The University's Individual Trajectory

SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM V. N. Falkov, V. G. Nemirovsky, pp. 8–11 INTERVIEW

Valery N. Falkov, the rector of the University of Tyumen The University’s Individual Trajectory It has been two years since the University of Tyumen has entered the Project 5-100. In this interview, Valery N. Falkov, the university rector, talks about the achievements of the regional, Russian, and international levels, assesses the fundamental changes in the educational and scientific landscape.

V. Nemirovsky: Dear Valery Nikolayevich, we V. Falkov: Primarily—and I find it very impor- would like to ask you a few questions for the Siberian tant—the culture itself has changed, and not just the Socium journal. Since the autumn of 2015, the Uni- academic culture, but also rather the corporate one. versity of Tyumen has been successfully developing Our teachers and students began to treat their educa- as a participant of the Project 5-100. What would tional institution differently. They have new guide- you like to highlight, out of what has been accom- lines. For example, if earlier, the science for us used plished?1 to be something of a dessert for the main dish—education—now, the majority have a clear understand- DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-8-11 ing that the science is of primary importance.

8 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 V. N. Falkov, V. G. Nemirovsky, pp. 8–11 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS If you recall, we started at the last 21st place in the Another our important innovation is that we are Project. In just two years, the university has already introducing a new model of education at the univer- achieved such significant results that allowed it to sity, aimed at the individualizing teaching. Since enter the second cohort of universities and to rise to September, students of four institutes (including the the 13th position in the general line. School of Advanced Studies) study using individual educational trajectories. At the end of October, we presented our road map for the International Council of the Project V. Nemirovsky: What are the innovative tasks to 5-100 in Yekaterinburg. The evaluation of univer- be achieved by the School of Advanced Studies? sities is made up of several indicators. This is pri- V. Falkov: The School of Advanced Studies is a marily the representation of the university in the unique project in Russia, aimed at the most talented ratings. The University of Tyumen, to remind you, and ambitious young people. The programme of the confidently shows the positive dynamics in various School allows students to study comprehensively Russian ratings; in particular, it has recently entered social and humanitarian disciplines, including their the top ten of the best classical universities on the intersections with information technology and biol- quality of admission, and for the first time, it ranked ogy. Teaching is conducted in the Russian and among the best universities in the international English languages, interactive classes in smaller rating of QS EECA. In addition, in the Potanin Fund groups prevail. competition, we took the fourth place in Russia, and the number of our teachers, who have won According to our plan, the School of Advanced grants for the development of master’s programs, Studies should become the driver of multidiscipli- is the largest in the country. nary research in the social and human sciences and lead to meaningful and qualitative changes in the The publication activity of the university, the de- educational model of the university. gree of internationalization, and the quality of admission among many others also contributed greatly to V. Nemirovsky: One of the innovative directions the evaluation. in the educational process of the University of Tyu- men, as you have already mentioned, is the realisa- At the start of the Project 5-100, we set the goal tion of individualizing teaching. What has already to become a full-fledged university in full-time been done, and what problems are encountered along training. This year, we, first of all, have finally the way? reached the ten-thousand index. Secondly, the number of full-time students exceeded that of part-time V. Falkov: The new model of education is fully students. In the new academic year, we have enrolled consistent with the challenges of the 21st century, 3,445 people to all the forms of education. and it will allow the University of Tyumen to “leap forward” in the future. In education, all changes take The average score of the entrants applying for long enough. However, if we see the ways of devel- state-funded education has grown by two points, and opment in advance and do not stand still, but move now comprises 74.26. forward, we—a regional university with federal ambitions—will be able to bypass many universities Speaking about the masters’ admission, I want to in 5–7 years of good competition. note that the University of Tyumen gradually in- creases the number of applicants who have graduated I repeat, more than 900 freshmen are now stud- from other universities. Here we achieve our set ying at the University of Tyumen employing indi- goals—today, it is 27% on average. The highest vidual educational trajectories. Four institutes have percentage of other universities’ graduates can be decided to implement them, but we set ourselves seen in Conceptual Engineering of Oil and Gas the task of setting the whole university onto this Fields program—66%. model by 2020.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 9 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM V. N. Falkov, V. G. Nemirovsky, pp. 8–11 Individualised education will be beneficial for In general, attracting employers to participate in both students and teachers. The former, when choos- the educational process and assessing its quality is ing an educational trajectory, get education con- one of the university’s priorities. structed “for themselves.” Which is profitable for This year, the University of Tyumen became one them, as they will gain the exact knowledge that will of the organisers of the first professional student’s be useful in the future for them and their employers. Olympiad “I Am a Professional.” Participating in it, By the way, contemporary employers need profes- students will be acquainted with employers’ modern sionals with a whole set of seemingly incongruous requirements and, thereby, will be able to improve competencies: e.g., a chemist with knowledge of IT, their competitiveness in the labour market. foreign languages, and commanding skills in the team among many others. Unlike the old one, a new In addition, we attract foreign professors to teach- educational model allows these things to be taken ing. Foreign experience affects the level of students’ into consideration, offering a choice of various elec- education positively as well. For example, 16 re- tive courses. search teachers from nine countries already work on the permanent basis at the School of Advanced Even today, the teachers of the institutes that have Studies. In general, the University of Tyumen has switched to the individual educational trajectories, formed ambitious plans to increase the share of note a sharp increase in the number of students, who foreign faculty from 1 to 12% by 2020. start thinking critically. Decision-making is one of the most important competences of this time, while V. Nemirovsky: Which important studies in so- the new educational model already accounts for its ciology, conducted by employees of the University formation. of Tyumen during this period, could you mention? It is another issue, though, that we still need to V. Falkov: Our University’s sociologists are re- develop a tutoring system to help the freshmen to markable for their high publication activity: dozens orient in such a meaningful, technical, and method- of collective monographs, a series of academic articles in high-ranking journals indexed by Scopus, ical plan. Web of Science, ERIH, RSCI, and papers at inter- The lecturers will also benefit from the new mod- national conferences. el. First, it is an opportunity to give the courses they Our sociologists, guided by professors Gulnara like, something that is part of their academic Romashkina and Vladimir Davydenko, actively interests. participate in the All-Russian programme The V. Nemirovsky: As it is known, one of the most Problems of the Sociocultural Evolution of Russia important tasks of the Russian higher education and Its Regions. Over the past 10 years, 5 projects system at the present stage is to increase the com- have been implemented with the support of the petitiveness of students. Could you name the most Russian Humanities Research Foundation, and the effective directions in this field, which are followed Tyumen Regional Duma. Our researchers have at the University of Tyumen? conducted five monitoring studies on the territory of the Tyumen Region (including Yugra and V. Falkov: Today, to be competitive in the labour Yamal). market, a graduate needs to possess not only narrow professional competencies, but also soft skills. He Significant results have been obtained following or she should be skilled at communication, team- the results of a major sociological research, which work, information technologies, negotiation and studied the social and professional portrait of the critical thinking. Such training modules, in particu- teachers in the south of the Tyumen Region and lar, are in the program of the Polytechnic School of Yamal. Gennady Shafranov-Kutsev, a member of the University of Tyumen, the key partner of Gaz- the Russian Academy of Education, has guided the prom Neft. work.

10 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 V. N. Falkov, V. G. Nemirovsky, pp. 8–11 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS Another large-scale study by our researchers would like to mention three industrial partners. allowed us to assess the risks of inclusive educa- Firstly, it is GMS Neftemash company: together, we tion. It is an especially urgent relevant topic for the are working on a major project to develop equipment contemporary Russian educational system, and it for oil and gas enterprises. The second research and is very promising for further study at other educa- educational project is implemented with a major tional levels. Russian company, Gazprom Neft. They help us to develop educational and scientific structural units: Currently, a research group led by Kutsev analyses the School of Advanced Studies and the Polytechnic the components of the younger generation’s com- School. The third is the SIBUR petrochemical competitiveness. This project has won the contest of the pany; with them, we cooperate in scientific and Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian educational projects in many areas. Federation. The aim of the project is to develop al- gorithms for the formation of a competitive young V. Nemirovsky: In conclusion,what place in the generation and models for managing these social University of Tyumen’s development strategy do processes in the Russian society. you assign to our new journal, Siberian Socium? What would you suggest or comment upon? V. Nemirovsky: The University of Tyumen, without any exaggeration, is the leading centre of scien- V. Falkov: The editorial board of the Siberian tific and educational activities in the Tyumen Region. Socium has found the most perspective point of view, What is the interaction between the university and based on a systematic approach to the study of mod- the region, aimed at the mutual progressive deve- ern Siberia and the interaction of the region with other territories. And I think that the chosen strategy lopment? of the international editorial board will allow the V. Falkov: The University systematically works journal to find its place in the cohort of highly rated on R&D offers to the regional enterprises. Now, I academic publications.

Interviewer Valentin G. Nemirovsky, Dr. Sci. (Soc.), Professor, University of Tyumen, Chief Editor of Siberian Socium

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 11 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIA’S SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROCESSES

research article

The Industrial Growth Path of the Tyumen Region in the Context of the History of Its Social-Economic Embeddedness

Elena V. Andrianova1, Vladimir A. Davydenko2, Gulnara F. Romashkina3

1 Cand. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, University of Tyumen [email protected] 2 Dr. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, University of Tyumen [email protected] 3 Dr. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, University of Tyumen [email protected]

Abstract. This article presents an analysis of academic sources; theoretical approaches and methodologies of researching processes of new industrialization and adjacent social-cultural space as its core; construction of the technique for determining the current positions of macro-, meso- and microactors, revealing their interests; examples of real practices and dominating lines of economical behaviour in the context of industrial growth path of the Tyumen Region. The authors provide empirical, theoretical and methodological studies of the new industrialization, its possibilities and limitations on the example of the Tyumen Region. They disclose the problems and contradictions of the sociocultural regional space, taken in the historical, sociocultural and socioeconomic contexts. This paper emphasises the fact that institutions and technologies are associated with formal and informal practices embodying social norms, implicit knowledge, which reproduce (both politically and socially) the entire spectrum of structured interactions between groups of different status and the regional elites. The authors consider the phenomenon of increasing return to investment in the framework of this study as the most important characteristic of modern societal and technical- technological processes. They see the introduction of new technologies and the innovative activity of elites through the prism of both their direct and indirect influence on the industrial trajectory of the growth of the Tyumen Region. The latter is represented from the historical, socioeconomic, structural, cultural, political, and cognitive standpoints by the types of entrenched leading representatives of status groups. The growth can also be viewed as the reproduction of their actions, embodied in terms of their new incentives (motives), of old and new social values.

Keywords: new industrialization, historical, social-economic, structural, cultural, political, cognitive types of embeddedness, industrial growth path of the Tyumen Region.

DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-12-46

12 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS Citation: Andrianova E. V., Davydenko V. A., Romashkina G. F. 2017. “The Industrial Growth Path of the Tyumen Region in the Context of the History of Its Social-Economic Embeddedness”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 12-46. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-12-46

INTRODUCTION Relevance of the research. Currently in Russia and its regions, transition to the socioeconomic agenda of the “new industrialization wave1” (also known as “reindustrialization”, “new industrial policy” or “new industrial development”) [2; 4; 5; 19-21; 30; 31; 44; 47; 49] is connected with the theory and practice of the Russian industrial revival on a new technological base. The idea of new industrialization (reindustrialization) logic is also gaining popularity in foreign academic literature, highlighting that a unique set of political and socioeconomic relations, technological changes and their accompanying economic institutions should correspond to each stage of a society’s industrial development [7; 11; 17; 18; 35]. The issue in question is especially relevant in Russia and its regions, since it is related to the introduction of import-substituting industrial and technological chains oriented toward the production of civil and military end-products. In our case, of theoretical and practical significance is the issue of exactly how and why the industrial growth path of this or that social and regional community is rigidly aligned with its history, social and economic embeddedness of the activity of the main status groups and authorities embodied in contemporary practices. The research problem, to which the article is devoted: description and solution variants for the existing contradictions between the introduction of new systems of industrialization in various industries connected with, among other things, dimin- ishing returns (traditional economic sectors, manufacturing industry, the military-industrial complex) and growing returns (both in investment industries and, especially, in knowledge-based industries) [3; 49], institutional and socioeconomic contexts of the elite’s managerial behaviour in Russian regions, in particular Tyumen [40]. The theoretical and practical value of the study consists in the necessity to explain, operationalize and verify the existence of various approaches to the understanding of the concept of the “new industrialization wave” and practices of implementation both in Russia and in its multiple regions. Purely economic approaches focus on the necessity to create an institution responsible for the implementation of the state policy of technological restoration and future development of the Russian machine-building industry aligned with the solution of the key problems of economic reindustrialization (the prefix re means restoration on a new basis). Reindustriali- zation is interpreted as a transition from the “old” industrial base to the newest types

1 “Today we are talking about a new industrialization wave. Of course, I mean the high- tech industry of the 21st century operating on the principles of a free competitive market and based on such basic economic concepts as effectiveness, profitability, market demand and return on investment”, stated Vladimir Putin [48].

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 13 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 of machinery and technologies. This requires restoration of industrial integrity, implementation of active and systemic industrial policy, renovation of production facilities and solving staffing issues [47]. However, it is well known that apart from purely economic and hard technological factors, the results of the economic activity of any community depend on contemporary management practices on the part of regional and federal authorities, corporate structures and systems of real management. In Russia, there has traditionally been a marked bias toward centralization and vertical power structures. This causes deficits of not only economic and financial resources on the regional and municipal levels, but also, obviously, of political will and authority [49]. For Russia, new industrialization as a social and economic phenomenon also means stopping the already strongly marked trends of simplification and archaization of economic structures (industries). There are studies of new industrialization in multiple aspects: structural, resource-oriented, institutional, technological and macroeconomic [30: 9-10]. New industrialization processes have become a valuable strategic resource underpinning economic policy in currently developed countries [11; 18]. The key content and meaning of practical activities within the framework of new industrialization include the processes of distribution and adoption of breakthrough technologies covering the formation of new industrial branches and sectors in these countries. Considering the large-scale processes of economic simplification and archaization, deindustrialization of Russian industry over the last two decades, Russia must, first of all, ensure the revival of its traditional industries on a new technological base i.e. via reindustrialization [31:19]. For many of Russia’s regions oriented towards new economic industrialization, there exists a real problem of involving the local elites in investment processes in such a way as to ensure constructive political, economic and social conditions which could guarantee a sufficiently stable investment flow in strategically significant industrial production, and exercise adequate control. If an agent of economic activity has the goal of receiving bureaucratic rent income (regularly received income from the corresponding capital type), it depends on the reproduction capacity and limitations of specific interest groups within the framework of the municipal, regional and federal power structures. The reorientation of regional elites toward new industrialization should at the same time result in sustainable economic and industrial development for their region. This defines thegoal pursued by the present authors: description of the possible industrial growth paths of Russia and its regions in the historical context of their social-economic embeddedness, exemplified mainly by the Tyumen region, as well as elicitation of formal and informal interaction mechanisms between elite regional groups. Such mechanisms should support new economic industrialization, investments and their corresponding pan-Russian and regional interests. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to perform the following tasks: operationalization and verification of contemporary problems related to new industrialization and their corresponding key variables in the sociocultural space. These processes are aimed at forming elite groups and coalitions for the transition from redistribution of interests to inclusive regional interests;

14 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS identification of the necessary base reasons and stimuli, values and policies; demonstration of good practices and the dominating lines of socioeconomic behavior in the industrial growth path of the Tyumen region. In light of the abovementioned tasks, the fundamental issues of the necessity to create new institutions corresponding to new industrialization (reindustrialization) as well as practical implementation of the conception of control of the state policy on home industry restoration and development determine the relevance of the research. No doubt, experience concerning introduction of new industrialization in the Tyumen region is closely aligned with the contexts of historic socioeconomic and political embeddedness of the activities of its ruling groups.

LITERATURE REVIEW Russian academics are actively discussing the choice of structural priorities for the new industrial policy. Thus, V. V. Ivanter and N. I. Komkov, S. Bodrunov and co-authors, Ya. Dubenetsky and many others suppose that new industrialization (reindustrialization) should begin with the revival of the military-industrial complex. If successful, it should, as a “multiplier”, draw other sectors when significant financial resources, accumulated in prosperous years, are used for industrial growth. In line with this, a substantial part of financial resources should be allocated to infrastructure development [8; 12; 21]. Admitting that growth of defense industries in the military-industrial complex may prove ineffective in the long run, as well as from the point of view of global competitiveness, the authors do not see an alternative to the military strategy of reindustrialization. Another point of view on the priorities for the new industrialization of the Russian economy belongs to V. Tsvetkov and V. Inozemtsev, who independently came to the conclusion that the fuel and energy complex should be the starting point of new industrialization in Russia. Tsvetkov proposes to choose the mining industries of the fuel and energy complex in combination with the industries of national infrastructure (transport, telecommunications and energy generating) as “breakthrough” sectors. According to V. Tsvetkov, the arguments for this approach, which reveal the essence of the issue, lie in the fact that they have external competitiveness; necessary and sufficient conditions for transformation; a cumulative-synergistic effect of development and, finally, they will serve as the most powerful driving force for innovation implementation [44]. V. Inozemtsev rightly notes that around the world, commercial extraction of minerals is a sector characterized by high technological standards and progressive capital/labor ratios. Every energy corporation in the world invests billions of dollars in the latest technology, allocating from 4 to 7% of its total profit to ensuring “technological breakthroughs”. According to V. Inozemtsev, it is the Russian branches of the raw-material economy that are able to present the main solvent demand for new technologies and equipment, thereby becoming the sought-after “driver” of the national economy.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 15 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 At the same time, V. Inozemtsev emphasizes that although the idea of transition from a raw-material economy to an innovative one is coherent with the logic of modern progress, it has nevertheless at least three flaws. Firstly, such a transition assumes a special “intermediate link”, namely a developed industry which is sufficiently competitive globally and focused on final demand. Secondly, it is the domestic economy that should provide the demand for innovations that would benefit Russia and not its “partners”. Thirdly, structural reforms, in conditions of fast economic growth, are nonsense. In the new circumstances, it is necessary to overtake the developed countries in terms of growth rates. Fourthly, V. Inozemtsev believes that Russia needs a “normal political process”, which requires at least 10-15 years of growth. Fifthly, there should be a level of consumption in the country that would reach the values at which a new technological wave usually arrives [19]. For the last three years the level of consumption in Russia has been falling. More- over, rent-seeking behavior will further restrict economic growth. Whatever the discussion, it is clear that re-industrialization requires the creation of a high-tech base for Russian industry. The branches of the “promising wave” of new industrialization should guarantee technologies’ independence and self-sufficiency in the future. The branches of the “current wave” of new industrialization should provide basic infrastructure and technical support for the economy. The “old” branches of re-industrialization should represent the main source of employment. Understanding the development logic of the new industrialization wave is important with regard to the tasks set forth by President Vladimir V. Putin in the new course for large-scale economic modernization, announced by Presidential decree in May 2012. These tasks are aimed at ensuring a sufficiently high rate of economic dynamism as a basis for successful solutions to social problems and ensuring adequate national defense capacity [38]. To support this modernization policy, a number of policy documents have defined the means of addressing strategic tasks related to economic development and structural rotation of the national economy from the raw material specialization towards a competitive diversified economy by means of an innovative reproduction process [39]. These program documents set forth ambitious plans, the implementation of which was supposed to ensure the revival of Russia as one of the technological leaders in the global market. In particular, by 2020 it was planned to strengthen its position in the global high-tech market, increase Russia’s share from 0.3% (2009) to 2% (2020), bring the innovation activity of Russian enterprises from 7.7% (2009) to 25% (2020), and raise spending on research from 1.2% (2009) to 3.0% (2020). A research group led by M. E. Dmi- triev conducted an assessment of the implementation factors [10]. The implementation factor assessment of the top-level strategic planning documents related to economic diversification and establishment of new institutions capable of stimu- lating innovative development in the market shares in question has revealed a 10% to 30% progress level. The need has appeared to create a new long-term programme for economic development. The task has been entrusted to the Centre for Strategic Research headed by A. Kudrin and M. Dmitriev. According to their programme, Russia’s

