Pathways out of Waithood: Initial Steps Towards a Conceptual Framework

Pathways out of waithood: Initial steps towards a conceptual framework

Jørgen Carling*

Paper presented at ECAS 2015, the 6th European Conference on African Studies, Paris, 8-10 July 2015, in conjunction with the panel ‘Pathways out of waithood: engaging with a repertoire of strategies’. See bit.ly/ecas2015 for more information on the panel. Comments are welcome.

ABSTRACT Over the past decade, many analysts have observed how young people in Africa are obstructed from entering socially recognized adulthood. This phenomenon was described by Henrik Vigh as ‘a social moratorium of youth’; Alcinda Honwana later described the result- ing situation for young people as ‘waithood’. Such marginalization of young people has been pointed to as an explanatory factor by scholars of rebel recruitment, religious mobilization, migration, entrepreneurship, and other social phenomena in Africa. If waithood is a driver of such phenomena, they could be recast as alternative pathways out of waithood. This paper makes initial steps towards a conceptual framework for this perspective. I address the analytical implications of using different metaphors (navigation, transitions, pathways), and the mer- its of ‘pathways’ in particular. As a framework for analysis I then suggest five processes through which young people engage with pathways out of waithood.

Introduction Young people across Africa struggle to establish themselves as socially recognized adults. This general observation has been made by several Africanists over the past decade. Hen- rik Vigh (2006:96) described the phenomenon as ‘a social moratorium of youth’, a struc- turally determined extension of youth as ‘a social position that people are involuntarily caught in and are trying their very best to get out of – a confinement which is directly related to a prolonged decline and drastic reduction of social possibilities’. Alcinda Honwana (2012) later introduced the evocative term waithood. In Howana’s (2012:19) definition, waithood refers to ‘a prolonged and uncertain stage between childhood and adulthood that is characterized by […] inability to enter the labor market and attain the social markers of adulthood.’ The notion of ‘the labour market’ should be treated with caution in light of the diversity of livelihood strategies in Africa, but the interaction of the economic and the social is at the crux of the phenomenon. The marginalization of young people has been pointed to as an explanatory factor by scholars of rebel recruitment, religious mobilization, migration, entrepreneurship, and other social phenomena in Africa. If waithood is a driver of such phenomena, they could be recast as alternative pathways out of waithood. This paper makes initial steps towards a conceptual framework for this perspective. Such a framework can stimulate comparative research that engages constructively with diversity (cf Philipps 2014).

* Research Professor, Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), PO Box 9229 Grønland, 0186 Oslo, Norway. E-mail: [email protected]; staff page: www.prio.org/staff/jorgen; website: www.jorgencarling.org;. twitter: @jorgencarling Document last saved 07 July 2015. 2 Waithood and African exceptionalism The diagnosis of waithood—regardless of terminology—is often made in academic contexts with an explicit focus on Africa. Some studies have been framed in terms of ‘African youth’ and drawn upon fieldwork across the continent (e.g. Christiansen et al. 2006, Honwana 2012, Honwana and Boeck 2005). Others have had particular ethnographic foci, but have drawn upon, and been incorporated into, the broader African studies field (e.g. Barrett 2004, Bjarnesen 2007, Bürge 2011, Debos 2011, Durham 2008, Langevang 2008, Lauterbach 2010, Nielsen 2014, Sommers 2012, Temudo and Abrantes 2015, Thieme 2013). Is waithood an exclusively African phenomenon? The short answer is twofold. First, there are clearly similar challenges in transitions to adulthood in other parts of the world, including in the United States and other high-income countries (Silva 2013). Moreover, there are obvious differences within Africa. Conceiving of waithood as an ‘African’ experience can thus be challenged from both above and below. The second part of the answer, though, is a defence for an African framing. Alcinda Honwana relates the concept to her own cross-continental fieldwork, and ethnographic studies from various parts of the continent explicitly or implicitly relate to the issue of waithood with certain parallel traits. Several broad historical commonalities also contribute to shared experiences of waithood: a tradition of gerontocracy, an expansion and sub- sequent contraction of state-driven routes to adulthood based on education and public- sector employment, and more recent uneven growth that has raised aspirations more than opportunities. The African framing is also pragmatic. An effort to move from individual studies to a common conceptual framework needs a feasible frame of reference. Perhaps such a framework may be relevant to other settings too, but I develop it with intra-African varia- tions and tendencies in mind.

