taking children to morning school by incorporating trips to these destinations in his journey-to-work. In effect, this type of arrangement was to bring about a closer match between the responsibilities of individual family members and available transport resources (Fig. 3). Within the limits imposed by public transport families without motor vehicles only had two options: the husband could be responsible for certain trips or housewives could rely on more mobile friends and relatives.

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P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

Adjustments in responsibilities

Adjustments in vehicle use

Within family One-vehicle families Between families

Husband takes Wife accompanies 3 Depend on more responsibility husband on journey Vehicle committed mobile friends for certain to or from work to husband's and relatives trips journey-to-work for transport

Trips of wife and children fully- or partially-integrated 2 with work trips Wife unable to drive

1 Families without 4 motor vehicles

Figure 3. Coping strategies involving adjustments in responsibility and car use (Source: Based on 9)

In vehicle—owning families the wife had the additional opportunity of being chauffeured to work by her husband (though she had to return by bus). As he was more mobile, the husband could also take on a further range of activities traditionally undertaken by his wife (e.g. visits to the wet market). Thus, as we move up the scale from the families without vehicles to those with vehicles the range of options and degree of flexibility widened. Without a driving licence, however, wives could not benefit from the husbands switch to public transport or a carpool. They were also not in a position to enjoy the greater freedom proffered by a two car family.

Changes in journey patterns. These have involved variations in trip frequencies and linkages. While the frequency of trips to work and school was fixed, others (e.g. specialist shopping) were flexible. Thus, the frequency of the latter could be reduced to minimise total travel costs in situations where distances to these destinations caused a problem. Another strategy was to link hitherto separate trips within a single journey to achieve economies in expenditure on travel time and cost by reducing the distance travelled in visiting a set of different destinations. The less obvious advantage of this strategy was that it allowed trips to originate from a secondary base, the workplace, which was more accessible than the primary base — the home on Kuala Lumpur's fringe. 416 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

TABLE 5 APPROACHES TO RESOLVING LOCATIONAL STRESS IN BANDAR TUN RAZAK Scale Infrastructural change Modify transport system Redistribute activities

Metropolitan Improve transit system Relocate jobs

Local Upgrade local area Provide shopping complex transport system and large market

Source: Based on 9.

Secondary bases

Adjustments involving a secondary focus were one of the most common strategies among the families surveyed. The opportunity to adjust in this manner was, however, limited by organisational constraints which varied according to family life cycle, family origins and employment status of the family head. As shown in Figure 4, the ability to rearrange trips around the secondary base lessened with advancing ages of the life cycle from the pre- child to the mature family. Once children reached school greater restrictions were placed on the movements of the family as a whole.

As none of the families originated in Kuala Lumpur they were largely deprived of the supportive social and kinship networks derived from secondary bases focused on the husband's and wife's parents. There was little point in the wife and children accompanying the husband on his journey-to-work because there were no grandparents to visit. The absence prevented the wife from undertaking trips to shops while relatives looked after pre-school children.

4. MITIGATING LOCATIONAL STRESS

The resolution of Bandar Tun Razak's locational stress problems hinges on comprehending the nature and pace of Kuala Lumpur's development. As public transport services are inadequate, greater distances to services and workplaces has heightened the stress levels of low income residents by making them more reliant on private motorised transport for both journey-to-work and to facilities. Difficulties experienced by the temporary transferees from the inner city will be resolved by their return to their refurbished and well- serviced locations. The relief of the permanent residents of Bandar Tun Razak is more problematical and will depend on metropolitan and local area infrastructural changes brought about by redistributing urban activities or modifying the transport system (Table 5).

Metropolitan

Changes in the distribution of activities that have the greatest potential for alleviating locational stress in Bandar Tun Razak involves the relocation of job opportunities. The Kuala Lumpur Structure Plan has provided for the dispersion of jobs, particularly in manufacturing, by the year 2000, Even if these plans are realised there will be no immediate relief to the permanent residents of Bandar Tun Razak. Consequently, more emphasis is bung placed on improvements in the line haul system for conveying people to work.