16 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS escape from the “uncompetitiveness trap” is possible via the development of breakthrough innovative products and their promotion to foreign markets, export diversification, and increased competitive advantages for domestic producers both in global and domestic markets. Competitiveness should be strengthened through lower costs, cheaper raw materials and energy. Maxim Oreshkin, the Economy Minister, spoke in an interview about the old and new tasks of his ministry, and introduced a new methodology for its actions based on an algorithm of formulations of the existing quantitative and qualitative restrictions that slow down the economic growth of Russia and its regions. A matrix is presented in which there are restrictions in horizontal direction and vertically, specific actions to overcome them. The cells respectively provide assessment of how these actions affect certain restrictions [35]. It is important to emphasize that this research relies on approximately the same methodological scheme for the solution of practical economic and management problems, while promoting new industrialization in the Tyumen region. In our opinion, special attention should be paid to regional localization of the new industrial policy associated with modern practices and implemented in the processes of growth paths of the Tyumen region in the context of the historical and socioeconomic “embeddedness” of the elite and power group activities in the process of social interaction. The above literature review briefly explained the background of the research problem, singling out the main achievements and unresolved issues. We will now proceed to discuss special features of the methodology, including its alternatives.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The research methodology involves distinguishing ideal-typical designs (“patterns”, “ideal types” according to M. Weber) which characterize the basic features of industrial policy in developed countries. We show how, with their help, elite coalitions can effectively organize the work of markets, regions, and states. The methodology of our research suggests that we can achieve more substantial theoretical and empirical results if we consider how the ideal-typical dominance of one of the groups among government officials, workers and businessmen (entrepreneurs, capitalists) affects the formation of local market institutions. Ideal types are useful in that they allow to consider state interference in the work of markets as a function of historically-formed power groups (coalitions) among officials of different levels of government and administration, politicians, businessmen, and employees of different status groups. To use these ideal types, it is necessary to study the historically-established balance of forces at the formative stage of market institutions in a given society, to determine the current positions of actors and to make forecasts about how the organizing capacity of the state will be built and how it will affect the rules of market organization. Knowing what type of social organization dominates in a given society and understanding the roles played by different groups enables the understanding and prediction of how a new crisis will be resolved and what kind of spheres and rules will most likely be created [18: 86]. The general methodology of the study is the following: “pure cases” of ideal type formation

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 17 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 based on the organizing capacity of the state (dominance of officials, businessmen, politicians or workers) appear when one group dominates in the executive or legislative branch and creates favourable rules for themselves. After the establishment of institutions with the organizational ability to form different spheres, the spheres producing and maintaining rules begin to become autonomous. This is especially obvious in modern Russia. In the case of a rent-seeking state, which contemporary Russia still is, government officials and politicians organize markets through direct ownership of enterprises and use them to support privileged groups (their relatives and friends) to establish stable client-oriented relations with a particular social group. They use power to extract rent from these “privileged groups”. In modern Russia, much is defined by departmental interests. The extent to which officials and politicians in the rent-seeking state are able to subordinate the country’s economy and society often varies, even if workers and enterprises are largely disorganized and cannot build opposition. At the same time, society understands that it should be willing to let the “privileged groups” profit due to the “formally legalized” means of interaction and stabilization of social relations in the markets. As a rule, it means the common good: uninterrupted production of goods and services as well as jobs. However, everyone understands that the potential of the elite coalitions and status groups to abuse this form of control has its price, which is sometimes very high for the majority of the lower class. When the notion that the ruling class is the custodian of the common good is important, representatives of public authorities are called upon to “assert a formal order” (M. Weber) in one way or another. One of the standard forms of preserving the public good is characteristic of a system that M. Weber called patrimonialism [51: 269-275], which, in our opinion, manifests itself quite clearly in modern Russia. Power is determined by the traditional domination of the ruler, when s/he feels that everybody is indebted to him personally, the so-called “patrimonial satisfaction of needs for political means of power that are themselves associated with appropriated power positions in relation to socialized action” [52: 24]. There is a similar approach that explains the continuity of policies with organizational characteristics on the part of state representatives and is defined as “neoinstitutional realism”. Industrial societies create “regulation styles” [11: 15] which are in one way or another “rooted” in associated formal and informal norms and rules, and fixed in both their formal and informal institutions. From the point of view of the proposed power-oriented approach paradigm, in post-industrial societies, social structures and social relations take the form of long historical projects in which historical socio-economic practices persist, “embedded” in the form of the ruling elite’s economic activities.

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND The theoretical background of this work goes back to the following research areas: neo-Marxism, neoinstitutional theories in sociology and economics, and politico-cultural and power-oriented approaches. The main thesis of modern Marxism is that bureaucrats (officials), politicians, businessmen, and employees (personnel) confront each other on issues of control. As Russian practice shows, the winners are usually

18 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS bureaucrats (officials) and politicians, less frequently businessmen (capitalists); the most vulnerable groups are workers (personnel). We agree with this statement. If we limit our research to developed industrial societies, the dominant models of the studied social and economic relations will be dominance of the power structure and, to a lesser extent, professionalism; exceptions are, however, possible. In some industrial societies, the main growth model is the sectoral model. Germany is the most pure example of this, possibly due to the fact that German capitalists are organized much better than others (so-called “German order”). They own the most significant resources and quite often can bring the state to follow them. Neoinstitutionalist approaches assume that the observable markets are either in a state of equilibrium or approach to it. The “work of institutions” is important, as well as “market failures” (which the state is expected to deal with). It is pointed out that the state (as well as companies) does not have full information and does not have the theoretical possibility to eliminate transaction costs. The structure of formal and informal norms and rules, the means of their maintenance, and the structure of agents’ economic activity are important: institutional arrangements allowing agents to organize their activities in the markets; their structure of incentives determining the immediate reasons for their actions; and conceptions of control providing insight into both economic processes and action strategies [36]. The historical entrance of countries into the era of industrialization is characterized by the formation of a large number of institutional entities associated with incentive and control. Socioeconomic processes are dynamic; but only until a certain form of organization “closes on itself” and markets become stable and less dynamic. Market processes developing in this way are called “path-dependent”, and can be observed extensively in Russia (the “gauge effect”). Once in place, path-dependent formations stipulate institutional conditions that help to organize the emergence of new industrial organizations and entire industries. Property rights can be organized in a variety of ways, to stabilize and provide institutional structures for the emerging industries. The approach assumes that different societies retain significant differences in their organizational arrangements. Neoinstitutionalist approaches draw attention to the work of socioeconomic mechanisms resulting from three factors: the unique history of the society’s entering into the phase of industrialization and subsequent institutional development, a unique form of state intervention in economy, property rights, competition and cooperation rules, and the social organization of elites (owners of corporations and those exerting control over them in one form or another: families, managers, the state). A research programme based on the politico-cultural paradigm and its associated power-oriented approach includes several key hypotheses. It reviews the socio-political and sociocultural mechanisms tested by developed countries. Through them, state policy and public spending positively influence economic growth, investments in education, healthcare, communication and transport infrastructure. The state ensures that political stability, a fair legal system, and honest courts trusted by all strata of society, alongside a stable monetary system, free media, political competition, and reliable management by competent officials have a positive impact on economic growth.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 19 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 It is widely thought that without established social institutions and the protection of property rights, no economic actors will invest, for the sake of economies of scale, without exposing themselves to excessive risk. Many academics and especially economic actors are willing to believe that certain models of industrial policy are effective due to large investments in research and offers of relatively large amounts of capital for high-risk projects, including military investment. Politico-cultural and power-oriented approaches in economic sociology include those theories, which most fully and adequately explain the dynamics of historical industrial and institutional development [3; 4; 7; 11; 17; 18; 35; 36; 9]. But if this is indeed true, why is there a rejection of state intervention in the Russian economy? [37] There is a view in economic theory according to which state representatives aim solely at extracting rent [9]. It is assumed that the activity of bureaucrats, politicians and officials as state representatives is theoretically illegitimate, in the sense that they seek to maximize their share of profits from national income through participation in political systems of rent-seeking behaviour, thereby taking resources from the private sector. This view, that states are predatory in nature, is not simply generated by the theory of social choice regarding the impossibility to coordinate interests rationally [34]. It is related to the interest of theorists and economic actors in assessing how certain states can achieve competitive market advantages for their companies. The idea of a new industrialization logic which suggests that each stage of economic development corresponds to a particular set of state policies and accompanying economic practices and institutions is becoming increasingly popular. One may conclude that a balanced analysis should simultaneously take into account structural, economic, social, cultural, and historical factors. Sh. Zukin and P. Dim- aggio [56] suggest interesting interpretations of industrial growth’s trajectories being fixed in the capital structures of its socioeconomic roots. They propose a notion of “embeddedness” in different contexts, the most important of which is structural embeddedness, embeddedness in networks and social structures. At the same time, there are other types of embeddedness: political embeddedness caused by the fact that any economic action is always exclusively embedded in the specific context of political struggle of some elite clan or other; cultural embeddedness of an economic action in a culture determined by the impossibility of imagining a unified society bound exclusively by a single culture; and cognitive embeddedness associated with the limitations of human thinking processes. A diversified culture affects an economy quite strongly by means of “beliefs, ideologies, attitudes and formal systems of rules” establishing “the limits of economic rationality” [56: 17]. Besides, in this concept list, the idea of historical rootedness acquires fundamental significance, since historical studies of public policy confirm that governments tend to solve new problems with the help of familiar strategies [11:40]. Supporters of this approach consider this circumstance as an evidence of the “ontological objec- tivity of historical institutions”, which embody current historical models [patterns] of economic actors’ behaviour. Such patterns arise and are reproduced due to identifiable historical causes of specific practices. They are then socially reconstructed as effective practices for that time period (“history matters”), emphasizing

20 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS the importance of symbolic struggles. Thus, established formal and informal institutions become sociocultural entities in the most fundamental sense of the notion of culture. The core of the state power structure and the basis of the whole political order at a given historical moment is, as a rule, a specific political culture, inherent to the community. It allows the main actors to interpret political order and develop specific ideologically-loaded meanings, which in turn form the paradigm of industrial policy. Political culture is understood as an aggregate of historically conditioned views expressed by actors who make key political decisions that take root in the structures of state power. They subsequently influence the contours of industrial policy with surprising stability and at the same time peculiarity [11: 9]. The experience of new industrialization development in the Tyumen region is studied in this article from various perspectives of its socioeconomic origin and embeddedness. In the context of sociocultural and socioeconomic factors of regional development, an array of life-support means and technologies (housing, trade, public catering, health, education, acquisition and application of new knowledge) is important. Many of them contribute to the goal of new industrialization related to this array of tools and technologies, and to the improvement of Russians’ quality of life to meet average European standards. We will discuss these points in more detail below. The motive concept is also important. We define it as an inner urge towards economic action and its immediate rational cause. According to the economic theory, economic agents are driven by economic interests. The power-oriented approach, which we adhere to in this article, provides a wider range of motives for action. These include actions by economic actors structured by sociocultural and cultural-normative schemes, including both ideal and practical standards of economic and political behaviour. These standards are approved of and shared by other actors, customers and competitors. They are authorized by representatives of local elites from various elite coalitions. As V. V. Radaev rightly emphasizes, cultural-normative constructs form specific social contexts within which rules, norms and institutions are defined and redefined, and which also give rise to opportunities and limitations within which a specific content of economic interests is formed [36: 19]. These theoretical principles and principles of politico-cultural and power-oriented approaches are employed in this article. The authors are convinced that they are the basic components of the industrial growth path of any region, considering the socioeconomic embeddedness of the key actors’ actions.

RESEARCH METHODS The article analyzes key ideas of academic literature, presenting conclusions from representative sociological studies, statistical data (the federal state statistics service Rosstat), case analysis methods, in-depth interviews by the authors, historical economic analysis, and studies the motivation of economic and political actors’ behavior and the structure of emergent institutional incentives in the region. Our main unit of analysis is not so much the institutions themselves, but economic and political actions in the Weberian spirit: internally meaningful activity oriented toward the actions of others [50]. The array of life-support means and technologies (housing,

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 21 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 trade, public catering, health care, education, acquisition and application of new knowledge) is of value in contributing to the goal of new industrialization.

PARTICULAR HYPOTHESES OF THE STUDY Local elites of the Tyumen region oriented towards the path of industrial growth are consolidated not only for political reasons, but also for socioeconomic and sociocultural strategic regional development. A strong governor is an ideological inspirer and a true leader. There is a high probability that local elites, elite coalitions, and high-status regional groups are in fact rooted in the political and socioeconomic systems of the region. When implementing new industrialization development programs in the Tyumen region, they are motivated by their specific interests. There are many current investment projects. Successful development of the region is possible if local elites are not only politically consolidated, but also morally united around the strategy of social and economic development proposed by the executive power, and capable of transforming the region into a strong economic entity of the Russian Federation.

DATA This part of the study is of particular importance for the empirical research we are presenting. We use here still little-known (sociological) and extensive (statistical) data sets. The nature and sources of the data are based on 1) descriptive statistics, 2) sociological studies and expert studies of sociohistorical practices. The descriptive statistical analysis of the dynamic series is presented following Rosstat’s methodology, including errors that may arise during the measurement and collection of such data: reliability, representativeness and design errors of the sociological data samples obtained. Full data analysis is presented in the framework of the authors’ scientific monograph The Sociocultural evolution of Russia and its regions [40], with the exception of the 2016 data. Standard historical methods were applied to the results of expert studies associated with sociohistorical practices, including the case study method present in modern historiological theory and methodology [1].

EMPIRICAL RESULTS: DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS The Tyumen region (excepting autonomous regions) is characterized by high socioeconomic indicators which are associated with a high level of influence of the executive authorities on business, political parties, and the regional community as a whole. The Tyumen region is currently a fairly successful, socially stable region with positive dynamics in its economic indicators. The dynamic index of industrial production is noteworthy. As seen in Table 1, in comparison with other regions of Russia, Tyumen is one of the most successful in terms of industrial complex dynamics. This is demonstrated by the pace of its industrial growth compared to other dynamically developing regions. This industrial growth parameter indicates a stable economic trend in the development of the south of the Tyumen region. It is reflected by growth not only in the hydrocarbon production sector, but also in infrastructure and manufacturing, as well

22 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS as in construction and other sectors of economy. These sectors are characterized by special investment rates (the agricultural complex and food industry, production of building materials, engineering, metallurgy) and enjoy the full support of the regional government. Industrial growth in the south of the Tyumen region in the midst of the global crisis in 2009 was registered at 108.4%, while the equivalent Russian index was 89.3%. However, we must understand that the dynamics of any industrial complex do not take into account the “low base effect”. The starting positions of the region are low, and thus even a slight increase in growth rates looks impressive, both in terms of absolute and relative indicators. The indices of industrial production in Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and the northern Khanty-Mansi and Yamal-Nenets regions of Tyumen region in 2014-2015 were 95.9-97.2%; 91.8%-93.0%; 98.7-97.5% and 97.5-104.5% respectively. It is obvious that they have long accumulated in themselves a “high base” of basic capital goods. If we decide to compare the statistical indicators of the regional economy of the south of the Tyumen region with the indicators of the northern strategic autonomous regions, the so-called electric power, oil and gas “monsters”, the results, in fact, will be less impressive. Table 2 presents the rating of the Russian Federation regions for gross regional product (GRP). The rating records industrial production growth in various regions (some of which have an unequally low base for comparison) and indicators of each region’s gross added value calculated by eliminating the volumes of its intermediate consumption from the total gross output. According to the data presented in Table 2, the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area (AA) ranks second to Moscow in terms of gross regional product. The Yamal-Nenets AA ranks the eighth. The Tyumen region (south) ranks eighteenth. The effect of the high base is especially evident in the average weighted version of the comparison of the three areas of the Tyumen region, when comparing certain key economic indicators of the south of the region with their northern autonomous counterparts. (We note that the nominal GRP at current market prices is significantly higher than at basic prices. This is because the updated GDP data, according to the third assessment (of five in total) made by Rosstat, are adjusted in accordance with the implementation of international assessment methodology). It is clear that the quantitative and structural relationships for the oil, gas and electric power industries in the south of the Tyumen region and its two northern neighbours are quite incomparable (2013-2015 figures). When it comes to the development of the “larger” Tyumen region (Khanty-Mansi, Yamal-Nenets, and the south), economists refer to oil, gas, electricity and the associated “resource rent”. This “resource rent” has consistently been the reason why the region was the main contributor to the Russian budget. If one takes the fiscal revenues (mainly mineral extraction tax (MET) and value-added tax (VAT)) from all regions to the federal budget as 100%, in 2014, Khanty-Mansi region gave central government 28%; Moscow 16%, the Yamal-Nenets region 10%, and Saint Petersburg 5% [54]. Everyone had to “‘march in step’, and the richest regions also had to share” [55]. As for oil, the Khanty-Mansi region produced 255.1 million tons (48.7% of all

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 23 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 extracted Russian oil, and more than any other region); in 2014—250.2 million tons of oil; in 2015—243.1 million tons of oil (the decline in production is associated with changes in the structure of recoverable reserves [22]). In 2013, the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Area produced 37.2 million tons of oil (7.0% of Russian oil production); 21.5 million tons in 2014, and 20.7 million tons in 2015 [53]. The south of the Tyumen region produced 9.7 million tons of oil in 2013; 10.7 million tons in 2014; and 12.0 million tons in 2015 [33], which represents approximately 1.5% Russian oil production. As for natural gas, in 2013 the Yamal-Nenets region produced 548.4 billion cubic metres (80.2% of Russian gas production and second position globally. The Yamal-Nenets region had a share of 16.2% of the world natural gas market). In 2014, it produced 516.2 billion cubic metres of natural gas; in 2015, 507.7 billion cubic metres. (The decrease in natural gas production in the Yamal-Nenets autonomous region, as well as in Russia as a whole, was due to a decrease in natural gas exports to the CIS countries and Ukraine, as well as a decrease in domestic demand). In 2013, the Khanty-Mansi region produced 36.2 billion cubic metres of natural gas (5.3% of the Russian gas produced); 34.7 billion cubic metres in 2014; and 34.8 billion cubic metres in 2015. Natural gas is not produced in the south of the Tyumen region. As for electricity production, in 2013 the Khanty-Mansi autonomous region produced 86.5 billion kWh (8.1% of Russian electricity production, and the largest amount of any RF region). In 2014, it produced 90.1 billion kWh, and 90.8 billion kWh in 2015. In the south of the Tyumen region, 10.0 billion kilowatt hours were produced in 2013 (0.9% of Russian production); in 2011, 11.2 billion kWh; and in 2015, 10.9 billion kWh [22; 33; 53].