Analytical metaphors Metaphors can serve as analytical constructs that help make sense of a complex reality. Henrik Vigh’s original description of the social moratorium of youth was set within a book called Navigating Terrains of War, in which ‘social navigation’ is a central concept. In Vigh’s (2006:32) own words, social navigation ‘directs our attention to the interaction between a navigator, the process of navigation, and the environment or terrain being navi- gated.’ This vocabulary produces connotations of openness and an absence of predetermined directionality; navigation is about avoiding danger and choosing a course. The waithood-related literature also engages with a tradition of youth studies and life course research in which transition is a pivotal metaphor (cf MacDonald et al. 2001). Un- like navigation, transition implies directionality, transformation, and commonality of experience—or at least a common frame of expectations. A transition is literally a ‘going across’, shifting from one condition to another. This metaphor is more restrictive than navigation; individual agency implicitly plays a smaller role, and there is less room for 3 improvisation. The notion of transitions invites analyses that focus on timing and se- quence rather than direction. The metaphor of pathways, which I employ here, suggests yet another conceptual uni- verse. Like navigation, the notion of pathways suggests individuals moving in a terrain with a choice of possible destinations. But pathways have a stronger directional element with implied origins and destinations that allude to transitions. The interaction between the individual and the social also take on particular meanings in the pathway metaphor: individuals are drawn to paths that are trodden by others. When they make their own choices, they leave socially significant footprints. Social change occurs, in part, because pioneers create new pathways by choosing unorthodox routes (cf Nichols 2014).

Pathways out of waithood Establishing pathways as a unit of analysis prepares the ground for a multi-faceted analytical approach. If waithood is the starting point, alternative pathways represent a repertoire of conceivable strategies for exit. For analytical purposes, a pathway out of waithood can be defined as an established course of action that, through interaction with social environ- ments, may be expected to provide an end to the impasse of involuntary attribution of youth. This provisional definition has a number of deliberate elements. First, I am referring to pathways out of waithood, not into social adulthood. In other words, the pathways have a shared origin but do not necessarily lead to the same place. Even though waithood is defined in opposition to adulthood, the escape does not necessarily imply conformity to particular norms of adulthood. Second, pathways represent established courses of action in the sense that there exists a mental model. Being established, in this sense, is not the same as being widespread or feasible; it simply means being a reasonably well-defined entity within the realm of possi- bility. Third, the phrase ‘may be expected’ is crucial. There is always an unpredictable element of interaction with others, and success is never guaranteed. A pathway may be defined, and have appeal, by virtue of the hope it embodies. Fourth, this definition of pathways incorporates a designation of waithood as ‘the impasse of involuntary attribution of youth’. This phrase is intended to capture the essence of waithood as a situation rather than a phase. The emphasis on attribution reflects the importance of social markers. Waithood is not simply about being poor, politically mar- ginalized, or excluded from the labour market—those are characteristics of many socially recognized adults too. What matters here is the interaction of material facts and social meaning, the ways in which being unemployment or unmarried, for instance, become barriers to being adult in the eyes of others.