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P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

Kuala Lumpur PHASE 4 AFTER MOVING Hoes fMd CHILD-REARING STAGE

Sc r ♦ Sc I Ro Hg~___ r♦ Es Br I t Ek +Hc Mw 1 Ep / Bandar Tun Razak

Sxf

PHASE 2 Kuala Lumpur AFTER MOVING Hc PRE-CHILD 1 STAGE PHASE 5 Kuala Lumpur STAYERS Sc ~I Hee MATURE FAMILY r Hge._ STAGE

Es Br I m Ro Md 'Ri \ r♦ ~~ ~ f Sc 1 Ep ' Mw Hge._ :~l/ Br Sm Sxr'~ • I Hc Bandar Tun Razak ~i ~ I Ob r~ Mw ~'EÉp Hc Es / Sx Md 4, Bandar Tun Razak

Kuala Lumpur PHASE 3 AFTER MOVING Hc AMd CHILD-BEARING STAGE PRINCIPAL NODES TRIP LINKS

scI- Q Home Daily Sc I Husband's work Less frequent Rô Br I Wife's work ♦ Es ❑ I- 1 Ep ~ Mw I Hc OTHER NODES Br Bandar Tun Razak Religious building Mw Wet market Ek Kindergarten Mn Night market Ep Primary school Hc Health clinic S Ec Secondary school Hg General hospital Sc Convenience shops Ob Bank Sm Supermarket Oc Cinema Sx Shopping complex Ro Outdoor recreation Mn Dry market Ri Indoor recreation

Figure 4. Journey pattern responses to relocation on the metropolitan fringe by different life—cycle groups (based on Faulkner and Rimmer, 1982).

418 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

Already Metrolink, a light rail transit system, has been promoted which would link Bandar Tun Razak to a proposed metropolitan network. Although no fares have been mooted by the planners the residents offered a variety of opinions on the new facility when playing the unconstrained locational stress game. On this evidence study household would be prepared to pay, on average, $M2.75 for a return trip to the city by Metrolink if the equivalent bus fare was priced at a competitive $M2. There was, however, some scepticism among Bandar Tun Razak residents about this innovation. As one respondent opined:

... I have never seen a Metrolink. When it is on the ground I will decide whether to use it. It is only suitable for office workers, not shoppers. It could be a good idea if it links Jalan Duta [Government Offices and Stock Exchange], Dayabumi [an office-retail development] and the Airport. But we cannot have it going to the golf course or the Club because people who go there have cars.

As the Malaysian Government has refused to fund Metrolink there is little likelihood that it will proceed in the near-future. Consequently, the development of a toll road connecting Bandar Tun Razak and the city is attracting considerable attention. While respondents expected the new facility to reduce congestion by forcing some of them to seek alternative routes it would have repercussions on the development of Bandar Tun Razak. In particular, it would increase the spatial extent of retail threshold catchments and undermine City Hall's plans for a major shopping complex. Rather than developing line haul travel the government may have a greater impact by concentrating its attention on local area improvements.

Local At the local level much more could be done to facilitate the location of the full complement of facilities within easy walking distance of every dwelling. Much attention is being given the development of industrial land which may have the effect of reducing the length of the journey-to-work. The realisation of this program, however, could be affected by the reluctance of manufacturers to move to suburban locations, particularly after the recent recession. Counter commuting by residents from other parts of the conurbation would also undermine the net gain. At best, this is a long-term option and the short-term mitigation of locational stress has to be focused on improving access to specialist shops and markets, particularly as City Hall has provided basic needs. Current developments of shopping complexes at intermediate locations between Bandar Tun Razak and the city may undermine City Hall's intentions unless the local transport system is upgraded.

Changes to the transport system offer the most powerful weapon for resolving locational stress, particularly where priority is given to the needs of women without access to motor vehicles. At present, Bandar Tun Razak is incorporated in the circuitous line haul services of two private bus companies linking the city. Consequently, there is scope for introducing minibuses (or shared-taxis) within the local area on a 'hail and ride basis'. The grme showed there was some support for the 'super-minibus' offering contract trips to work at $M1.20 per trip compared with $1 for the stage bus. Also, much could be done to encourage private vehicle pooling. The game suggests that tolls and parking fee, however, would have to used to supply the necessary incentive.