Table 1. The index of industrial production in the RF subjects (in comparison with the previous year, in %)

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Russian Federation 106.3 106.8 100.6 89.3 107.3 105.0 103.4 100.4 101.7 96.6 Rostov region 115.8 114.5 105.1 84.5 114.4 119.3 107.8 106.2 105.4 153.2 Republic of Altai 107.4 106.5 104.2 89.6 96.5 108.1 104.4 96.5 105.6 125.2 Bryansk region 111.7 121.8 103.2 76.6 122.9 110.6 115.7 96.8 102.1 113.5 Sakhalin region 131.1 229.3 90.8 126.6 101.1 103.3 94.7 99.5 105.5 112.6 Tula region 109.1 107.1 101.5 90.0 110.9 120.0 108.4 110.5 104.5 111.9 Tyumen region … 109.2 105.6 108.4 122.3 116.5 113.2 115.1 112.9 109.7 (without autonomous regions) Astrakhan region 100.9 111.6 110.3 93.4 113.0 107.5 118.7 115.5 102.9 109.6 Republic of Mari El 117.1 111.3 106.4 94.6 116.1 107.3 110.0 100.3 113.4 108.5 Tomsk region 99.2 98.2 100.0 97.9 105.3 107.0 103.9 100.7 100.1 108.0 Magadan region 88.8 91.0 102.1 105.8 103.9 108.3 110.0 103.0 109.0 107.5 Murmansk region 101.5 98.2 94.6 96.5 103.2 99.5 102.7 99.8 99.8 106.8 Nenets Autonomous Area 104.8 105.2 107.7 128.1 96.5 83.9 89.3 96.5 105.9 106.2 Irkutsk region 108.0 104.4 104.8 96.1 113.3 111.4 112.9 102.5 104.4 105.8 Stavropol Territory 109.0 106.8 101.0 101.4 105.3 111.9 102.9 103.7 102.4 105.7

24 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Belgorod region 113.4 111.3 112.7 103.5 113.9 108.7 105.6 102.1 102.5 105.5 Republic of Dagestan 108.5 133.1 104.1 103.2 91.2 92.3 100.4 154.0 100.7 105.2 Republic of Tyva 103.2 100.6 92.0 96.3 110.3 96.4 105.7 103.8 108.5 105.1 Penza region 115.0 106.4 110.2 977 113.0 115.4 110.0 104.7 108.3 104.8 Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Area 102.9 95.7 97.7 89.9 104.7 102.2 99.5 106.2 97.5 104.5 Kursk region 106.5 104.1 95.0 100.0 106.5 104.6 103.3 100.8 105.7 104.3 Saratov region 106.5 106.6 102.0 96.3 101.8 120.5 106.6 102.3 107.6 104.2 Kabardino-Balkar Republic 109.5 111.7 105.3 112.7 100.2 107.9 122.4 93.5 110.3 104.2 Arkhangelsk region 99.1 107.0 105.5 115.4 104.9 88.8 95.1 102.4 89.6 103.8 Republic of Sakha (Yakutiya) 100.0 100.5 104.2 86.4 122.8 116.1 109.0 106.2 104.9 103.8 Kamchatka Territory 101.6 100.6 100.9 99.8 101.5 105.6 105.2 97.1 104.4 103.4 Kirov region 108.3 101.7 98.7 90.1 111.4 110.0 100.8 100.2 103.9 103.3 Republic of Adygea 118.3 118.2 116.6 103.8 115.2 107.2 108.7 102.7 118.5 103.1 Pskov region 108.2 108.0 105.1 89.6 117.4 116.3 99.6 100.6 94.4 102.8 Novgorod region 101.7 106.4 102.3 87.7 116.1 110.9 104.4 105.4 112.9 102.7 Vologda region 107.1 104.9 95.3 90.5 111.8 105.6 101.3 102.5 103.7 102.6 Udmurt Republic 101.5 97.4 100.7 95.1 106.1 110.1 102.6 101.8 99.2 102.6 Nizhegorod region 108.9 100.5 90.4 77.9 116.7 107.7 104.1 104.5 100.6 102.5 Krasnodar krai 122.9 110.9 100.4 87.8 104.2 107.1 108.3 102.5 102.6 102.4 Ulyanovsk region 104.5 108.5 100.8 75.2 114.4 112.1 102.5 99.4 102.9 102.4 Khabarovsk Territory 89.3 110.1 92.6 93.2 111.0 116.9 109.6 102.2 100.5 102.0 Karachaevo-Circassian Republic 115.7 110.7 96.1 106.0 116.0 119.7 124.7 89.8 79.2 102.0 Kurgan region 106.8 105.9 101.3 77.0 113.2 110.4 110.5 100.8 97.7 101.8 Republic of Buryatia 108.4 108.6 107.6 99.3 120.2 114.2 103.2 114.9 102.9 101.6 Republic of Tatarstan 108.1 107.3 104.0 95.6 105.1 106.3 106.9 101.7 100.6 101.5 Novosibirsk region 110.7 110.7 102.4 89.1 108.3 105.0 109.0 101.4 100.2 101.0 Chechen Republic … 100.6 96.4 88.2 93.7 97.3 99.7 101.6 102.6 101.0 Omsk region 110.8 109.1 101.4 93.3 106.4 104.0 103.1 103.2 103.5 100.4 Republic of Ingushetia 105.1 76.1 83.7 112.1 97.4 111.4 110.0 116.1 102.8 100.4 Tyumen region 103.8 101.5 99.7 97.5 98.6 98.7 98.6 98.4 98.7 100.0 (with autonomous regions) Perm Territory 104.2 89.4 100.3 85.5 111.3 116.4 102.3 103.9 104.3 99.5 Samara region 105.0 103.4 103.1 80.7 114.4 105.8 102.2 101.0 99.4 99.4 Krasnoyarsk Territory 101.0 102.4 104.0 98.3 135.8 107.3 109.3 109.3 101.9 99.0 Chelyabinsk region 110.5 112.5 96.3 80.1 111.0 107.5 101.7 99.9 104.0 98.0 Republic of Khakassia 105.8 99.7 112.2 93.3 98.0 113.3 102.9 110.5 95.2 98.0 Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area 103.8 101.5 99.7 97.5 98.6 98.7 98.6 98.4 98.7 97.5 Moscow 119.6 91.1 88.1 93.7 97.8 100.7 100.4 95.3 95.9 97.2 Sverdlov region 108.2 107.3 95.4 81.1 117.3 106.2 109.6 102.7 100.8 96.9 Kaluga region 111.1 105.7 100.2 83.8 115.7 108.2 103.7 104.6 99.6 94.6 Saint-Petersburg 98.0 110.1 103.6 83.4 107.8 114.6 104.7 99.6 91.8 93.0 Compiled from the Rosstat [14].

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 25 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 The position of the Tyumen region and its autonomous regions in the ranking Russia’s regions by gross regional product seems to be quite strong (see Table 2). At the same time, it is known that statistical GDP should be perceived with some caution and compared with the real state of affairs in the regions. Oil and gas rents are often sold through headquarters located in Moscow, the Moscow region and Saint Petersburg, not the actual place of hydrocarbon production. This fact introduces distortions in understanding of the actual state of affairs as reflected in the statistics. To restore a more or less realistic picture, it is necessary, at least briefly, to use retro- spective methodology for the conceptual analysis of the Tyumen region’s growth.

EMPIRICAL RESULTS: SOCIOHISTORICAL PRACTICES The Tyumen region (excluding its autonomous regions) arguably occupies an intermediate position between two economic giants in the Great Urals. To the north

Table 2. Rating of the RF regions by gross regional product in the RF subjects (gross value added in basic prices), billion rubles № Region 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Russian Federation 22 492.1 27 964.0 33 908.8 32007.2 37 687.8 45 392.3 49 926.1 54 013.6 58 900.1 1 Moscow 5260.2 6696.3 8248.7 7127.0 8375.9 9948.8 10 666.8 11 632.5 12 808.5 Khanty-Mansi 2 1594.1 1728.3 1937.2 1778.6 1971.9 2440.4 2703.5 2 789.6 2 826.0 Autonomous Area 3 Moscow region 934.3 1295.6 1645.8 1519.4 1832.9 2176.8 2357.0 2 551.2 2 705.6 4 Saint Petersburg 825.1 1119.7 1431.8 1475.8 1699.5 2091.9 2280.4 2 496.5 2 652.0 5 Krasnodar Territory 484.0 648.2 803.8 861.6 1028.3 1244.7 1459.4 1 617.8 1 792.0 6 Tatarstan 605.9 757.4 926.1 885.1 1001.6 1305.9 1437.0 1 547.1 1 671.3 7 Sverdlovsk region 653.9 820.8 923.6 825.3 1046.6 1291.0 1484.8 1 586.2 1 661.4 Yamal-Nenets 8 546.4 594.7 719.4 649.6 782.2 966.1 1191.2 1 373.4 1 611.6 Autonomous Area 9 Krasnoyarsk Territory 585.9 734.2 738.0 749.2 1055.5 1170.8 1183.2 1 256.6 1 423.2 10 Bashkortostan 505.2 590.1 743.1 647.9 759.2 941.0 1149.3 1 266.9 1 248.8 11 Samara region 487.7 585.0 699.3 584.0 695.7 834.1 937.4 1 040.7 1 152.0 12 Nizhegorod region 376.2 473.3 588.8 547.2 652.8 770.7 842.1 925.8 1 018.4 13 Rostov region 340.0 450.4 576.1 555.9 659.6 765.9 843.5 923.5 1 000.2 14 Chelyabinsk region 446.9 575.6 664.5 557.0 652.9 774.4 841.9 879.2 992.9 15 Perm region 383.8 477.8 607.4 539.8 623.1 840.1 860.3 893.4 967.9 16 Irkutsk region 330.8 402.7 438.9 458.8 546.1 634.5 737.9 796.5 907.4 17 Novosibirsk region 296.1 365.5 453.6 425.4 484.1 598.5 728.1 821.4 895.3 18 Tyumen region (south) 413.3 435.8 438.9 442.1 547.1 706.0 730.6 854.7 740.9 19 Orenburg region 302.8 370.9 430.0 413.4 458.1 553.3 628.5 709.5 731.3 20 Leningrad region 265.3 309.0 383.3 430.4 490.3 581.7 672.0 692.7 714.0 Compiled from the Rosstat [15]. Notes: * At the time of this writing (February 2017), Rostsstat has not yet reported gross regional product data on the RF subjects for 2015 at current market prices

26 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS of the southern territory of the Tyumen region, two strategic oil and gas giants, the Khanty-Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets regions, reign supreme. To the south, there is a diverse industrial giant, based in the Sverdlovsk and Chelyabinsk regions. In recent years, oil production has been one of the most actively growing industrial sectors in the Tyumen region: in approximately 8 years it has grown 8.5 times from 1.4 million tons in 2007 to 12 million tons in 2015 [46]. This became a necessary re- quirement for the successful development of machine-building in the region. The industrial sector of Tyumen’s south is based on the oil industry: approximately 80% of all shipments are local products. The monoprofile oil orientation relates the south of the region to the strategic giants. At the same time, it no longer concerns oil and gas as raw materials, but locally processed oil products. In addition, the south of the Tyumen region boasts developed food, engineering, and construction industries, as well as assets of various metallurgical holdings. Territorial individuality is most pronounced in housing construction. According to 2016 year-end results, almost 1.7 million square metres of housing was built in the south, against only slightly more than 0.84 million square metres in the Khan- ty-Mansi autonomous region, i.e. 50% less. The current socioeconomic benefits of the Tyumen region have evolved over many decades. Industrial development of the territory began in the 1960s, following the geological discovery of the oil and gas fields. The heroic examples of professional and selfless work by the conquerors of the Tyumen North shall be always remembered. Labour exploits and Komsomol construction projects were an everyday occurrence. At that time, was forged the famous image of the Siberian Kom- somol personality, reflecting the fortitude of the pioneers’ spirit. In those days, the technological principles of the work of geologists, oil and gas specialists applied to the managerial and social spheres were fully embedded and institutionalized. The procedural issue (orders, regulations) was surprisingly well-established. Later, it was accompanied by the personnel capable of functioning well in a system of instructions. Such qualities as unity, collectivism and mutual support in the extreme conditions of the north were reproduced within the framework of a rigid corporate status system of clear subordination and perfect execution of all instructions from the top. As a consequence, eventually people with excellent business but not political qualities were nominated to the elite. Particularly influential were oil and gas gen- erals who were used to the fact that if they gave a command, it was not necessary to check its execution: the next day everything would be done. Tyumen political and business circles are also characterized by continuity in personnel matters. Without knowing the right people, it is practically impossible to come to power or conduct business. All senior management in the Tyumen region began their career in middle management. The constructed administrative hierarchy continues to work this way without disruption even today, due to this approach which is also accepted among geologists and gas and oil workers. Since the 1970s, during the long and turbulent period of the formation and development of the oil and gas complex in the north of the Tyumen region, the population of the Yamal-Nenets autonomous

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 27 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 region has increased sevenfold (from 80,000 in 1970 to 540,000 in 2017) and more than six-fold in Khanty-Mansi region (from 270,000 in 1970 to 1,650,000 in 2017). The breakthrough in industrialization which we are witnessing today is a natural consequence of major investments in the social and economic spheres of the region, as well as in its administrative infrastructure. When active development of the oil fields in the Khanty-Mansi and Yamal-Nenets autonomous regions began in the mid-1960s, the city of Tyumen became a regional hub. It became a fairly large transshipment and transfer hub with an advantageous geographic location and an appropriate range of services. It was, therefore, perceived merely as a functional city, serving the northern territories in their oil and gas production. In 1993, the northern territories received autonomy, including their own authorities and budgets. Tyumen remained a provincial capital. (The saying Tyumen is the capital of all villages is still popular among villagers.) As the elected head of the Tyumen region in 2001, Sergei Sobyanin strove to integrate the Khanty-Mansi and Yamal-Nenets Autonomous regions and the south of the Tyumen region through the creation of a union of three governors and a common investment fund. He submitted to the Tyumen regional Duma (parliament) an agreement on a unified social and economic policy for the three RF subjects within the territory of the region. As a result, the headquarters of Lukoil and Tyumen Oil Company returned to the region. Furthermore, Tyumen welcomed the oilfield service company Schlumberger, large retailers, McDonald’s, and private investors in housing construction. Later, the ambitious project of the Antipinsky oil refinery started. For any region, its own refinery means not only oil refining and jobs, but also large tax revenue for the local budget. In the five-year period of Sergei Soby- anin’s governorship, the redistribution of revenue in favour of the regional center stimulated the entire social sphere of its inhabitants and brought about a significant increase in the comfort and quality of their life. Roads were upgraded, Roshchino airport was modernized, the bus station was rebuilt and the railway station was reconstructed. The clothing market was moved away from the city centre. A pe- destrian precinct appeared. A new general plan for the city was introduced that would increase its population to one million. One tangible result of Sergei Sobya- nin’s governorship was the colossal growth of the Tyumen region’s budget from 10.5 billion rubles to 119.9 billion rubles [32], spent mainly on socioeconomic transformation. The key areas of socioeconomic and political activity of Vladimir Yakushev as governor of the Tyumen region (appointed November 24, 2005, October 2, 2010 and September 25, 2014) remain those allowing for a breakthrough primarily in the economic development of the region. From the very beginning, his work can be described as a “success story” based on the conceptual approach to the search for, and placement of investment in industrialization. In addition, in 2006, the Department of Investment Policy and State Support for Entrepreneurship was established in Tyumen Regional Administration. It was headed by Vadim Shumkov. The new department’s function was to become the central command post in the process of winning budgetary independence for the region. In the first five-year period (2006-2010), the

28 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS governor’s team planned and implemented 35 major industrial investment projects in the southern territory of the region. They totaled about 7 billion dollars or 420 billion rubles [45]. In that period, total investment in the fixed assets of the Tyumen region came to 478 billion rubles. In the second five-year period (2011-2015), the activities of Yakushev’s team attracted investments worth 1099.4 billion rubles to the south of the region, over twice as much as in the first period (see Table 3). Governor Vladimir Yakushev considered the activities of his team in the development of the south of the region over the last ten years (2007-2016) as successful, with more than threefold growth in industrial production. In fact, it is the second industrialization of the region, due to multi-vector diversification of the regional economy; a more than four-fold increase in investment in fixed assets; a four-fold increase in the volume of housing; more than five hundred kilometres of newly-constructed and reconstructed roads and forty-five bridges; a fourfold increase in the wages of workers in the budgetary sphere, a 3.5-fold increase in the per capita income of the population as a whole; and a three-fold increase in retail volume (correction in light of inflation is necessary). The success is undeniable. The region became much richer, stronger and more intelligent. The natural increase in the population is stable. The birth rate is growing. The number of families with more than two children is growing. The life expectancy and quality are growing. Tyumen medical and educational institutions have made their “breakthrough into the future”, especially in terms of new equipment and technologies. A logical question arises: “What is the root cause of this success?” Vladimir Yak- ushev’s answer is: “Our policy was not only thoughtful, rational, strategically verified... our policy was honest” [45]. This principle of integrity explains in practice the fact that the governor’s team “never acted against their conscience when interacting with the federal center, did not beg for handouts and indulgences; honestly and transpar- ently built relations with other RF subjects, primarily with our northern partners and friends; never deceived investors, either foreign or Russian; always behaved honestly with the regional business community and together built transparent and clear rules for the “game”; were always honest with municipalities, state employees, townspeople and villagers, pensioners, and all people needing special social support and care; never made unrealistic promises to anyone; and always fulfilled their promises” [45]. Owing to these action patterns of elite coalitions and their core, the governor’s team led by the governor, the Tyumen region has been and will remain one of the supporting Russia’s regions performing its special mission with honor and responsibility [46].

Table 3. Dynamics of fixed investment in the Tyumen Region (excluding autonomous regions), billion rubles, and in Russia, trillion rubles

Regions / years 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Tyumen region (south) 56.3 87.6 106.6 143.3 140.5 154.8 184.2 204.9 244.7 248.2 217.4 Russia as a whole 3611.1 4730.0 6716.2 8781.6 7976.0 9152.1 11035.7 12586.1 13450.2 13902.6 13897.2 Compiled from the Rosstat [16].