Pathway processes How do young people engage with pathways out of waithood? I propose addressing this question through examination of five processes. Together with the analytical definition of pathways, these processes are the core building blocks of the conceptual framework. 4 Mapping pathways The repertoire of pathways is socially constructed and individually held. In other words, young people within a community are likely to have a broadly shared, but not identical, mental repertoire of possibilities. Pathways are established in people’s mind through social processes, including observations of others, interactions with peers, and exposure to mass media, formal education and religious teachings. With respect to waithood, these processes determine both the social markers of adulthood and the set of conceivable pathways through which such adulthood might be attained. The ontology of pathways is tenuous in several respects. First, their most meaningful existence is as unobservable mental constructs, even if their pursuit takes various observ- able forms. Second, pathways can be conceived of as broad or specific, generating either coarse or fain-grained taxonomies. At one extreme, we could use Hirschman’s (1970) seminal classification ‘exit voice and loyalty’ to denote three broad pathways, defined at a high level of abstraction. But, as an example, the forms of opposition that would fall under ‘voice’ are clearly diverse, and could be seen as a multitude of pathways in their own right. Finally, the ontology of pathways is tenuous because many courses of action border on the inconceivable. Some potential escapes from waithood are simply extremely unlikely: winning the lottery might provide the means for obtaining the social markers of adulthood, but is hardly an established pathway. Other potential pathways are associated with dangers or moral costs that are prohibitively large for a given social context. Because of these ontological caveats, any repertoire of pathways is provisional. But the idea of a repertoire is nevertheless meaningful. The process of mapping denotes the way in which young people establish an overview of potential courses of action. Researchers can engage in a ‘mapping of the mapping’ by inquiring into the range of pathways that are imagined by individuals and communities. These pathways then lend themselves to comparisons. To what extent do they require explicit decisions or actions? Do they provide immediate material rewards or a promise of a better future? Are they connected to a greater sense of purpose?

Evaluating pathways A repertoire of pathways implies a scope for choice. Even if opportunities are constrained and available options are unattractive, the element of agency must be acknowledged. As researchers, we can ask how the pathways that are imagined are also comparatively evaluated. Such assessments, subconscious or deliberate, affect the actions people take. Seeing pathways in context helps understand the particular social phenomenon that are associated with specific pathways. In particular, there may be deflection processes at work: when a given pathway loses its appeal, others become relatively more attractive. A prime example is deflection from education as a path to adulthood. If young people lose faith in the transformative potential of pursuing education, they are more likely to turn elsewhere. 5 Following pathways The pathway remains a reference point also after a choice has been made. The process of following a pathway is neither automatic nor predetermined, but involves negotiations, frictions, successes and disappointments. For instance, the experience of being a university student is shaped in relation to an established trajectory of education, graduation, and skills-appropriate employment (cf Mazzocchetti 2009). Similarly, being a migrant involves relating to an idealized migrant script, a bundle of norms and expectations (cf Åkesson 2004, Carling 2002, Lubkemann 2005).

Creating pathways The landscape of pathways is a dynamic one: new pathways emerge in the footsteps of pioneers, and in response to shifting contexts of opportunity, feasibility, and legitimacy. At times the process can be rapid, creating a surge of action. A case in point is the emergence of boat migration from Senegal to the Canary Islands in 2006. In the course of a few months, this became a pathway that attracted thousands of young men (Hernández- Carretero and Carling 2012). Another example with gold rush characteristics is provided by Osumah and Aghedo (2011:279) who describe the growth of kidnapping for ransom among ‘young unemployed persons and students of universities’ in Nigeria. Other exam- ples are less dramatic but more influential, such as the expansion of government employment in the post-independence period and the associated emergence of the civil ser- vice pathway to adulthood.

Challenging pathways Pathways out of waithood include criminal or disruptive ones, but the overall pathways framework still runs the risk of implying exaggerated functionalism and rationality. Not all young people have, want to have, or are capable of having a ‘strategy’ for escaping waithood. Being in waithood also involves agency, and sometimes ways of establishing ownership to one’s predicament instead of escaping it.