419 P.J. Rimmer, G.C.H. Cho

5. CONCLUSION

The stress game technique developed for studying the travel needs and aspirations of householders in Bandar Tun Razak is limited in that it yielded mainly qualitative information for a relatively small number of case studies. Clearly, it does not provide the large data base developed by conventioni-t, pre—structured survey techniques used in the Kuala Lumpur Master Plan Transportation Study (2) and the Klang Valley Transportation Study (3). Nevertheless, this interactive technique is eminently suitable for the type of exploratory study undertaken here which is intended to expose a range of relevant issues and supply fresh and deeper insights into the effects of urban growth patterns. By monitoring the overt and covert responses to locational stress the game provides the basis for developing more sensitive quantitative studies geared to socio—political action.

Specifically, the game provides information on behaviour and preferences in a residential setting, travel decision—making processes and the transport problems experienced in outer suburbs. Indeed, the stress game technique has several advantages over the traditional questionnaire survey: it is flexible in accommodating unforeseen dimensions of an issue not covered in the interviewer's original questionnaire; it facilitates communication not only between respondent and interviewer but also among other members of the household with the aid of a physical model which acts as a prop for discussion, and visualising travel patterns and new transport options; and it simulates aspects of the decision—making environment by imposing a budgetary constraint on individual choice and forcing respondents to assess priorities and make trade—offs between options they face in the real world.

Above all, the novelty of the locational stress game and the model representation of the respondents' behaviour and options captured their interest and imagination and avoided the repetitious nature of questionnaires used to collect travel data. Consequently, the locational stress game not only has application in exploratory analyses within urban areas in newly— industrialising countries, as demonstrated here, but is applicable to exploring household accessibility in rural settings. Although it is a powerful tool in its own right for exploratory analysis, the stress game -- given its propensity to be time—consuming -- should ultimately be seen as part of a suite of techniques for examining accessibility to jobs at a regional level, accessibility to community amenities within local areas and the accessibility of household members. With this micro addition to the macro and meso techniques for studying accessibility we will be in a stronger position to unravel the complexities of urban and regional locales within newly— industrialising countries and to identify the travel needs of disadvantaged groups.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. The kindness and hospitality of the families in Bandar Tun Razak are gratefully acknowledged. Assistance was also afforded by Mr Chiam Soon Hock, Chief Planner, Dewan Bandarya, Kuala Lumpur, Mr M. Commons, Dr H.W. Faulkner, Ms Y. Pittelkow, Mr J.J. Rimmer and Dr S. Wilson. The figures were drawn by Mr K.W. Mitchell, Cartographic Section, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra.

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2. Wilbur Smith and Associates and Jurutera Konsultant (S.E.A.) Sdn Bhd, 1980. Kuala Lumpur Master Plan Transportation Study, Kuala Lumpur Dewan Bandaraya.

3. JICA, 1986. Klang Valley Transportation Study Draft Final Report: Summary of Findings and Recommendations, Kuala Lumpur, Japan International Cooperation Agency.

4. Dewan Bandaraya, 1984. Kuala Lumpur Structure Plan, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bandraya.

5. Faulkner, H.W., 1979. Playing Games: An Alternative Approach to Social Surveys, Occasional paper No. 14, Department of Geography, Faculty of Military Studies, The University of New South Wales, Royal Military College, Duntroon, A.C.T. 2600.

6. Faulkner, H.W., 1981a. Simulation games as a technique for information collection, unpublished paper presented to a Workshop on the Theory and Techniques of Interviewing' held in Sydney 21-23 October 1981 and Melbourne 18-20 November 1981.

7. Faulkner, H.W., 1981b. 'Journey pattern adjustments on Sydney's metropolitan fringe', The Australian Geographer, 15, 17-26.

8. Faulkner, H.W. and French, S., 1982. Transport of the Disabled in the ACT, Canberra, Australian Government Publishing Service.

9. Faulkner, H.W. and Rimmer, P.J., 1982. 'An approach for identifying transport gaps: a southwest Sydney case study', Seventh Australian Transport Research Forum: Forum Papers, Volume 2: 529-46.

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