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 29 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 Сonsidering the historical facts from the point of view of the neo-Marxist, neo-institutional, political-cultural and power-oriented approaches outlined above, as a means of subjective personal operationalization and verification, it should be emphasized that the governors Sergei Sobyanin and Vladimir Yakushev initiated a principally new process of converting diplomatically-secured high statuses into budget revenues, with the subsequent introduction of fundamentally new industrialization systems in various industries. As a natural consequence, a truly explosive recovery of the real sector of the economy took place in the south of Tyumen region. As real investment practices and dynamic series data from the south of Tyumen region show, this can be done quite successfully in a single area (see Tables 1-3). The main problem of re-industrialization is investment. The investor invests in the most financially-attractive projects with clear rules of play, and relatively cheap labour. The key priority for the economic elites is the undertaking of new industrial enterprises in various industries. The basis of new industrialization is modern, flexible, and developed industry. It pays the majority of taxes, and gives people the opportunity to earn. New industrialization in the Tyumen region has three foundations. The first is launching new large-scale enterprises in the region. The second is managing the multiplier effect which stems from the launch of new production, i.e. the integration and support of administrative power-oriented decisions about entrepreneurial activities in the development of regional industries (retail growth and expansion of the service sector) derived from the growth of industrial production, construction and infrastructure. Service industries, including catering and small businesses, are linked to this foundation. There has hence been a qualitative improvement of life in particular areas of the south of the region. The third foundation of new industrialization is economically feasible agriculture based on private initiative and farm development. The economic elite refused the idea of regarding agriculture as a predominantly subsidized industry. Based on this understanding, the Tyumen elite began to implement a number of investment projects, primarily in the industrial sphere in the format of a synchro- nously implemented portfolio of investment projects. Industrial and engineering investors are exceptionally important as carriers of new production competences. The past decade (2007-2017), very generous in terms of new investments in the region, confirmed this. Twenty-one new large factories have been put into operation. Each of them operates in a completely different industrial sphere: refining, petro- chemistry, metallurgy, food industry, fish farming and processing, woodworking, production of building materials, etc. Tobolsk-Polymer Ltd., part of SIBUR-Holding, produced its first million tons of Tyumen polymer (62.4 billion rubles of investment and approximately 500 jobs). The Uvat project by Rosneft (formerly a TNK-BP project) reached a stable level of 11 million tons of annual oil production. The start- up complex of the Antipinsky oil refinery plant was put into operation (third-wave investment was 56.9 billion rubles, 140 billion rubles for the project as a whole, creating 2,600 new jobs). The processing depth reached a record 98% for the industry. UMMC-Steel produced the first million tons of Tyumen metal (21.3 billion rubles of investments and more than 1,000 new jobs). Tyumen Aminosib made a sizeable

30 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS contribution to the national task of import substitution; 57 other Tyumen companies participate in import substitution projects. Other examples of industrialization are 18 smaller plants with investment worth up to 4 billion rubles. Among recent launches are the Mostostroy-11 OJSC workshops for metal structures and reinforced concrete products [41; 42; 45]. Each industry has its own achievements. The industrial growth path of the Tyumen region is characterized by a transparent business climate, a constructive attitude on the part of the region’s leadership and government officials towards small, medium and large investors, and their joint desire to seek and find non-standard ways of creating new work places and high- tech industries. All this and many other things speak well for the optimal regional localization of the new industrial policy associated with modern business and administrative practices that are ultimately realized in the constructive processes of regional management. They ensure cumulative effects of the industrial growth paths in the south of Tyumen region. The breakthrough in industrialization that we may observe is a constructive consequence of both the work of the Yakushev administration and the implementation of the Department for Investment Policy and State Support for Entrepreneurship concept in the Tyumen region. We take the liberty of asserting that despite the fact that the Tyumen region is by no means the only one to be rich in oil and natural gas, only here the motivational conditions of the institutional and investment environment have been fully formed, literally forcing the investors and managers of various firms and companies to invest their financial resources in the region’s basic and human capital. There is an important factor of qualitative social reproduction in the Tyumen region: the continuity and stability of investment and industrial policy. Local self-government bodies are systematically involved in investment projects. Appropriate regulations were implemented, reflecting their responsibility in the projects. These regulations not only clearly and distinctly detailed the perimeter of their tasks, but also provided interaction and support mechanisms for all participants in the investment process. These procedures include not only consultations, but also support in solving issues related to the receipt and registration of land plots, utility hook-ups, building permits and commissioning. Nowadays, more than 330 investment projects worth over 1 trillion 300 billion rubles have been provided with everything necessary to create approximately 34,000 jobs in the real sector of the economy [41]. The elite of the Tyumen region recognized in a timely manner the impossibility of relying solely through oil revenue, and began to develop, rather successfully, a petrochemical cluster. At the same time, it was of prime importance to integrate the elites themselves into the investment process. Import substitution is not a panacea for economic problems: one should substitute technology but not products. Without domestic technologies, talking seriously about import substitution is impossible [41; 42]. At present, an ambitious task has been set: to double the Tyumen region’s economic indicators by 2020 (compared to the base of 2010). Taking into account the previous ten-year investment experience, it is considered to be quite achievable by all interested parties in the region. In conclusion, it is important to emphasize that the explosion of new

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 31 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 industrialization in recent years (2000-2017) in the Tyumen region is a successful consequence of continuous investment in the social, economic and administrative infrastructure. It is the tangible result of a long and difficult process of constructive conversion of the diplomatically and politically-secured high revenues of the over- whelming majority of the Tyumen elite into the rise of the real economy.

EMPIRICAL RESULTS Here we provide research results in support of the suggested hypotheses. We studied public opinion among, and self-assessments of various aspects of life by residents of the southern part of the Tyumen region. The survey was conducted from 06/05/2016 to 04/06/2016 on a representative sample. The objectives of the survey included studying people’s opinion on socioeconomic, political, demographic and other problems; identification of socio-political priorities and value orientations; development of recommendations for the 6th Tyumen Regional Duma action strategy. The findings of the 2016 study were a continuation of the empirical studies of the Tyumen region conducted within the framework of the sociocultural portrait project (2006, 2011, 2013, 2014, 2016) by the University of Tyumen research group. The survey was conducted using the formalized interview method. The questions to all participants focused on Russia’s regions, as well as issues specific to the Tyumen region. This empirical project is based on the concept and toolkit of the sociocultural approach applied to the region, as developed by N. I. Lapin and L. A Belyaeva, implemented by a team headed by G. F. Ro- mashkina, V. A. Davydenko, E. V. Andrianova and University of Tyumen staff. The scientific and empirical project has the advantage that allowed to collect comparable sociological information about the sociocultural processes taking place in Russia’s regions and the country as a whole. This information was obtained by standardized methods. As a research object, the Tyumen region is a territorial community formed as a result of the activity of social actors, the region’s inhabitants, various social groups and elites performing certain social functions. The region in question serves as a sociocultural, economic and political environment that motivates actors to take concrete actions. This approach determines the general and specific aspects of the sociocultural development of the Tyumen region, reveals its characteristic features, and provides comparable data on similar processes in other regions of Russia. For comparison, we use the results of earlier empirical studies conducted in the region with comparable methodology1. In terms of theory

1 From 2006-2013, research was conducted within the project for a sociocultural portrait of the Tyumen region supported by the RGNF Fund, grants No. 06-03-00566а “A sociocultural portrait of the region (Tyumen region)”, No. 09-08-00676a and 12-03-00304a. “Sociocultural monitoring—a portrait of the Tyumen region” (supervisor Dr. Sc., Prof. G. F. Romashkina); the Tyumen Regional Duma project “A study of the quality of life and social well-being of the population of the Tyumen region (including the Khanty-Mansi and Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Areas)”, GK No. 75 of 6.07.2006; and the Tyumen Re- gional Information and Analysis Centre’s “Investigation of the quality of life and social well-being of the population of the Tyumen Region”, Contract No. 6 / 212-11 of 08/04/2011 (supervisor Dr. Sc., Prof. V. A. Davydenko).

32 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS and methodology, the empirical studies conducted from 2006-2016 were based on the anthroposocietal [25; 26 et al] and sociocultural1 approaches. The data are analyzed in accordance with the methodology published by the authors [40]. Our empirical research involved the following: a study of the quality of life and social well-being self-assessment made by the population of the Tyumen region, their assessment of the legal and social status of the region, the level of its economic development; identification of the relevance of socioeconomic and political problems for different groups of the population; identification of the level of public confidence in the central and local government, state and public institutions; analysis of people’s perception of their deputies’ activities; assessment of satisfaction with the information available about the activities of the Tyumen Regional Duma; identification of the socio-political priorities and main political value orientations of various groups of the region’s population; obtaining data on the implementation indicators of the 5th Tyumen Regional Duma Strategy; recommendations on the legislative regulation of relations in the socioeconomic, socio-political and socio-cultural spheres, taking into account the problems identified and development forecast. The data analysis took into account generation and settlement type (city / village), as well as the most significant problems for the population as identified during first stage of the data analysis. At the stage of data entry and analysis, the interviewers used checklists on the respondents’ telephones. The total population is the population of the Tyumen region over the age of 18. In 2014, according to The Federal Statistics Office, this category represented 1,108,286 people [43]. To ensure representativeness, the sample was organized by sex, age and territory of residence (see Tables 4.1, 4.2, and 4.3). The age and sex distribution profile of the sample corresponds to that profile of the region’s population over the age of 18 (see Table 4.4). The sample was designed proportionately to the population. Respondent selection was carried out according to the survey method and quota assignment. The survey was conducted from 06.05.2016 to 04.06.2016. The territorial profile of the sample corresponds to the distribution of the population in the Tyumen region. The survey was conducted in all cities in the south of the region and in ten municipal districts. The sample volume was n = 1514 people. With a confidence probability of 95%, the sampling error for any one characteristic is Δ < 2.8%2 The sample profile by sex, age, and type of settlement corresponds to the profile of the Tyumen region’s population (excluding the autonomous regions). We present the data obtained on the basis of the “social well-being” of the region’s inhabitants, which, in our opinion, contextualize the history of “social and economic embeddedness” in the Tyumen region. In general, the concept of social well-being is a general emotional and evaluative reaction to the economic,

1 Particularly, in N. I. Lapin’s works [24]. Examples of the principles of sociocultural approach in sociological research see in L. A. Belyaeva’s works [6]. 2 Sampling error calculation made according to the Paniotto formula:

οൎ ඥͳȀ݊ െ ͳȀܰ

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 33 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46

Table 4.1. Structure of the general population by sex and age

General population (people) % South of the Tyumen region Male Female Total Male Female Total 18-29 138,760 138,126 276,886 12.52 12.46 24.98 30-39 110,282 113,070 223,352 9.95 10.20 20.15 40-49 83,352 90,051 173,403 7.52 8.13 15.65 50-59 95,200 112,741 207,941 8.59 10.17 18.76 60 and older 81,429 145,275 226,704 7.35 13.11 20.46 Total population over 18 509,023 599,263 1,108,286 45.93 54.07 100 Compiled according to the Demographic Yearbook (2011-2015) [43].

Table 4.2. Territorial structure of the general population Table 4.3. Territorial structure of a sample set General population Sampled population Number Tyumen region (south) Tyumen region (south) % of the Number of of people % total number respondents over 18 Tyumen 739 48.8 Tyumen 545,012 49.18 City population City population 251 16.6 178,068 16.07 (excluding Tyumen city) (excluding Tyumen city) Rural population 524 34.6 Rural population 385,206 34.76 Total 1,514 100 Total 1,108,286 100 Compiled according to the Demographic Yearbook (2011-2015) [43].

Table 4.4. The distribution of the respondents by sex and age (over 18 years) Sampled population (people) % Tyumen region (south) Male Female Total Male Female Total 18-29 190 197 377 12.5% 12.4% 24.9% 30-39 150 154 304 9.9% 10.2% 20.1% 40-49 117 124 241 7.7% 8.2% 15.9% 50-59 127 156 283 8.4% 10.3% 18.7% 60 and older 112 197 309 7.4% 13% 20.4% Total sample 696 818 1 514 46% 54% 100%

34 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS political and social changes in the region and one’s position in a changing society. Reinterpretation and verification of N. I. Lapin’s anthroposocietal paradigm of society’s modernization processes is carried out with regard to the following aspects: technical and technological (analysis of deindustrialization); socioeconomic (relatively positive dynamics in 2000-2016); sociocultural (comparatively positive dynamics in 2000-2016); institutional andregulative (archaic practices of authoritarian statism in 2000-2016 and corporate statism in 1980-2016) [28; 29]. Despite its apparent “subjectivity”, the social well-being criterion in its integral focus is a complex indicator of the perception of one’s comfort of living. It should also be considered as the most important criterion for implementing the components presented, including obvious changes in technology and production reflecting the reindustrialization processes in the Tyumen region. This is due to the fact that normal social well-being is, on the one hand, provided by the individual, and on the other, by the regional authority that determines economic, social, and political parameters in the region. Assessment of social well-being includes the measurement of three main components: the degree of security against basic social threats, the degree of satisfaction with one’s life in general, and the degree of social optimism (using the method of the “sociocultural portrait of the region” [27]). The level of people’s security against problems or threats was assessed by their answers to the question: “Today, to what extent do you personally feel protected against the following threats?” The list of ten threats included crime, poverty, abuse of power by officials, environmental threats, etc. The level of perception of these threats is significantly different in different regions (see Table 4.5). In our publications based on the results of the sociocultural monitoring, we re- peatedly emphasized that residents of the Tyumen region (and its individual administrative units) and Russia as a whole identify the same dangerous problems. As compared to 2006, the intensity of perception of these basic problems has decreased. In the Tyumen region, the proportion of those who feel insecure with regard to these social problems is 15% less than in Russia as a whole (see Table 4.5). The level of insecurity is considered as the sum total of the answers (“not at all secure” + “perhaps not secure”), and expressed as a percentage of the number of respondents. In the Tyumen region, the level of insecurity with regard to the top five threats in the list fell. However, the hierarchy of threats has changed: poverty, tyranny of officials, crime rate, and tyranny of law enforcement bodies. For the first time in all the years of monitoring, poverty ranked first in terms of insecurity, but the percentage of respondents mentioning it decreased from 52% in 2006 to 43% in 2016. The overall level of security against the threats in question eventually increased to 0.57, the highest level over the entire observation period. The next component of social well-being is the degree of satisfaction with life as a whole. Over the decade from 2006 to 2016, the share of Tyumen residents satisfied with their lives (the answers “completely satisfied” and “rather satisfied”) increased by 12% and amounted to 67% (Table 4.6). This indicates the objective improvement of the standard and quality of living in the south of the region.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 35 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 Given the relatively high quality of life in the Tyumen region compared to many of Russia’s other regions, the social well-being index is higher than the national average. As compared to 2013, its value did not change, equaling 0.6 (Table 4.7). In 2016, the social optimism index significantly decreased. This happened for the first time during the period under study (2006-2016). We can assert that this most likely happened because people have very significantly lowered their assessment of their current state and tactical optimism. Answers to the question “Did you and your family begin to live better or worse as compared to the previous year?” showed that on average 16% of residents of the Tyumen region began to live better (the sum of the two positive options); nothing changed for 37%; and 40% began to live worse; 6 % of the respondents preferred not to answer the question. In 2016, residents of the region lowered their tactical optimism (answers to the question “In the coming year, do you think you and your family will live better than today, or worse?” 32% of the respondents hoped to live better in the coming year; 29% did not expect any changes; and 13% expected a deterioration in their quality of life. To the question “How secure or insecure are you now about your future?” (strategic

Table 4.5. The level of insecurity* of residents of the Tyumen Region from acute problems-dangers,% of respondents in 2006-2016.

Types of threats Tyumen region Year 2006 2009 2011 2013 2016 Poverty 53 53 48 47 43 Abuse of power by officials 52 46 47 49 38 Crime rate 57 60 50 48 36 Abuse of power by law enforcement bodies 46 44 39 41 31 Loneliness and abandonment 36 37 30 30 28 Environmental threats 49 39 44 44 27 Persecution for political beliefs 16 21 19 21 18 Persecution due to age or gender 22 24 22 16 14 Persecution for religious beliefs 6 14 12 9 7 Persecution due to nationality 7 15 12 10 7 Average (of the 10 threats) 34 35 32 32 25 C3** 0.52 0.52 0.50 0.51 0.57 Notes: * The level of insecurity is calculated as the sum of the answers “not at all protected”, “perhaps not protected”. ** The security index for each of the 10 hazard problems Kз (private) is considered as a weighed average by the formula (4 ∙ The share of answers “fully protected” + 3 ∙ The percentage of answers “probably protected” + 2 ∙ The share of answers “difficult to say” + 1 ∙ The percentage of answers “probably not protected” + 0 ∙ The share of answers “not at all protected”) / (100 – “I find it difficult”, “no answers”) ∙ 4). Кз is defined as the sum of the average values of population protection from 10 social hazards (answers to 10 questions, Кз (private)) transformed into a scale from 0 to 1, where the minimum value of 0 indicates that the entire population of the region considers itself unprotected, and the maximum value of 1 means that the whole population considers itself completely protected from all types of threats.

36 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS optimism), 53% of the respondents answered that they were confident about their future; 29% had doubts; and 18% were not sure about their future. In other words, the strategic optimism of our citizens remains high. It practically mirrors the evolution of the general life satisfaction index. Although the residents of the region perceive significant deterioration of their quality of life and do not really hope for improvements in 2017, they remain confident in the future as strategic optimism, the social well-being index remains at the same level as in 2013. In general, females feel less secure, less optimistic and less satisfied with their lives than males. These differences are statistically stable. Intergenerational differences demonstrate a steady age-related decline in all components of social well-being. There are practically no differences between residents of different types of settlements. It is clearly visible that the marital status “divorced” or “widower / widow” reduces the level of security, social optimism and overall life satisfaction. Widowers and widows have the lowest social well-being index (0.49). The presence of children does not have a statistically significant effect on the social well-being index. An employee’s qualifications and education are statistically significant for his/her level of social well-being. The lower the level of education and qualifications, the lower the

Table 4.6. To what extent the Tyumen Region residents are satisfied with their lives as a whole (in % of the number of respondents, 2006–2016) 2006 2009 2011 2013 2016 Satisfied (1) 49 55 54 63 67 Find it difficult to say (2) 16 21 19 17 14 Not satisfied (3) 35 24 27 20 19 Total 100 100 100 100 100 LSI * 0.55 0.60 0.60 0.65 0.67 Notes: 1 the sum of the answers “fully satisfied”, “rather satisfied”; 2 the sum of the answers “I find it difficult”, “refusal to answer”; 3 the sum of the answers “not very satisfied”, “not at all satisfied”; * LSI—coefficient of satisfaction with life in general— is considered as a weighed average score

Table 4.7. The components of the social well-being coefficient (2006–2016) 2006 2009 2011 2013 2016 Security ratio 0.52 0.52 0.50 0.51 0.57 General life satisfaction index 0.55 0.60 0.60 0.65 0.67 Confidence in the future 0.53 0.59 0.56 0.62 0.63 Began to live better-worse in comparison with the previous year – for question 0.63 0.43 0.51 0.59 0.42 Projections for the following year – tactical optimism – for question 0.35 0.52 0.60 0.67 0.58 Social optimism index 0.51 0.53 0.56 0.63 0.55 Social well-being – cumulative index 0.53 0.55 0.56 0.60 0.60

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 37 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 social well-being index (SWBI). Unskilled workers have on average SWBI = 0.53, agricultural workers’ SWBI = 0.55. On the contrary, federal government officials have SWBI = 0.65, and top-level managers’ SWBI = 0.64. The social well-being index remains generally high among the residents of the region. It is in fact 7 percentage points higher than in 2006. If at present, the Tyumen region residents perceive significant deterioration in their social and economic situation, there is an obvious paradox: they maintain a high level of strategic optimism and hope for improvement in the future, albeit not in the coming years.

DISCUSSION The study confirms the hypothesis that local elites are working together to translate the concept of putting new industrial policy into action. They have stable feedback from all social strata of the population as they are involved in the implementation of strategic courses for their development. The Tyumen elite is unique in its unity. Local residents live within the rigid corporate system of the region, where the price of failure to comply with the authorities’ orders is quite high. As a result, all key issues in the Tyumen region are resolved faster, more easily and at a lower cost than in any other, non-oil region. The valuable experience of the reindustrialization of the Tyumen region has been shown here as an example of constructive changes in collective actions, regional interest groups, social values and forms of capital, and dependence on the previous post-Soviet development path. Our research affords new knowledge, a deepening understanding of the very essence of modern re-industrialization in the Tyumen region and its socio-cultural, socioeconomic and institutional components in terms of challenges, incentives, motivations, constraints and consequences. The calcula- tions and estimates given in this study are not important in themselves. They are arguments in the search for answers to the main question reflected in the title of this article: the possible industrial growth paths of the Tyumen region in light of its history and socioeconomic embeddedness. We focus on the identification of formal and informal interaction mechanisms between elite regional groups. These groups support the new industrialization of the economy, investments and corresponding pan-Russian and regional interests. This was a manifest in the answers to the authors’ survey questions. The results of the study give clear descriptions and options for resolving the contradictions between the introduction of new industrialization systems in various industries for Tyumen region. We performed operationalization and verification of the new-industrialization-related problems facing the elite coalitions. They include redistribution of group interests from the individual to the regional and more generally. Besides, we showed the basic motives and incentives for the ruling elite to do so. The main problem of reindustrialization is investment. The research shows that this problem has been quite successfully solved in the region. The problems of introducing new industrialization systems associated with increasing returns are addressed in the new economic sociology. We have adopted a power-oriented approach that has clearly shown the secrets of regional success:

38 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS effective and efficient structures of the regional power elite involved daily in a constructive movement combining their efforts to achieve a common goal. Statistical, sociological, and historical data prove that the local elite of the Tyu- men region has chosen a new industrial growth path based on the generation of added value and inclusion (embeddedness) of the status and power elites in the context of its visible history. The re-industrialization of the Tyumen region includes the introduction of high technologies, including socioeconomic and institutional ones. Regional authorities are building a successful economy within the regional boundaries of the administrative unit of the Russian Federation, so that the Tyumen region may independently accrue and spend its budget, providing high quality of life for its residents. This is verified by the rising index of their social well-being. Regional profits do not benefit only officials, politicians and businessmen. They are spent for the well-being of the local population. The regional elite of the Tyumen region relied on reindustrialization and diversification of the economy based on sector development models involving mainly oil and gas processing. The industrial growth indicator demonstrates a steady positive development trend in the south of the region, not only in the segment of hydrocarbon processing, but also infrastructure, manufacturing, construction (this cluster, especially residential housing, is one of the main growth drivers in the south of the region), and other sectors. Ag- riculture, the food industry, construction material production, engineering, machine building and metallurgy also attract investments as planned by the regional government. From the standpoint of the institutional approach, the way the behavioural patterns of the elites are defined is important. In the Tyumen region, there is a well-known model of economic behaviour on the part of the elites, with instrumental behaviour prevailing over ceremonial. The elites’ instrumental values of

Fig. 1. Dynamics of the components of the social well-being index, 2006-2016

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 39 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 economic efficiency and technical effectiveness are prioritized over ceremonial ones. Ceremonial values imply a preference for power possession and the opportunity to demonstrate high social status. To adjust the investment process, there is a mechanism of cooperation among officials and entrepreneurs from the negotiation stage of constructing a new plant through to its commissioning. Cooper- ation occurs on all levels, from the regional involvement of federal authorities to the municipal. The large-scale construction of new enterprises is a complex and lengthy multi-stage process involving a number of stakeholders and elite groups. The executive branch attracts investors, providing access to the region, coordination of other elite groups’ efforts, and implementation of investment projects. If the legislative branch supports the processes of re-industrialization in the legal field, the municipal authorities support new projects on site. In turn, federal and regional supervisory authorities issue coordinating and documentation and permits. The business community implements investment projects and manages the companies of the new economy. Experience suggests that authorities’ refusal to deal with these issues slows down economic development. On the contrary, if resolved, they become an industrial impulse of regional development aimed at increasing returns on investments.