Conclusion The thoughts presented here are first steps towards a conceptual framework of pathways out of waithood. I have been inspired by the parallel, but disjointed, references to waithood as driving forces of diverse social phenomena in Africa, and by the potential of recasting these phenomena as alternative pathways. I have said next to nothing about particular pathways, but mentioned several in pass- ing. A logical next step is to draw upon the rich ethnographic literature on youth in Africa to elaborate. Synthesizing from empirical accounts can also contribute to refining the conceptual framework. Further ahead, there is great promise in comparative ethnographic research that exam- ines how young people engage with imagined repertoires of possibilities for escaping waithood—mapping, evaluating, following, creating and, challenging pathways. 6 References Åkesson, L. (2004) Making a Life: Meanings of Migration in Cape Verde, Ph.D. thesis, Gothenburg: Department of Social Anthropology, Göteborg University. Barrett, M. (2004) Paths to adulthood: Freedom, belonging, and temporalities in Mbunda biographies from Western Zambia. Uppsala: Uppsala University. Bjarnesen, J. (2007) On the Move. Young Men Navigating Paths towards Adulthood in Gueule Tapée (Dakar). Specialerække, 454. Copenhagen: Department of Anthropology, University of Copenhagen. Bürge, M. (2011) 'Riding the Narrow Tracks of Moral Life: Commercial Motorbike Riders in Makeni, Sierra Leone.' Africa Today, 58(2):59-95. Carling, J. (2002) 'Migration in the age of involuntary immobility: Theoretical reflections and Cape Verdean experiences.' Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 28(1):5-42. Christiansen, C., Utas, M. and Vigh, H., eds (2006) Navigating Youth, Generating Adulthood. Social Becoming in an African Context. Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute. Debos, M. (2011) 'Living by the gun in Chad: armed violence as a practical occupation.' The Journal of Modern African Studies, 49(03):409-428. Durham, D. (2008) 'Apathy and Agency: The Romance of Agency and Youth in Botswana.' in Cole, J. and Durham, D. (eds) Figuring the future: globalization and the temporalities of children and youth. Santa Fe: School for Advanced Research Press, 151-178. Hernández-Carretero, M. and Carling, J. (2012) 'Beyond “kamikaze migrants”: Risk taking in West African boat migration to Europe.' Human Organization, 71(4):407–416. Hirschman, A.O. (1970) Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Honwana, A. (2012) The Time of Youth. Work, Social Change and Politics in Africa. Sterling, VA: Kumarian Press. Honwana, A. and Boeck, F.D., eds (2005) Makers and Breakers. Children and Youth in Postcolonial Africa. Oxford: James Currey. Langevang, T. (2008) '‘We are managing!’ Uncertain paths to respectable adulthoods in Accra, Ghana.' Geoforum, 39(6):2039-2047. Lauterbach, K. (2010) 'Becoming a pastor: Youth and social aspirations in Ghana.' Young, 18(3):259-278. Lubkemann, S.C. (2005) 'The moral economy of nonreturn among socially diverted labor migrants from Portugal and Mozambique.' in Trager, L. (ed.) Migration and Economy. Global and local dynamics. Walnut Creek: Altamira Press, 257-287. MacDonald, R., Mason, P., Shildrick, T., Webster, C., Johnston, L. and Ridley, L. (2001) 'Snakes & ladders: In defence of studies of youth transition.' Sociological Research Online, 5(4). Mazzocchetti, J. (2009) Être étudiant à Ouagadougou. Itinérances, imaginaire et précarité. Paris: Éditions Karthala. Nichols, L. (2014) 'Social Desire Paths: An Applied Sociology of Interests.' Social Currents, 1(2):166-172. Nielsen, M. (2014) 'The negativity of times. Collapsed futures in Maputo, Mozambique.' Social Anthropology, 22(2):213-226. Osumah, O. and Aghedo, I. (2011) 'Who wants to be a millionaire? Nigerian youths and the commodification of kidnapping.' Review of African Political Economy, 38(128):277-287. Philipps, J. (2014) 'Dealing with diversity: African youth research and the potential of comparative approaches.' Journal of Youth Studies, 17(10):1362-1377. Silva, J.M. (2013) Coming up short: Working-class adulthood in an age of uncertainty. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sommers, M. (2012) Stuck. Rwandan Youth and the Struggle for Adulthood. Athens: The University of Georgia Press. Temudo, M. and Abrantes, M. (2015) 'The Pen and the Plough: Balanta Young Men in Guinea-Bissau.' Development and Change, 46(3):464-485. Thieme, T.A. (2013) 'The “hustle” amongst youth entrepreneurs in Mathare's informal waste economy.' Journal of Eastern African Studies, 7(3):389-412. Vigh, H. (2006) Navigating terrains of war: Youth and soldiering in Guinea-Bissau. New York: Berghahn Books.