CONCLUSION The main claim of this study is that state representatives, bureaucrats, politicians, officials, entrepreneurs, workers, and common citizens are responsible for an agreement to create stable conditions that will allow owners and managers to establish high-performance companies, corporations and markets. The example of the Tyumen region illustrates how these conditions can be stabilized with the help of constructive control concepts by the power elite. These concepts are a historical and cultural product that state representatives and citizens consider as a general public good. New industrialization, economic growth and wealth creation would be impossible without formal and informal norms and rules that constitute mutually acceptable social relationships. At the same time, the formation of acceptable property rights, governance structures, control concepts, and exchange rules is the result of political and historical processes through which a power balance is established between the state, companies and employees. This process creates an institutional background for the subsequent economic development and introduction of new industrial systems, allowing businesses and firms to profit, and bureaucrats, politicians, officials, entrepreneurs, workers, and residents of the regions to invest in their future. Over the last decade, the government of the south of the Tyumen region has managed to convert the resources received from resource rent into a two-fold industrial take-off. It intends to successfully repeat this result by 2020, despite the new challenges of import substitution and the absence of foreign credit. The legislative power provides legal support for the process of new industrialization. The municipal authorities implement local project support. The federal and regional supervisory authorities also participate in re-industrialization through timely issu- ance of approval and permits. The business community is entrusted with the most

40 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. V. Andrianova, V. A. Davydenko, G. F. Romashkina, pp. 12–46 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS important task of implementing investment projects and managing the companies of the new economy. Public organizations are also involved: their evaluation of new industrialization projects in terms of improving the quality of people’s lives and their acceptance (or rejection) by local communities is of great importance for disseminating accurate information among the inhabitants of the region. We identified the processes of intensive development of these industries located in the south of the region as “investments in industrialization”. We showed how investors and officials work together to achieve long-term results in a unique and dynamically-developing region. Thus, considering the key data of the Tyumen region’s industrial growth path from a historical perspective, it should be emphasized that the region’s elite managed to consolidate and build an efficient investment management system, in conjunction with constantly-implemented practices derived from its socioeconomic and historical embeddedness in effective social relations. This embeddedness is based on successfully addressing the four main tasks in the field of re-industrialization: absence of informal fees for investors support during the construction cycle, financial incentives for the investor, and assistance in building engineering infrastructure. This proves that if reindustrialization-related issues are not addressed in a region, they slow down regional economic development. On the contrary, their resolution becomes an industrial impulse for regional economic development focusing on increased returns on investments and other investments in the future.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT This work was carried out with the financial support of RGNF, project No. 16-03- 00500, topic: “Possibilities and limitations of new industrialization and contradictions of the social space: the example of the Tyumen region”. University of Tyumen.

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46 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS research article

From Decay to Rebirth: Social Entrepreneurship Practices in Russian Villages (On the Example of the Urals and Siberia) Elena B. Arkhipova

Cand. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, Department of Social Work, Ural Federal University (Yekaterinburg) [email protected]

Abstract. This article discusses the problems of functioning and developing rural territories in Russia. The authors show the devastating consequences of urbanization throughout the previous century, and emphasise the need to find alternative options for the revival of rural locality. This article aims to study successful practices of social entrepreneurship in the Russian villages. Given the diversity of the regions within the Russian Federation, the focus of the analysis is on the remote regions—the Urals and Siberia, which have a low population density, and which consist of large administrative and territorial units. The methodology of the study includes analysis of statistical data, state programs for support, and development of the village, as well as the cases of successful social entrepreneurship practices in the Ural and Siberian villages. Regions of Russia specialise in social entrepreneurship due to the peculiarities of resettlement and socio-economic development. In the Urals, it is a small ecological agribusiness, while in Siberia—rural tourism. The authors conclude that the development of rural territories in Russia possesses a great innovative potential of social entrepreneurship. By initiating their “bottom-up” ideas, social entrepreneurs offer bright, non-standard mechanisms for solving the problems of remote rural territories in Russia, which can be successfully replicated. This article shows how the private practice of rural tourism in Siberian villages has developed into a separate direction of the social policy of sustainable development of rural territories. Based on the case analyses of small social agribusiness in the countryside, the authors propose its most promising directions.

Keywords: social entrepreneurship, rural development, village sociology. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-47-60 Citation: Arkhipova E. B. 2017. “From Decay to Rebirth: Social Entrepreneurship Practices in Russian Villages (On the Example of the Urals and Siberia)”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 47-60. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-47-60

INTRODUCTION The growing economic, political and cultural importance of the cities as opposed to the rural areas is an inevitable process at the present stage of society’s development. Being an agrarian country at the end of the 19th century, the Russian Empire (and later the USSR) was experiencing a rapid outflow of the rural population to the cities at the beginning of the last century.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 47 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 In 1958, an urban transition was recorded in the European part of the USSR, when the share of the urban population crossed the threshold of 50%. In terms of the whole Soviet Union it occurred three years later [8: 155]. However, later the process slowed down. For the last 20-30 years, the ratio of the urban to rural population remains almost unchanged. Nevertheless, to say that the problem of the decay and destruction of Russian villages has been completely solved will not be entirely correct. At the moment, the issue of the declining rural population is not that relevant in comparison with the lowering of its standard of living, living conditions and deterioration of the social environment in Russian villages. A number of factors (lack of prospects for employment, inadequate lifestyle facilities, underdeveloped social sphere, weak utility systems, etc.) contribute to the fact that the young employable population, after studying in the nearest or faraway cities, prefers not to return to their native village, but settle there. The emerging tendency towards the middle-aged population’s return to their ‘family seats’, religious and ecological migration as well as various state programs supporting young professionals in their move to the village upon graduation cannot fully compensate for the shortage of the working population and skilled specialists in rural settlements. However, in fact, everything is not so sad. The process of active urbanization in our country has long since ended. And no matter how paradoxically it may sound, the continuously coming waves of global crises and sanctions open new opportunities for the development of rural areas [6] with the help of alternative resources and initiatives. In this situation, new social and entrepreneurial practices can be realized in the economic and social setting of the rural settlements. Demon- strating independence, flexibility and creativity, social entrepreneurs can make a significant contribution to the development and revival of Russian villages. This article presents the results of the author’s study of successful social enterprises in the Ural and Siberian villages. Taking into account the heterogeneity of the territories within Russia in terms of their socio-economic development, we concentrated on the regions with low population density located far from the center. These include significant administrative and territorial units with both large cities and exclusively rural areas.

THE SITUATION IN THE RUSSIAN REMOTE AREAS: WHAT WE LEARN FROM STATISTICS Currently, most of the population of the Russian Federation lives in cities. According to Rosstat, as of January 1, 2017, the share of the urban population in the total population is 74.3%; the share of the rural population is 25.7%. Accordingly, there are 346 rural residents per every 1,000 citizens [9]. The level of urbanization in the Russian regions is not homogeneous. Table 1 shows the ratio of the number of urban and rural population in different federal districts. The share of urban population is predictably higher in the Central, Northwestern and Ural Federal Districts. In the Russian Federation, these regions were the first to complete urbanization. In the Southern and North Caucasian Federal Districts, the share of the rural population is much higher than the national average. More-

48 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS over, the urban transition in the North Caucasian Federal District has not yet occurred and the share of the rural population still exceeds the number of urban residents. The total number of rural settlements in the country is more than 150,000. Ac- cording to the 2010 census, more than half of all rural settlements (54% or about 82.8. thous. settlements) are tiny and small settlements with a population of 1 to 100 people. Only in 5% of the rural settlements (about 7.8 thous. settlements) population exceeds 1,000 people. Comparison of the data of the last two censuses shows a sad statistics of the growing number of extinct villages. The 2002 All-Russia Population Census identified about 13,000 villages without a population, which at that time accounted for 8.4% of all rural settlements. In 2010, already 12.7% of rural settlements were not inhabited, that is, almost 19.5 thousand Russian villages existed on the map, but in fact they were already abandoned. Thus, in the years between the two censuses, the number of depopulated villages increased by 6,330 or more than 4% [18]. Each region in the Russian Federation is unique in the nature and scale of the problems associated with the functioning and development of its rural areas. In this study we will dwell in more detail on the Middle Urals and Western Siberia. The Ural Federal District (UFD) includes 6 administrative units with a total area of 1,818.5 thousand km2. According to official data, as of January 1, 2016, the population density was 6.8 people per km2. The total number of municipalities was 1,349, including 93municipal districts, 110 urban districts, 7 intracity districts, 77 urban settlements, and 1,062 rural settlements. The share of the rural settlements in the total number of municipalities is 79% [12: 432]. The Siberian Federal District (SFD) comprises 12 administrative units. The total area of the territory is 5,145.0 thousand km2, the population density is 3.8 people per km2. The total number of municipalities is 4,069, including: 318 municipal districts, 77 urban districts, 243 urban settlements, and 3,431 rural settlements. The share of the rural settlements in the total number of municipalities is 66% [12: 482].

Table 1. The proportion of urban and rural population Population as of January 1, 2017 percentage share urban population rural population RF 74.3 25.7 Central Federal District 82.1 17.9 Northwestern Federal District 84.3 15.7 Southern Federal District 62.4 37.6 North Caucasian Federal District 49.1 50.9 Volga Federal District 71.7 28.3 Ural Federal District 81.2 18.8 Siberian Federal District 73.0 27.0 Far Eastern Federal District 75.7 24.3

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 49 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 The UFD is the third federal district in the Russian Federation in terms of urbanization level. The long-term orientation toward the region’s industrial development created a socio-economic policy of total urbanization, resulting in a sharp decline in the rural population [16: 18]. The exception is the agricultural areas of the Middle Urals: the Kurgan Region and the Tyumen Region (without the autonomous areas), where the share of the rural population is much higher than in the Federal District as a whole (38.2% and 34.1% respectively). The Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area, due to its severe climate, is characterized by hyper-urbanization. Its share of the rural population is only 7.7%. The SFD is even more heterogeneous in the ratio of its urban and rural population. The shares of the rural population in its constituent entities are as follows: 70.8% in Altai Republic; 46.0% in Tuva Republic; 43.7% in Altai Krai; 41.1% in the Republic of Buryatia; 32.0% in Trans-Baikal; 30.9% in the Republic of Kha- kassia; 27.7% in the Tomsk Region; 27.4% in the Omsk Region; 22.8% in the Krasnoyarsk Territory; 21.1% in the Novosibirsk Region; 21.1% in the Irkutsk Region; and 14.2% in the Kemerovo Region [9].

STATE PROGRAMS SUPPORTING RUSSIAN VILLAGES Taking into account the serious rural population loss, rural Russia’s decline, and destruction of the integrity and balance of the agro-industrial complex, the government of the Russian Federation developed the Federal Targeted Program Sustainable De- velopment of Rural Territories in 2014-2017 and through 2020. According to this program it is intended: to create comfortable living conditions in the rural areas; to stimulate investment activity in the agro-industrial complex by creating favorable infrastructure in the rural areas; to assist in creating high-tech jobs in the countryside; to actively involve rural citizens in the socially significant projects; to form a positive attitude towards rural areas and rural ways of life [12]. The total Program budget is 252,589.6 million rubles. These funds will be spent to support young qualified specialists, to build housing for rural citizens, to build or reconstruct general education institutions, obstetric stations, sports and cultural facilities, roads; to gasify houses and provide grants for project initiatives in the rural areas. This is the second federal program aimed at supporting and developing rural areas. The previous program The Social Development of the Village through 2013 was launched in 2002. In 2003-2013, 67.5 billion rubles from the federal budget were spent on the activities within the Program. Thus, for 15 years the state has been investing federal funds in the economy and social infrastructure of the Russian village. But, as the statistics show, no significant results have been achieved. Until now, no clear and coordinated interdepartmental approach has been developed that would promote effective rural area development.

50 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS In the summer of 2016, to find the best solution, the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation held a round-table discussion on “How to combine the efforts of various departments and organizations to get maximum effect in the development of the Russian village?” Upon analysis, it was decided to create an interactive resource center containing information on successful rural development practices of various departments and organizations which received support during the implementation of federal and departmental programs. Such a resource exists nowadays. It is a Bank for Successful Rural Development Projects [1], which is systematized in the following areas: 1. Agricultural production. 2. Cooperation (consumer, production, marketing). 3. Farming development. 4. Increasing the prestige of the work in rural areas and formation of a positive social attitude towards rural life. 5. Branding of the rural areas. 6. Development of local self-governmental and civil society institutions. 7. Increasing the standard of living and improving housing conditions for the rural population. 8. Integrated planning of rural development. 9. Educational and awareness-raising projects. 10. Preservation and restoration of natural landscapes, historical and cultural monuments. 11. Supporting national and local cultural traditions. 12. Creation and arrangement of recreation areas, sports and children’s play- grounds. 13. Rural healthcare. 14. Healthy lifestyle. 15. Rural tourism. 16. Innovations. 17. Model project. 18. Socially responsible tourism. 19. Corporate social responsibility of agribusiness. 20. Rural households. Fig. 1 shows that the majority of the successful projects contained in the database are being implemented in the European part of Russia. Projects on the territory of the Urals, Siberia and the Far East constitute a statistical minority. We analyzed the initiatives for the development and revitalization of the countryside and identified their regional specifics. In the European part of Russia, rural households are the most popular. They appear when urban residents relocate to rural areas in search of a cleaner environment, possibility for gardening, farming and starting an agribusiness. As a rule, rural households are created by young or middle-aged people with children. Such

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 51 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 estates can be created by one family or a group of families. The relative proximity of cities from these rural settlements in the European part of Russia does not prevent their cultural, recreational and professional development. This practice slightly compensates for the natural decline of the rural population and improves the social environment of the Russian far-flung provinces. Projects related to rural branding and tourism prevail in Siberia due to its unique nature and climate. In the Urals, small business initiatives in the countryside comprise a significant proportion of all the projects, again due to the peculiarities of the region’s location and development.

IN SEARCH OF RESOURCES FOR THE REVIVAL OF THE URAL AND SIBERIAN VILLAGES: THE ROLE OF THE SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP Historically, the state and various state structures have been engaged in solving social problems in our country. Ordinary citizens and local communities reluctantly demonstrate their civil responsibility and participate in these processes. However, given the systemic nature of the decline and depopulation of Russian villages, the state is not always able to promptly and efficiently offer and implement revival mechanisms that can breathe life into them. A decade of running various federal programs on rural revival has not effected any qualitative shift in the current situation. Obviously, there is a need for a constructive change of the existing mechanisms and approaches to the problems under study.

Fig. 1. Geography of Successful Rural Development Projects

52 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS To our mind, civil society should be engaged in the solution of these problems. Taking into account foreign experience, social entrepreneurship is one of the possible social practices of civic participation in the development of the dying villages. Social entrepreneurship is a form of business which aims at creating a social value equal to or greater than the economic gain. This is the main difference between social entrepreneurship and socially-oriented business. The latter is initially created for profit, while the former is to achieve a socially significant outcome. The term social entrepreneurship is not sufficiently defined in the Russian legislation. The main normative document reflecting the state support of social entrepreneurship in the Russian Federation is the Order of the Ministry of Economic Development no. 220 (2013). In accordance with this Order, the social entrepreneur must provide jobs for disabled people, mothers with children under the age of three, etc. On average there should be at least 50% of these categories of citizens among their employees and the share of their wages in the company payroll should not be less than 25%. In addition, social entrepreneurs must provide services (produce goods) in the following areas of activity: Social services for citizens, healthcare, physical culture and mass sports, classes in children’s and youth clubs, sections, and studios; Assistance to victims as a result of natural, ecological, industrial and other disasters, social, national, religious conflicts as well as to refugees and internally displaced persons; Cultural and educational activities (theaters, studio schools, musical institutions, creative workshops, etc.). The second document regulating social entrepreneurship in Russia is the Federal Law On the Basics of Social Services for Citizens in the Russian Federation, which entered into force on January 1, 2015. According to this law, any individual entrepreneurs registered in the Register may provide social services. Russian social entrepreneurs note that these regulatory documents are not enough for the systemic development of social entrepreneurship in Russia. As a rule, most European scientists studying social entrepreneurship use the approach of the European Research Society (ERS), which offers a tool for finding a social enterprise. The social enterprise must correspond to the three components [3]: 1. The economic and entrepreneurial component of social enterprises, including the following criteria: production of products and / or services, a rather serious economic risk, and volunteers. 2. The social component of the social enterprise, including the following criteria: a clear goal to benefit society, an initiative taken by a group of citizens, and a decision-making power not based on capital ownership. 3. The management component, including the following criteria: high degree of autonomy, joint management by several participants, and limited distribution of profits, if any.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 53 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 Using the above-listed criteria, we carried out a search and analysis of the activities of modern social enterprises in the Middle Urals and Western Siberia, which declare the revival of the Russian hinterland as their mission.

ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP PRACTICE IN THE MIDDLE URALS In terms of revival of the ‘dying’ Ural villages, Guzel Sanjapova’s project Cocco Bello is of great value and high potential for replication. This company from a village of Maly Turysh in the Sverdlovsk region produces sweets. The village is located in the Krasnoufimsk district of the Sverdlovsk region, 200 km away from the city of Yekaterinburg. At the moment, its population consists of 50 residents in 15 inhabited farmyards. The distance to the nearest grocery store and school is 3 km, to the polyclinic — 20 km. In 2013, at the family apiary, Guzel Sanjapova organized production of creamed honey with berries. She employed local residents, mainly elderly people, giving them an opportunity to earn extra money to their small pensions. She initially positioned her business in the professional community and social media as an enterprise aimed at saving the village from extinction. Without any state support, the social entrepreneur used boomstarter.ru portal to raise capital to start up and develop her business. Under the slogan “Finding employment for the village together “, 4 crowdfunding projects on this portal raised a significant sum of money. It was spent on building production facilities and purchasing equipment: apiary equipment, drying cabinets for berries, a workshop for creamed honey and herbal tea production, and a caramel factory. To support the national fundraising idea on the portal BoomStarter, a well-known artist Andrei Tarusov designed for Cocco Bello a series of pin-up cards Everyone does their best to help the village. Everyone who donated money for the business received one as a present. At the moment, the company employs about a dozen local residents on a permanent basis and more than fifty seasonal workers to help collect berries and honey. With the increase of the production capacities, the business owners now can attract people from the neighboring villages to work on a temporary basis. Having gained some stability, the Sanjapovs’ family began to contribute to the village development and youth returning to their village lands. A children’s play- ground has already been built. Volunteer tours are organized within the framework of social tourism. Volunteers, including foreigners, come to the village to repair fences and paint wells. In the summer of 2017, Maly Turysh welcomed tourists from France and Belgium, volunteers from the Netherlands and Swaziland. The original idea of the project and its non-standard presentation attracted a lot of attention from the state structures to the dying village in the Urals. Maly Turysh has already received delegations from the Governor’s Administration, the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Ministry of Investments. After four years, the Cocco Bello brand has become recognizable. Nowadays, its products are distributed not only on the Internet (as it was at the start of the business), but also on large thematic markets, at several customer pick-up points, and in large grocery

54 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS chains. In 2016, wooden spoons with Cocco Bello caramel were sold as part of the new Lipton tea sets. Now this social enterprise has already reached a certain degree of stability, and the owners can afford to give part of the possible profit to charity. On the eve of 2017, Cocco Bello together with the Starost’ v radost’ (The joy of old age) foundation congratulated hundreds of guests in the old people’s home in Yekaterinburg, giving them jars of their honey as a gift. In this unique project, the social entrepreneur with an active civic position was able to draw not only the public, but also government’s attention to the problem of the decay of Russian villages. Thus, they created a successful precedent to be replicated in other regions. Following the approach of the European Research Community, this case can be classified as a work integration social enterprise (hereinafter referred to as WISE). WISE is a special type of social entrepreneurship usually targeted at the social sector and focused on the vulnerable segments of the population [2] such as the unemployed, disabled, socially disturbed young people, people at a pre-retirement age, homeless people, alcoholics, drug addicts, former prisoners, etc. All these people have difficulties with finding jobs. The main mission of WISE is integration through work of the people who found themselves in an unfavorable social situation. Their main feature is production of goods or services with the combined purpose of achieving good commercial success and improving the socio-economic status of the target group [4]. WISE has the greatest potential for rebuilding the hinterland. It provides villagers with jobs and an opportunity to earn a decent living. Employment replaces unconstructive deviant forms of behavior and raises the level of life satisfaction in the rural areas.

ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP PRACTICE IN WESTERN SIBERIA The territory of Western Siberia is characterized by a very strong regional differentiation. The majority of cities are concentrated in the south; while large rural and taiga zones are found in the north. Social tourism happened to be the main specialization of social enterprises in Siberia. Social tourism implies stay of tourists in settlements and villages located in pic- turesque and clean places. It also includes trips to tourist villages, rural tours and acquaintance of tourists with local customs. In addition to the basic accommodation services for tourists, guesthouse owners additionally offer: active pastimes (hunting and fishing, picking up mushrooms and berries, hiking and walking, excursions around the neighborhood, etc.); leisure programs (participation in village festivals, master classes, etc.); health improvement (phytotherapy, mud baths, massage) [10]. At its core, social tourism is a response to the needs of the modern city dweller wishing to change the surroundings and rhythm of life, find relaxation and recreation. However, rural tourism is not only a tourist product that meets modern requirements; it is also an alternative non-agricultural form of employment in the rural areas. It solves a number of economic and social problems [17]. Like any social and entre-

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 55 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 preneurial practice, social tourism in Siberia is a grassroots trend. It was stirred by the initiatives of individual citizens who were looking for a new form of employment and income when the agro-industrial complex collapsed and the quality of life in the countryside generally declined. Over time, such spontaneous business types gained state support at the level of regional and federal governmental structures. At present, rural tourism is actively developing in many regions of the Siberian Federal District. In the Altai Republic, Buryatia, Altai and Transbaikal Territories its priority development is inscribed into law. The Altai Territory boasts A practical guid- ance on the organization of rural tourism business in the Altai Territory, advertising booklets, promotional tours, and a website for rural tourism [15]. In the Republic of Altai, the concept of rural (‘green’) tourism is regulated by Law no. 121-RZ On Tourism in the Republic of Altai of December 05, 2008. The regional concept of rural tourism is embodied in a single brand of the green house. There is a catalog of rural guest houses with more than 460 participating families. The Government of the Republic promotes green houses through the contest The Best Household—Rural Tourism Participant, training seminars, participation in All-Russian and international tourism exhibitions, posting information on the websites [20] and [11]. The Republic of Buryatia has a developed regional regulatory and legal framework which defines the concepts of rural tourism, ecological tourism, and guesthouse (http://baikaltravel.ru/). There are more than 120 rural guesthouses, mainly on the coast of Lake Baikal. All municipalities participate in investment projects and take measures to improve the infrastructure adjacent to the areas of tourist visits. They organize training seminars, master classes, and familiarization tours. Besides, they help local entrepreneurs to take part in international tourism exhibitions and advertise their rural tourism services on the websites [11; 13; 19]. In Trans-Baikal Krai within the framework of the State Program of the Trans-Bai- kal Territory Sustainable Development of Rural Territories (2014-2020), approved by the Resolution of the Government of the Trans-Baikal Territory of October 30, 2013, no. 480, rural tourism development projects enjoy state support in the form of grants. In the Republic of Tuva in the framework of the Governor’s project One village—one product, grants are allocated to rural tourism development projects. Assistance is also provided through programs of entrepreneurship support (www. visittuva.ru) [5; 7: 38-39]. Another studied example of rural social tourism is The Inn estate in a settlement Sentelek, Charysh District, Altai Territory. Sentelek is a large settlement with about 800 inhabitants. In 2009, the Pastukhov family bought there a plot of land with a pre-war built house and equally ancient outbuildings. They reconstructed both the farm and the adjoining territories. Now the estate includes several log houses in the Russian style made from larch and furnished with traditional furniture pieces. The territory comprises a sauna, a BBQ zone with a grill gazebo, parking, lawns for games, a summer kitchen, and a camping zone. It can accommodate up to 16 people. Additional services include

56 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS excursions around the village and surrounding areas and hiking in the forest to pick herbs, berries and mushrooms. Annually the farm receives about 600 people on average. It remains the main source of income for its owners. In addition to the guesthouses, tourists can stay in tents on the campsite. The tourist season lasts from May to November, plus the winter vacation period. They host tourists from the Altai Territory, Novosibirsk Region, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Crimea, the south of Russia, and sometimes abroad. Larissa Pastukhova, the hostess of The Inn estate is actively developing the business, regularly participates in various regional competitions and receives additional funding for its development through grants. Thus, recently the Pastukhovs received a Governor’s grant to create a fishing village as a new tourist site. It will be located 4 km away from Sentelek, on the bank of a mountain river. Being a successful businesswoman, Larissa holds master classes for first-time rural entrepreneurs. This rural guesthouse is not the only one in Sentelek. Nowadays, the settlement is a popular rural tourism destination. At the same time, local residents have new jobs and a market for their agricultural products. Another example of a successful rural tourism project that breathed new life into rural territory is the village of Bugul’deika located in the Olkhon district of the Irkutsk Region. Presumably Bugul’deika was founded in the 17th century. Bugul’deika still has no paved roads and its bridge across the river is made of timber. In Soviet times, there was a forestry enterprise Lespromkhoz there which rafted timber along the Bugul’deika River. It supplied wood through Baikal to the Baikal forestry base in Vydrino. There was a large pier. Lespromkhoz and the pier stopped operations in the 1990s. Since then, the village has had a burning problem of unemployment since it is a fairly large settlement (the population is about 1,000 people). In the village, there is Zarechnoye eco-estate owned by Sergey Perevozchikov. Sergei is a farmer; he breeds cows and horses and organizes horse races. The village development began with the invitation of St. Petersburg artists to do an art project on the shore of Lake Baikal. Over time, Bugul’deika transformed into an informal art space attracting tourists from all over the world. Wooden houses were built to offer accommodation in different price categories. Construction works were financed with the owners’ capital and revenues from the existing eco-estate. Besides, some dwelling houses were restored in the village, including a unique water mill. Funding for the restoration of the water mill was raised using the crowdsourcing technology. The owners have a business plan for the development of their complex and the whole settlement combining their own and investment capital. They plan to invite investors to some projects. Not all the abandoned territories have been restored to this moment; but they are also part of the unique spiritual and cultural rural space. For example, the abandoned concrete building of the former Lespromkhoz was made into a huge picture. The old houses and buildings of the 18th century became the venue for a unique photo exhibition. In the houses without windows and doors, old photographs depict village life in the past centuries. Local residents are actively involved in the

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 57 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 creation of this social and cultural site. They mainly maintain tourist routes, do catering and landscaping. At present, this rural tourism destination enjoys the support of the local and regional administration. It is actively covered by the media and is an example of how the desire and enthusiasm of individual rural entrepreneurs can revive a modern Russian village.

FROM INDEPENDENT PROJECTS TO PUBLIC POLICY: BY WAY OF CONCLUSION Summing up, the entrepreneurial initiatives under study have come up as grassroots movements participating in the revival of the Russian outback and bringing it to the state level. In Siberia, this has already happened with rural tourism. Developing as a private initiative, over time, this practice was supported at the regional level and developed as a separate direction of social policy and policy of sustainable development of the rural areas. Social entrepreneurs of the Middle Urals and state authorities should study and replicate such experiences on their territories. At the moment, successful rural tourism projects in the Urals are more of an exception than a rule. On the other hand, in the Urals Federal District there are examples of successful small-scale rural social businesses. This is only an emerging trend, but very promising. After analyzing all more or less successful projects on the crowdfunding portals BoomStarter and Planeta, we identified the following promising options for organizing social business in the countryside: production of dried vegetables, fruits, and berries; small farm business; beekeeping; breeding of pheasants, turkeys and geese; growing of strawberries and mushrooms; greenhouse business; manufacturing of flour and bread baking; woodworking; folk crafts. These directions can be grouped into one concept of ecological agribusiness, whose products are becoming incredibly popular in cities. Generally, the form of the social enterprise in the countryside is not important. It is still a catalyst for a whole range of positive qualitative changes in the socio-economic and socio-cultural space of a given settlement. These changes include improving the quality of rural life, promoting rural employment, developing human resources, attracting young people, improving infrastructure, and maintaining sustainable development of small rural settlements as a whole.

58 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. B. Arkhipova, pp. 47–60 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS REFERENCES

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60 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS research article

Youth Migration in the Conditions of the Regional Labour Market (On the Materials of the Omsk Region) Anna V. Arbuz1, Olga S. Shirokolobova2

1 Cand. Sci. (Econ.), Associate Professor, Department of Economics and Human Resource Management, Dostoevsky Omsk State University [email protected] 2 Master Student, Department of Economics and Human Resource Management, Dostoevsky Omsk State University [email protected]

Abstract. The current situation of economic and social policies has led to the formation of stable trajectories of outflows in the central regions. The Omsk Region, situated on the border, attracts labour migrants from Central Asia, namely Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan among others. The social research covers the migration processes associated with the arrival of labour migrants, and the regional development programmes account for them (to some extent). Yet, in recent years in the Omsk Region, there are new trends related to strengthening the outflow of the native population. This study aims to analyse the youth migration in the Omsk Region in terms of the regional labour market. The authors rely on the hypothesis that one of the main reasons for young people to move is their desire to find more attractive work; this refers to the state of the regional labour market. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the issues, taking into account the migration of the Omsk population aged 20-29, as well as the factors affecting the migration. The study’s empirical base consists of regional statistics for 2010-2017, data analysis queries, Google trends, and the materials of graduates’ sociological surveys. The result of this is the comparative analysis of population dynamics and migration of population of 20-29 y. o. in the city of Omsk. This allowed identifying the migration of young people and the relevant factors. The authors conclude that the young population have a subjectively negative perception of the region’s economic life, which contributes to the emergence of migration attitudes and expectations among them.

Keywords: migration, migration attitude, youth migration, labour market, employment. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-61-71 Citation: Arbuz A. V., Shirokolobova O. S. 2017. “Youth Migration in the Conditions of the Regional Labour Market (On Materials of the Omsk Region)”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 61-71. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-61-71

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 61 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 INTRODUCTION A number of regions of the Russian Federation find it extremely important to encourage the local youth to stay in the territories of their permanent residence. In the country, there are many regions with a high migration rate. The Omsk region is one of them. The outflow of young specialists who recently graduated from university is explained by the group specificity (its mobility), the peculiarities of conditions for socialization, but, to a greater extent—the lack of opportunities for self-fulfillment in the region. The most important factor of the labor market development is regional availability of sufficient labor resources, including qualified skilled workers. Equally important is the aspect of the rational use of manpower. Regional migration processes play an important role in the formation and development of its labor market. Consequently, there may be either a labor surplus or a labor shortage, which differently affect regional development. Current provisions of the economic and social policy contribute to the regular outflow of the population to the central regions. The Omsk Region serves as a center of attraction for migrant workers from Central Asia, particularly from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, etc. Migration processes associated with the arrival of foreign labor force have been thoroughly studied and to some extent taken into account in the regional development programs. However, new trends related to the increasing outflow of the native-born population recently emerged in the Omsk region [1; 16]. Such processes cause some anxiety and require a special study, as they lead to disproportions in the regional labor market and degradation of the education system and professional communities (since the most educated and active people leave the region) as well as many other problems. Labor migration is a twofold process: on the one hand, it is an important element of the labor market functioning and redistribution of labor resources throughout the country; on the other hand, large-scale migration causes a high employee turn- over. Thus, management of labor migration is one of the main issues in labor economics. In Russia, research in this field gained attraction in the 1990s, as the country entered a new phase of the socio-economic and demographic development. Previ- ously, similar studies were carried out within the framework of the labor market analysis. The issues of population and labor market migration are tackled in the works of S. P. Anofrikova [3], V. S. Polovinko [16], Yu. F. Florinskaya, N. V. Mkrtchyan, Т. М. Maleva [8], A. M. Chupayda [5], and others. The migration orientations analysis is done in the publications of E. N. Sharova [18], I. S. Kashnitsky [10], and others. E. N. Gorbacheva [9], I. N. Bogdanova, Kh. R. Kadyrova [4], and others studied youth migration. Despite the existing number of studies on the influence of labor inflows and outflows on the labor market, the influence of these processes on the socio-economic and demographic situation in the regions remains underresearched.

62 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS The main purpose of this study is to analyze youth migration in the Omsk Region under the regional labor market conditions. The hypothesis of the study is as follows: one of the main reasons for young people moving is their desire to find a more attractive job, which is related to the state of the regional labor market. The study undertook a comprehensive analysis of the above-mentioned problems, taking into account migration patterns of the Omsk population aged 20-29 as well as factors and prerequisites for migration. The study relies on the regional statistics for the years 2010-2017 in the Omsk Region, Google Trends search terms analysis, and a sociological survey of university graduates. The analysis revealed the structure of migration of university graduates, subjective reasons for migration as well as factors shaping them.

THE RESULTS OF THE EMPIRICAL STUDY OF YOUTH MIGRATION In terms of migration, the Omsk Region as a whole is one of the problem regions. Herewith, many researchers characterize the current social situation in Omsk as unstable. According to the Federal Statistics Service, the Omsk city population aged 20-29 decreased by 7% in the period from 2012-2017 (Fig. 1). As of September 1, 2017, the number of young people aged 20-29 in Omsk was 35% (414 thousand people). If the existing trend continues, by 2025, the number of higher educational institution graduates aged 20-29 is expected to decrease by another 37 thousand people. Based on the statistical data, we carried out analysis of university graduates migration in Omsk city. Since 2015, there has been an outflow of people aged 20- 29 (Fig. 3).

Fig. 1. The balance of migration of the Omsk Region population

2 000

1 000 702 0 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 ‐1 000

‐2 000 ‐1 786 ‐1 800 ‐2 773 ‐3 000 ‐3 073

‐4 000

‐5 000

‐6 000 ‐5 942

‐7 000

Compiled from the Omskstat [7].

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 63 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 To manage migration processes, they should not be studied post factum, when the departure has already taken place. It is necessary to take preventive measures when a person is only considering moving. To do this, it is important to study young people’s migration intentions. Theoretically, the migration intention concept correlates with a concept of social attitude. In the context of migration processes study, this concept was introduced by W. Thomas and F. Znaniecki [21]. The most important aspect of a migration intention is its ability to theoretically justify a socially significant behavior. Any social attitude is directed to an object. Migration intentions are thus directed to the place of residence. In addition, it is suggested to allocate at least two objects in the structure of a migration intention—the present and the proposed place of residence [11]. From the point of view of the definition, we can agree with the following statement: “Migration intentions are formed (to varying degrees) ideas of where a person would like to live. If they are planning (thinking about, declaring or pre- paring) to move, then their migration intentions will represent an unfulfilled desire to change their place of residence.” [12] S. K. Lychko and N. I. Mosienko distinguish the following features of migration intentions. First, it is their presence and awareness. “When answering the question

Fig. 2. Trends in Omsk population aged 20-29, thousands people

450 442 440 437 432 428 430 422 420 414

Thousand people 410 400 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017

Year

Compiled from the Omskstat [7].

Fig. 3. Trends in migration of Omsk population aged 20-29, in percents

2 000 1 774

1 500 1 203

1 000 908

People 756 663 500 127 0 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 -500 -291 Year Compiled from the Omskstat [7].

64 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS whether a person wants to leave, s/he can be at a loss since s/he has never thought about it; or, on the contrary, s/he can clearly know whether s/he wants it or not. Sec- ondly, this is the orientation of migration intentions. This refers to the territory where a person would like to live (for example, another city in Russia or another country). Thirdly, the maturity of migration intentions which can have various degrees: a) a person wants to leave, but cannot clearly say where, when, how, and what it will result in (low degree of maturity); b) wants to leave and can name an approximate plan of action on how s/he will fulfill this desire (medium degree of maturity); c) certain steps have already been made towards the implementation of the intentions: search for information, contacts, a visa, etc. (high degree of maturity).”[12: 162] To determine migration intentions of Omsk residents, we surveyed 200 university graduates aged 20-29. Among other things and to prove our hypothesis, we were interested in the identification of migration intentions associated with the problems in the regional labor market. According to the survey results, low wages, limited opportunities for good employment in their home region, and poor living conditions take the lead (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4. Distribution of answers to the question “If you want to change the place of residence, what is the reason for this?”, in % to the number of respondents, N = 113

Many of my acquaintances have left 19

High prices 39,2

Poor living conditions 70,2

Bad climate 28,9

Low chances to find a good job 48,8

My relatives want me to move 21,7 Underdeveloped social and transport infrastructure 32,5

Low salary 58,3 Unsatisfied with the regional 35,5 development policy Low chances to find 35,5 employment 050100

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 65 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 According to the results of the study, the majority of the respondents (39%) are ready to migrate to the central part of Russia; 23% want to stay within the Omsk Region; 16% and 12 % of the respondents are ready to migrate to another region in Russia and within the Siberian Federal District; 10% of the respondents intend to emigrate to another country (Fig. 5). The analysis has shown that people’s migration intentions are associated with the regional labor market imbalances, namely low wages, poor chances to find a good job and make a career in their own region. Thus, we observe priority of economic factors that affect the population outflow. They are determined mainly by the regional labor market conditions. In accordance with the identified problems, we analyzed the regional labor market. By the end of June 2017, 14,000 unemployed people looking for suitable jobs were registered with the state employment agencies. 12,200 of them had an official status of being unemployed. In June 2017, the number of the unemployed who found work (profitable occupation) decreased by 4.8% in comparison with June 2016 and amounted to 1.7 thousand people. By the end of June 2017, there were 57.8 unemployed people per 100 announced vacancies. We analyzed the dynamics of the registered labor market indicators in the Omsk region in January-March 2017 in comparison with the corresponding period in 2016. It shows that the Omsk regional labor market remained relatively stable. Herewith, there was an increase in citizens’ appeals for assistance in finding a suitable job.

Fig. 5. Distribution of answers to the question “Where do you plan to migrate?”, in% to the number of respondents, N = 112

Another country 10

Within the Siberian Federal District 12

Another region in Russia 16

Within the Omsk region 23

Central part of Russia 39

0 10 20 30 40 50

66 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS The number of citizens who applied for assistance in the job search to state employment agencies in the Omsk region (hereinafter referred to as employment centers) in the first quarter of 2017 amounted to 13.4 thousand people, which is 1.1 thousand people (8.9%) more than for the corresponding period in 2016 (12.3 thousand people). Similar dynamics was observed in the appeals of unemployed citizens (11.9 thousand people in January-March 2016; 12.9 thousand people in January-March 2017). In 2016, the unemployment rate in the Siberian Federal District was 7.7%, in the Southern Federal District and Ural Federal District—6.6%; in the Far East Federal District—6.5%, in the Volga Federal District—5.2%, and in the North-West- ern Federal District—4.4%. The fewest unemployed are currently registered in the Central Federal District—3.4%. Their share is highest in the North Caucasus Federal District—11.4% (Fig. 3). Nationwide in December 2016, the unemployment rate was 5.3%; in November and October—5.4%. In the first two months in 2017, this indicator fell from 6.5% to 5.6%. In January-March 2017, the highest level of unemployment was recorded in Ingushetia, Tuva, Karachaevo-Cherkessia, Altai, Chechnya, Dagestan, North Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Transbaikal region, Kurgan region, Buryatia and Jewish Autonomous Area. The lowest unemployment is registered in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Moscow region, and Chukotka. The unemployment rate in Russia’s regions remains quite differentiated. There are regions with high and low unemployment rate. In the Omsk region, in January 2017,

Fig. 6. The unemployment rate, according to the ILO methodology for the federal districts as of 1 January 2017 (as a percentage of the workforce)

North Caucasus 11,4 Siberian 7,7 Ural 6,6 Southern 6,6 Far East 6,5 Volga 5,2 North-Western 4,4 Central 3,4 Russia 5,6

024681012

Compiled from the Rosstat (Regions of Russia. Socio-economic indicators for 2016) [21].

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 67 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 Fig. 7. Trends in the Omsk Region population depending on age, thousands people

1 400

1 200 1 177,9 1 159,8 1 136,8 1 000

800

600 446,9 458,6 470,5 400 371,1 Number of people 349 359,8 200

0 2014 2015 2016 Years Younger than working age Working-age Older than working age

Compiled from the Omskstat [7].

it was 7.9%, which is higher than in the regions where the migration trajectories are directed. Next, we considered demographic indicators, since they are among the main characteristics of labor resource reproduction in the Omsk region. The demographic processes in the Omsk region generally reflect the all-Russian trends. The main ones are decrease in the labor potential, aging and decline of the population, increase in the dependency ratio, and negative migration processes. During the study period, the number of working-age people decreased (Fig. 7). On average in 2014-2016, the annual decline of the working-age population was about 20 thousand people. According to the forecast for 2014-2020, the working-age population in the Omsk region will fall by almost 100 thousand people (by 8%), the share of the population over the working age will increase by 80 thousand people (by 18%). Moreover, dependency ratio has increased. As a result, January 1, 2017, there were 431 older citizens per 1,000 working-age persons. According to the statistical forecast for the region, by 2020 this ratio will increase: there will be up to 484 senior citizens per 1,000 working-age persons. Thus, the main demographic trends in the formation of the labor resources in the Omsk region indicate that their reproduction is currently taking place in the situation when departure of the working-age population is not compensated by the arrival of young people. As of January 1, 2017, the youth in the Omsk region amounted to 26% of the total population. In this regard, in accordance with the Concept of the development in the sphere of labor and employment in the Omsk region through 2020, the existing labor potential of the region’s population should be used more effectively. Human resources require care and protection [13].

68 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. V. Arbuz, O. S. Shirokolobova, pp. 61–71 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS It looks feasible to take measures to relocate people from other Russian regions as well as expatriates moving back to Russia into the Omsk Region. Our analysis shows that at present the main task in the sphere of migration management in the Omsk region shall be restriction of labor mobility from the region.

CONCLUSION The research revealed that migration intentions of the population leaving or planning to leave the region are related to their dissatisfaction with the labor market, namely low wages, low chances to find a good job and make a career in the region. The labor market in the Omsk region is characterized by a relatively high level of unemployment relative to the regions to which migration trajectories are directed. Furthermore, our respondents pointed at the problems of the quality of the vacancies in the labor market, low wages, and limited prospects for professional advancement. Such situation, in our opinion, also contributes to the recurrent migration intentions to leave the region. The motivational structure and migration preferences of the population include the indicators reflecting the quality of life in the region and confidence in the regional development programs. The subjective negative perception of the economic life in the region contributes to the emergence of migration intentions and expectations. The region needs to develop a migration policy that will regulate the relevant processes in the Omsk Region and create an attractive living environment, thus reducing migration outflows of the native-born population.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The work was supported by the Russian Foundation for Fundamental Research (Grant no. 16-12-55013a).

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vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 71 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 THE COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS AND BEHAVIOUR OF THE MACROREGION’S POPULATION

research article

The City as a Subjective Reality and the Space of Social Practices (Based on Research in Novosibirsk) Svetlana A. Ilyinykh

Dr. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Sociology, Novosibirsk State University of Economics and Management [email protected]

Abstract. This article shows that a city is not only a territorial unit, but also a subjective reality, reflected in the perceptions and attitude of its inhabitants as a result of the surrounding space’s development. This attitude manifests itself in social practices, which the townspeople realize in the urban space. In this article, the authors explain a number of statements, including “space sociologising”, the movement of interactions from a purely physical space to a social space, the possibility of constructing representations about the urban space based on the media effects, the city as a space for social practices. The results of the empirical study conducted in the administrative centre of the Siberian Federal District reveal the gender specificity of perception in Novosibirsk. A specific social-demographic community perceives the city from the position of what opportunities the urban space, with its network of social institutions, can offer to the representatives of this community. For example, women find important the up-to-date modern standards of life, while men prefer creativity and growth. Both of these groups choose well-known objects as the “calling cards” of the city (for example, Akademgorodok). For men, technical and sports facilities are more important, as well as a dolphinarium combining artificial structures and natural content. The choice of local history museum, philharmonic society and others by women is explained by their more active engagement in the cultural development of their family members. The authors show that the metropolis is often perceived by the townspeople through the prism of problematic aspects (bad roads, inefficient public transport work, lack of parking and interchanges, noisy construction, and environmental violations among others), which, in the respondents’ opinions, reflects the unsatisfactory work of the authorities. This article also identifies the prevailing practices of the citizens’ social activity.

Keywords: city, urban space, urban studies, social practices, subjective reality. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-72-81 Citation: Ilyinykh S. A. 2017. “The City as a Subjective Reality and the Space of Social Practices (Based on Research in Novosibirsk)”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 72-81. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-72-81

72 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS The contemporary sociological view on a city lies in examining the meanings and notions, acquired by a particular space in the context of social life. From this perspective, the city acts as a subjective reality, reflected in the perception and attitude of the population as a result of the development of the surrounding space. This attitude is practiced in the social practices realized by its inhabitants. The city is not only a complex network of socio-economic, socio-cultural, socio-political practices, and, consequently, complex relationships between the citizens. The city is also the space of certain meanings, associated by the citizens with their urban habitat. This article aims to study the city in two combined aspects: both the physical urban space, and the space of meanings and representations that can change the worldview of its residents and visitors. The problem of studies of the city as an urban space has a long history. The first works, including the ideas of the spread of cultures, the formation of cultural circles and zones in a certain spatial dimension, belong to the representatives of the cultural-historical school of diffusionism: F. Ratzel, F. Graebner, W. Schmidt, and L. Frobenius. Since then, researchers from different fields of knowledge have devoted their research to the urban problems. Thus, the urban space as an organisation of a cultural landscape is considered in the works by V. V. Vagin [26], V. L. Kagansky [11], D. S. Likhachev [14], and I. I. Svirida [22]. The peculiarities of the urban spatial organization is studied by the representatives of the environmental approach to the phenomenon of the city: K. Lynch [15] and L. B. Kogan [13]. “The urban environment” as a special level of urban development, and the urban culture are the objects of A. V. Ikonnikov’s [9], and O. E. Trushchenko’s research [25]. An anthropological approach to the study of the city, focusing its attention on the problem of human existence in urban space, was developed by R. Lynd and H. Lynd [16], R. Redfield [17], W. Warner [28]. The problems of urban space are also represented in the works of R. Altenburger and E. Bentmann [1], D. Bachmann-Medick [2], I. Fisher and H. Delitz [6], A. Becker and J. Mohr [3], and F. Vogelsang [27]. The sociological approach to the category of space was developed in the works of the classics of world sociology M. Weber [29], G. Simmel [19], and O. Spengler [21]. Some very productive work has been done by A. Giddens, who has revealed the concept of social space as an active interaction of social structures and social agents [7]. Through active activity, these agents can influence the transformation of social structures and institutions. This approach has been very useful in analysing how social agents can influence the city and urban space in the course of their social practices. A. Filippov’s work has also contributed to the problems we are studying, since he distinguishes three different aspects of the study of social space, depending on the position of the researcher [5]: 1. the space of social actors’ interaction—the actors’ proximity/distance to each other is considered as it influences the process of interaction; 2. the social space as an order of social positions; a metaphorical space structured by the statuses of social actors;

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 73 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 3. the space as something foreseeable—the location of the bodies, the repository of seats; the first two aspects allow to see that urban space (as an interaction space) is structured not only by statuses, but also by its representations. To conclude a brief overview of existing sociological works on urban studies, it is worth noting that E. Burgess, R. Mackenzie, L. Wirth, R. Park (among others) also have researched sociological projects on the city, solving different special problems. In general, based on the work of urban sociologists, there are several points that elude the attention of researchers of other fields of knowledge. The first is that “the sociologisation of space” is currently happening; in other words, the space is given sociological characteristics: thus, we have the space of politics, the space of leisure, etc. The society and the individual observe the space that society has constructed at a given historical moment in the course of its activities. This form of interaction between space and society leads to “sociologisation of space.” The second feature is the movement of interactions from a purely physical space to the social one. The system analysis, involved in the study of urban space, highlights such a fact as the abolition of space. Modern information technologies have led to a tremendous phenomenon—the abolition of borders between countries, cultures, generations, and individuals. As for the third feature—any territorial space (including the urban one) participates in individuals’ construction of ideas, meanings, etc. The city is not only one of the most important elements of culture, but also a space for socially significant meanings. It is one of the elements that influence the formation of the social actors’ worldview, and at the same time the city itself is influenced by the evaluation of these social actors. There is some interdependence: the city “manages” the processes forming the townspeople’s worldview, while its inhabitants (on the basis of the formed worldview) control the processes taking place in the city. In other words, the specificity of the city, in addition to it accumulating the financial, economic, social, political, administrative, and socio-cultural aspects of diversity, also involves the city, stretched for kilometres and hosting huge numbers of people, affects the life of its citizens. Simultaneously, the city itself is under the influence of those ideas, which both the city and the person determine mutually. It should be noted that the first one who spoke on the problems of describing the concept of space in the social sciences, was I. Kant [12], as he first drew attention to the immanent duality of person’s notions of space. Kant’s idea of duality became the starting point for the analysis of everyday life, including the everyday mastering of the space of the vital world, conducted by E. Husserl [8] and A. Schütz [18]. The development of these researchers’ ideas allowed P. Berger and T. Luckman to develop the concept of social construction of reality [4]. Their collaboration describes in detail the processes of creating and developing social ideas on everyday practices. The constructivist approach allows to say that the world’s organization by a person comes always from his (or her) own ideas about a number of phenomena,

74 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS including harmony, beauty, and order. These phenomena appear in a form, conven- ient for people, which includes some spatial forms as well. This is most clearly seen in the urban space as a structured environment of a person. Thus, the study of the city in the context of sociology allows drawing the following intermediate conclusions. First, the urban space today is not only a combination of production buildings, apartments, and infrastructure (among others), but also the space of concepts and notions about it. Secondly, the urban space can change the worldview of individuals. This process works in two ways, as the individuals themselves and can change the urban space based on their worldview. Thirdly, the notion of urban space can be constructed not only from the personal experience, but also from the mass media. An individual, who, probably, has never been in this or that district of the city during his or her life, has more or less developed ideas about it. Fourthly, the city is a space of social practices. The idea of a social space as a space of mutual relations and active interaction of social actors was considered in the works of F. Tönnies [24], G. Simmel [20], and P. Sztompka [23]. In this case, though, individuals are included in the urban space in different ways. The continuum of inclusion ranges from harmonious, non-contradictory to disharmonious, opposed. With harmonious involvement, citizens show social, economic, political, and other forms of activity. Fifth, citizens choose one or another social practice based on their constructed reality, which allows them to participate in urban life actively or passively. A positively designed and constructed inclusion into the urban space leads not just to the inhabitants’ identity (in terms of the harmonious and consistent social self-determination of a particular individual), but also a capable urban community, ready to formulate and defend its own interests, to create an enabling environment for life, and to contribute to the development of its settlement . Thus, the urban space can be analysed from the point of view of a) its population’s lifestyle, b) the dependence of their life on the urban space, and c) the features of consciousness that determines the urban communication. The urban space is explored from the position of the structure of human activity organized in the territorial space. In 2017 in Novosibirsk, we conducted a study to determine how urban space affects individuals, what views people have about their city, and what social practices they use. The selective aggregate is formed on a territorial basis. The respondents were the residents of 10 districts of Novosibirsk with representation by sex and age (N = 356). The questionnaire included the question of assessing the city by its residents. That required using one of the “semantic differential” methods. The scale contained di- chotomous characteristics, e.g., “light”—“dark”, “clean”—“dirty”. 57% of women indicated that the city was “light” and 43% “dark”; men showed a similar picture: 51% chose “light”, 49%—“dark”. Significantly, similar results were obtained when evaluating it on a scale of “joyful”–“gloomy”. 55% of women and 58% of men chose the first option, while

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 75 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 the second one was preferred by 45% of women and 42% of men. These results reflect the abovementioned ideas. The urban space forms people’s images about it. We can also see the peculiarities of such influence. The same urban space divides the opinions of the respondents approximately equally: for one part of men and women, it is bright and joyful, for the others—dark and gloomy. If the study were conducted at different periods, this could be explained by the influence of, e.g., climate. Yet, here we see only a personal evaluation of the urban space without the influence of any side effects. It is significant that the majority of the respondents estimate the city as modern and developing. At the same time, 13% of women and 15% of men perceive it as “stagnant”, and, accordingly, 14% and 20%—as “old”. Of course, this is a personal perception of the urban space, but it can also affect the perception of other people outside of this city. Therefore, it is rather important to manage the presentation of the urban space and to construct new meanings in a new way. Table 1 shows some of the properties of Novosibirsk in the mass consciousness of its inhabitants. Both men and women evaluate the city most often as promising and developing. At the same time, women are more likely to be modern, and men are more likely to appreciate the city’s creative aspects. In this case, one may probably say that a particular socio-demographic community perceives the city from the position of what opportunities this space (with its network of social institutions) provides to them as the representatives of this community. In this regard, women find it important to meet the modern standards of life, while choose creativity and growth. Another indicative aspect is the perception by the townspeople of objects that are the architectual landmark of the city. The residents of 10 districts in Novosibirsk could choose any objects, regardless of the area of their residence. Both men and women most often chose such places as Akademgorodok (80%), the Opera House (73%), the Bugrinsky Bridge (50%), and the Zoo (50%) among others. At the same time, some citizens noted the objects with personal significance. That includes, e.g., the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral (5%) and the chapel (2%). It should be noted that if Akademgorodok and other places have a long history, then the Bugrinsky Bridge appeared in the city only in 2015. Choosing it as a architectual landmark can be explained not just by its unusual architecture, but partly because its name was discussed with the townspeople. As for the gender aspects of the perception of the city facilities, men also named “Siberia” stadium (15%), Expocenter (12%), dolphinarium (12%), technopark (12%), and airport (10%). Women singled out the Museum of Local Lore (15%), Aqua Park (14%), and the Philharmonic Hall (12%). Despite the common views on some objects, the gender differences is obvious towards the others. Men (to a greater extent) noted technical and sports facilities, as well as an object that combines artificial structures and elements of wildlife: the dolphinarium. The choice of women can be explained by the fact that they are often engaged in both the cultural development of their family members and general public activities.

76 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS This study has also revealed the most preferred vacation spots for citizens. Both groups of respondents named the Russian National Public Library for Science and Technology (it now contains such public facilities as fountains, walking areas for families with children, riding bicycles, skateboards, and rollerblades)—85%, Per- vomaisky Park—82%, and Zaeltsovsky Park—63%.Men also choose sport gyms (10%), while women—cinemas (6%). The urban space (much more often than any other space) draws the townspeople’s attention to different problematic aspects because of its openness and considerable territorial extent. When answering the question on the city’s problems, women often named “roads” (65%), “transport” (56%), and “traffic jams” (52%). In some cases, they stated “ecology” (10%) and “noisy construction” (9%). Men noted “roads” (70%), “parking lots” (75%), “interchanges” (45%), and “health care” (34%). Interestingly, in some cases, men named “lack of sports grounds” (10%) and “lack of trees” (6%). In some cases, men pointed to such problems as “indifferent people” (1%) and “the government” (1%). Women did not note any such problems; though, they did mention a specific problem of “the homeless” (5%). As you can see, the metropolis is often perceived by the townspeople through the prism of such problematic aspects as bad roads, insufficient transport work, lack of parking and connections, noisy construction, and environmental violations among others. From the perspective of the inhabitants, this reflects the insufficient work of the authorities. However, if you look at the problems from the position of the citizens themselves, one may notice that some of the problems can be solved on their own. Yet, as the survey shows, the respondents do not associate these problems with the possibility to solve some of them by themselves. This may mean that the city is perceived by them as some kind of an independent territorial unit. Residents do not perceive the city as a personal environment, which they formed as well. At the same time, as the gender perspective shows, men point at more abstract problems, such as indifferent people and power; while women—to more specific difficulties, which affect their habitat negatively (like the homeless). The urban space, as it was shown, is formed not only by the representations of its inhabitants, but also by their actions and social practices. According to the concept of social construction of reality by P. Berger and N. Luhmann, the constructions (stereotypes, representations, etc.) are embodied in actions.

Table 1. Some specifications of Novosibirsk as imagined by its citizens, % Urban features Men Women perspective 87 89 creative 67 58 modern 78 86 dynamic 76 75 developing 85 87

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 77 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 In this connection, the respondents were asked how they assess the degree of their participation in any kind of activity, related to the urban structure one way or another. It is significant that the respondents, according to their self-assessment, are not indifferent to what is happening in the city. A similar opinion was expressed by 96% of women and 95% of men. At the same time, only one third of the respondents are ready to discuss urban problems (31% of women and 31% of men), and only a sixth of them—to take part in solving problems (15% of women and 17% of men). Even fewer respondents are ready to take the role of an activist (11% of women and 13% of men) or an initiator of urban environment projects (5% of women and 10% of men). Other variants of social practices are presented in Table 2. Here, we see the absence of a pronounced gender difference [10]. These data clearly demonstrate that the city, urban space, and the attitude towards them require a purposeful management process. Otherwise, we will have the same picture every- where: nobody likes the city, yet no one wants to improve the situation. Most of the townspeople (85% of the respondents) are interested in the city’s problems, but only 19% of them participate actively in public organizations, which aim activities at eliminating these problems. Almost half of the townspeople, interested in these problems (46%), found it difficult to name any of such organizations. The concerned residents of the city (85% of respondents) speak actively about the problem areas of the social space of Novosibirsk. However, as for eliminating these problems, they take the position of “waiting” (35% of respondents out of 85%), while the remaining 45% rely on other people with greater influence at the city level, initiative, and attitude. Based on these data, 85% of citizens are interested in life and problems of the city; at the same time, they do not seek to solve them via their own participation in city events (65% of respondents out of 85%) for various reasons. Most often, this can be explained by the belief that their personal involvement will not change

Table 2. Variants of social practices for Novosibirsk’s citizens, % Responses Men Women Participation in homeowners’ associations 13 10 Participation in territorial units 19 22 and citizens’ assemblies Participation in city hearings 11 17 Participation in social projects 12 9 on urban developing Participation in solving urban problems 12 13 Participation in citizens’ written appeals to the authorities 14 15 Participation in sending their appeals to the authorizes via 14 12 e-government system Unsure 5 2

78 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 S. A. Ilyinykh, pp. 72–81 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS anything (45% of respondents out of 85%). That is directly related to the fact that citizens are poorly informed about the existence of public organizations dealing with these problems, and the results of their activities are not presented in a way known to the majority of the population. In this regard, it is necessary to make the work of city public organizations more “public”, e.g., post reports on their activities in public places, actively involve various media, attract the public to their work through active interaction with young people and older people. The most optimal channel for implementing this task is the internet (monthly publication of reports, online polls, and voting among many others). In conclusion, the city as a subjective reality and the space of social practices is a sufficiently researched object in sociology. Based on the analysis of a number of sociological studies, it can be concluded that in the modern sociology of the city, there are such features as “sociologisation” of space, the construction of representations, and the inclusion in the urban space.

CONCLUSION Based on the results of our sociological study, we can conclude that the residents of Novosibirsk perceived the same space ambiguously, depending on their sex. Gender differences also affect the assessment of both the positive and the problematic aspects of the urban space. A more disturbing fact is that respondents do not always perceive the urban space as their personal habitat, waiting for the authorities to solve the city’s problems. The results of the empirical study clearly demonstrate the need for purposeful management of the formation of ideas about the urban space that have developed in its population mainly spontaneously, as well as the cultivation of socially active practices by citizens. It is also important to use various social technologies for the purposeful formation of socio-positive ideas about the urban space among the population. It is this direction that seems to be among the most promising ones in the contemporary practice of city management.

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vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 81 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 research article

Social Networks as an Infrastructure of Interpersonal Communication: Transformation and Diffusion of Communication Frames (Tomsk Students’ Case) Andrei P. Glukhov1, Tatiana A. Bulatova2

1 Cand. Sci. (Philos.), Associate Professor, Department of Social Communications, Tomsk State University [email protected] 2 Cand. Sci. (Med.), Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Advertising and Public Relations, Tomsk State Pedagogical University [email protected]

Abstract. This article analyses the transformation of the communicative culture of virtual interpersonal relations and the virtual identity of the youth audience in social media space. The empirical base of the project is the field research of virtual interpersonal communications of student youth in Tomsk universities. Thus, this study has a pronounced regional specificity. The authors have used semi-formalized interviews and focus groups in offline and online formats on virtual social media sites. The main methodological method is the reinterpretation and transposition of theoretical conceptual schemes from the traditional offline communication to network communications. This allowed to identify the key frames of organising interpersonal communications in the social network space. In accordance with the hypothesis, the social media, as a new communicative infrastructure of interpersonal communications, becomes a carrier platform for two types of interpersonal communications—interpersonal strong close ties (as in a private communication organization) and interpersonal weak ties (as in semi-public communication). Based on analytics and the conducted qualitative research, the authors have come to the following conclusions: social platforms in relation to close interpersonal relationships do not change their structure and organization. Yet, they provide new opportunities for logistics (planning and alignment) of relations, management of communications (in terms of regulating the impression of oneself, the level of involvement, synchronization of contacts and access), and removing risks and uncertainty (greater transparency and ease of entry/exit). Weak network ties (in the format of semi-public communications) are masked as “quasi-close” relationships, and their participants use them for the purposes of self-presentation and acquisition of social capital among their acquaintances and other people. The authors see the further prospect of research of virtual interpersonal communications in the analysis of changes in the balance of communication modes under the influence of network platforms. Additionally, a further thorough study requires the transfer of interpersonal “frames” and patterns of relations into the sphere of professional and business communication, actively implemented in networked semi-public communications.

Keywords: interpersonal communication, social networks, everyday sociology, culture of network communications, frames.

82 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-82-96 Citation: Glukhov A. P., Bulatova T. A. 2017. “Social Networks as an Infrastructure of Interper- sonal Communication: Transformation and Diffusion of Communication Frames (Tomsk Students’ Case)”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 82-96. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-82-96

INTRODUCTION: THE NETWORK EXPANSION INTO THE COMMUNICATIVE SPACE AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF VIRTUAL COMMUNICATION FRAMES The emergence of social networks and the spread of virtual communication leads to convergence and internal transformation of the communication order. Social- network communication and network platforms, which have arisen originally due to the needs of space-time optimization of interpersonal communication and time management of communications, expanded in a short time into all spheres of professional communication. That includes journalism (blogging), marketing and advertising (SMM), as well as science and education (crowdsourcing and MOOC- training). Such a fundamental cultural shift of both business and interpersonal communications towards their symbiosis in virtual-network communication requires a socio-psychological description and conceptual interpretation from the perspective of communication sciences. The cognitive style and communicative order of virtual social network communications provoke the formation of a new online subculture of relations, communication, and professional activity, as a phenomenon of semi-public communication.

ANALYSIS OF VIRTUAL INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATIONS OF THE DIGITAL GENERATION (REVIEW OF APPROACHES) This article analyses the transformation of interpersonal communications under the influence of social networks and the expansion of patterns and frames of interpersonal communication into the professional and business sphere. The basis for the research includes the study on the organization of interpersonal communication of the digital generation of students (preliminary results of the study are presented in the collection of articles [5]). The authors aim to describe the organization of interpersonal communication modes of the digital generation and the transformation of the usual communicative identities of interpersonal communication in the virtual space of social networks, paying attention to the pronounced regional features. The object of study is the student youth of Tomsk. Considered the oldest educational centre in Siberia, Tomsk officially received the title of the student capital of Russia in 2015. Thus, the scientific and educational complex plays an important role in the city formation. The level of digital competence, knowledge of ICT, and social-networking technologies of Tomsk students is one of the highest in Russia.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 83 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 The research focuses on interpersonal online communications of typical representatives of the network generation—the students of Tomsk universities with a high level of digital competence (the “digital natives”). This requires such high-quality research methods, as semi-formalized interviews and focus groups both off-and online. To partially transfer the research to the online format, the following research areas have been formed for conducting interviews and focus groups: “Friending, liking, trolling: research” [13] (number of followers—64 people) and “Friending, virt, trolling, and liking: research “[12]. This was followed by several semi-formalized interviews, a focus group, and a sociological survey with the students of Tomsk universities with high digital competence. The interviews included such topics as “How do I submit myself in social networks: the convergence/divergence of my real ‘self’ and my image online”; “How to establish and maintain communication in a social network: the best receptions, tricks, and resources”. The focus group touched such themes as “Real me—virtual me”, “Communication in social networks: virtual surfing”, “Ways to establish and maintain a virtual contact in networks of flirting, friendship, and business”. The sociological survey sampled more than 100 respondents. All these events aimed to identify the preferred channels of maintaining interpersonal relationships (Fig. 1). The study involved students from several Tomsk universities in various areas of training, mainly postgraduates (Tomsk State University, Tomsk Polytechnic University, and Tomsk State Peda- gogical University). Recruiting of participants was based on the principle of accessibility, self-reflection ability, and high digital competence. When analysing online interpersonal communications, we rely on the theory of interpersonal interaction, developed earlier in relation to the non-virtual context of relations: the concept of describing the level of involvement in interpersonal relations by M. Granovetter and the conceptual apparatus of the sociology of everyday life. Analytical tools include reinterpretation and transposition of conceptual schemes of the theory of “interaction orders” and Erving Goffman’s frames from traditional offline communication onto network communications. Many researchers have paid attention to the problem of “reassembling” interpersonal relationships in the space of virtual communication. Within the framework of the world studies of virtual communication, it is possible to single out a rather wide and diverse direction in the studies of virtual relations and interpersonal communications. The research literature (which analyses the impact of social networks on social relationships) contains a whole line of research about the impact of social media on interpersonal relations, the educational and extra-curricular activities of students of colleges and students of different countries (Studies on the Usage of Social Networking Sites among College Students). Lim Keol and E. B. Meier (2012) [9] in their study of Korean students adapting to the learning process in the United States, sought to answer two key questions: 1) how foreign students use social networks and 2) how they assess the impact of social networks on their emotional and academic adaptation. The results of the study clearly show that Korean students benefited from the use of social networking sites: virtual interaction helped to reduce their stress level in the new Western culture. This was facilitated

84 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS by the opportunity to virtually connect and “feed” on communication with their parents and friends in South Korea. American researchers Peluchefte and Karl (2008) [11] surveyed students in the Midwest (USA) to find out the motives for using social networking sites and the users’ perception of the relevance of the information they published. Respondents, as a rule, strongly agreed that they felt comfortable when communicating with their friends, classmates, and family through networks. However, they were rather neutral to virtual visits and access to their profiles by employers and strangers. The Internet environment provokes any user for creative and performative activities related to self-presentation to others in various chat rooms, forums, blogs, and social networks. Frindt and Keller [4] identify a set of factors affecting the self-presentation and identification on the Web: 1) the experience of interaction with the computer and mediated computer communication; 2) presence and ano- nymity of the audience; 3) degree of user’s self-awareness; 4) identification with a social group/category of computer users (social identity). Critical approaches to assessing internet communications as a tool for reducing authentic interpersonal communication, are extremely common in the Western

Fig. 1. The page interface of the virtual focus-group with the Tomsk high school students “Dialogue in Social Networks: Virtual Surfing”

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 85 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 tradition. According to Berlinger (2000) “[longing for] ‘virtual’ life experiences can deprive us of the sensory awareness and human contact we need for our physical, psychological and social well-being” [2]. The more time a user spends on the Internet, the less time he or she spends on an authentic relationship. R. Kraut, M. Patterson et al. (1998) found that the frequent use of social networking sites leads to cyclical psychological deviations [10]. The generation Y (born in 1980–2000) seems to lose the skills of real social interaction and basically communicate through messengers. It is almost impossible to find people who would not walk without mobile devices in their hands. Wellman and his colleagues (2006) describe “families after family” who interact with their devices more than with each other [15]. Some researchers point out that excessive use of the internet and social networks can limit the proper development of interpersonal skills [16]. The most developed and grounded criticism of new communication technologies in terms of their negative impact on interpersonal communication and the erosion of personal relationships is given by the American researcher Sherri Turkle in her book Alone together. She notes that the strength of modern IT and communication technologies lies in the fact that they, like the snake tempter, offer seductive solutions where people feel their human vulnerability: “We’d rather text than talk” [14, p. 15]. Then Turkle notes that virtual communications trade in hope, offering a simulation of communication in place of stoic loneliness: “People talk about Web access on their Blackberries as ‘the place for hope’ in life, the place where loneliness can be defeated. A woman in her late sixties describes her new iPhone: ‘It’s like having a little Times Square in my pocketbook. All lights. All the people I could meet.’ People are lonely. The network is seductive. But if we are always on, we may deny ourselves the rewards of solitude” [14, p. 16]. Turkle emphasizes the compulsively intrusive nature of the network behaviour of modern youth and ad- olescents. In general, the method of quasi-synchronous continual communication via smartphones, is gradually becoming (according to S. Turkle) an authorized social norm, although in the previous century, it would yet look like a pathology.

TRANSPOSING THE FRAMES OF SOCIOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE ON THE NETWORK COMMUNICATION: REINTERPRETING E. GOFFMAN In the framework of our analysis, operationalization and decomposition of strong interpersonal relationships (such as love, friendship, and partly hostility) are relevant in terms of communicative interaction and exchange. In 1973, sociologist Mark Granovetter started a discussion on the nature of strong ties in his article The Strength of Weak Ties [8]. He supposed that the differences in the proximity between people can be measured through the combination of time spent, emotional intensity of communication, intimacy/disclosure (of mutual trust), and reciprocal services, which collectively characterize the strength of the connection [8]. Granovetter defines the key characteristics of interpersonal communications as strong ties, which distinguish them from depersonalized role-playing public communication. This includes 1)

86 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS commitment to have more time and emotional costs for communicating with a person, 2) determination to disclose oneself and trust somebody, as well as 3) a communicative non-equivalent (in contrast to commercial) service exchange. Granovetter argues that the power of interpersonal relations is a derivative of our readiness to engagement, self-disclosure, and expenses in relationships. In Reading, Writing, Relationships: The Impact of Social Network Sites on Rela- tionships and Well-Being [3], Moira Burke proposes to use the cohesive force model in virtual relationships. This model is based on the analysis of proximity parameters, identified by Granovetter. M. Burke considers not only active interaction in networks as an important parameter of interpersonal relations, but also passive monitoring of events and friends’ activities. In her work, Burke asks two key questions: “How to measure the level of proximity of relationships?” and “Do social networks replace strong social ties with weaker ones?” She describes, how virtual relationships change over time: social network activity is simultaneously a reflection of relationships maintained in other spaces that fit into their common ecology, and a tool for their cultivation. Burke identifies three aspects of the analysis of the use of social networks in terms of building social relations. The first aspect is the analysis of communicative actions on social networking sites, including one-to-one communication with friends, passive consumption of friends’ news feeds, and sharing personal news with a wider audience. The second aspect is the consideration of comparative advantages for the individual and the social functions of strong and weak social ties. Finally, the third aspect is monitoring the impact of social networks on psychological state and general well-being, depending on the differences in users’ individual characteristics (contexts of communication, development of communication skills in social networks, and external life circumstances). As a fundamental methodological platform for analysing the transformation of frames of interpersonal communication in the virtual space of social networks, we chose the general approach and epistemological schemes of E. Goffman’s sociology of everyday life [7]. In the paradigm of the “sociology of everyday life” by Erving Goffman, the key concepts are the “order of interaction” (the title of Goffman’s last paper) as a set of explicit and latent rules governing interactive interactions and frames as forms of actors’ interpretation of a non-literal meaning in interaction, some background knowledge or conditions of entry into communication1. In everyday interactions (from the perspective of the sociology of everyday life), it is possible to distinguish three strictly discrete “orders of interaction” (or communication modes) and the corresponding communication relations. First, that includes close interpersonal relations and private communications (strong ties of love and friendship, kinship). Secondly (and in opposition to the previous ones), institutional

1 A. Schütz speaks in a similar sense of the cognitive style of various “life worlds” (everyday life, science, religion, art, game, etc.), dictating a certain interpretation of the situation and the algorithm of actions in accordance with the rules/norms of the “lifeworld” (Lebenswelt in German).

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 87 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 and functional relationships and public depersonalized communications, unrelated to the class of interpersonal communications. Thirdly, in between these poles, there are semi-public interactions with non-closely related people (acquaintances, friends, comrades, and neighbours), expressed in weaker social ties. The first two polar modes of communication are built on the basis of opposite patterns of actors’ behaviour. Closer private-intimate communications (strong ties) suggest a) a higher level of involvement in relationships, informality, and personali- zation, as well as b) readiness for high communication costs and mutual self-disclosure as a guarantee of trust and proximity of relationships. Public impersonal communications within the framework of institutional and role relations are based on weaker involvement, formalization, role depersonification, and a focus on optimizing communication costs and personal closeness. The situation of semi-public communications1 [3, p. 60] with the non-loosely related people can be characterized by an average (between the extremes of close or depersonalized relations) level of involvement in the relationship, the establishment of partners in communication for self-presentation as a guarantee of building “bridges” of trust, and the format of “semi-public” communication. In his famous later works, E. Goffman analyses primarily semi-public communications, using a conceptual series of notions forming in his mental scheme the “order of interaction” [1]2. This kind of semi-public communication incorporates a pronounced component of the dramatic performance and self-presentation with the goal of impressing, because the participants in such situation are not in close interpersonal relations (which presupposes greater transparency for each other and the lack of a hidden “second plan” and “behind the scenes”). At the same time, these relations are not as regulated in their behaviour, as in the case of public formalized institutionalized communication, where the personal characteristics of an individual performing a social role, do not matter. Another key feature of this kind of communication is the focus on achieving “solidarity trust”, since it is initially absent in similar situations of risk and uncertainty of interaction with unfamiliar or unfamiliar people, and it requires constant reproduction. The two afore-mentioned principles of this semi-public communication—the drama performance and the intention to achieve the trust—dictate the logical unfolding of the entire conceptual series of the Goffman’s notion of the “order of interaction”. Below we will try to apply the analytics of the Goffman research approach to constructing the “order of interaction”, transposing and reinterpreting it to the situation of social-network semi-public communication.

1 M. Burke refers to semi-public communications on Facebook comments, likes, posts that are visible to other users and are aimed at increasing the strength of communication. 2 Further in our analysis and transposition of Goffman’s concepts, we rely on an exhaustive “analysis” of the conceptual apparatus of the concept of the “order of interaction” (as far as it is possible to speak about an integral and logical conceptual apparatus relating to E. Goffman and his metaphorical language,), as given in G. S. Batygin’s article.

88 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS According to Goffman, performance is “that arrangement which transforms an individual into a stage performer, the latter, in turn, being an object that can be looked at in the round and at the length without offense, and looked to for engaging behaviour, by persons in an ‘audience’ role” [6, p. 124]. G. S. Batygin notes in his analysis of Goffman’s concept, that for the performances to be successful, an individual should maintain active “front” with the appropriate stage props—e. g., a bar for a lawyer to speak at, or a doctor’s white coat, having a face expression most suitable for the situation, and discovering the role settings among others [1: 15]. These concepts of dramatic performance and “front”, in our opinion, have a direct analogy with the concepts of “virtual self-presentation” and “filling the account” within the framework of social network communications. Virtual self-presentation via a personal account or public profiles of a social network, as well as the dramatic performance in the situation of semi-public communication of acquaintances (e. g., on a secular offline party), involves conscious efforts to impress others (in virtual communication—the “friends” or followers) and build their public identity through special stage receptions (or stage props in E. Goffman’s terminology). Social networks provide certain “stage props” for that in the form of registering their own account, which includes choosing an avatar, photo and video materials, stating personal values, beliefs, interests, hobbies, and role models on their public profiles, publishing their own or republishing other people’s materials and comments in the news feed. The network communication provides many more opportunities for dramatic performance and “management of impressions” about oneself than any other situation of offline communication. E. Goffman uses other no less important (though less defined by the dramatic setting) and logically interconnected terms of organizing semi-public communication, such as “involvement”, “accessibility”, and “civil inattention”. Goffman talks about the existence of several “contours of involvement” (as a “delicate balance” between excessive unilateral involvement and self-control) with participation in any situation and ranking by participants in communicating the dominant and additional engagements. The modern digital generation is characterised by multitasking, asynchronised virtual communications (i. e. simultaneous co-presence in several virtual communications without active participation in each of them separately) and conscious management of the level of involvement through the choice of communication formats (offline meeting, phone talks, instant messaging, asynchronous communication in social networks, and exchange of emoticons among others).The level of involvement within the social-network communication transforms into a problem that requires special efforts to be solved. In the field of network promotion, that leads to a whole new professional direction in the framework of SMM—community management—and regular measurements of the level of SMA (social media activity), i. e., the level of involvement. Goffman characterises the next coherent concept (“accessibility”), on the one hand, as a general openness to contact and, on the other hand, as an intentional act of orientation towards introduction-contact, or “ratification”—the consent to enter

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 89 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 it. Availability is determined by various types of regulations on the “entrance” to the communication, which are called greetings (military greeting, bow, curtsey, “patting on the shoulder,” etc.). In the space of social networks, accessibility for communication as an information marker can be analytically distinguished in three dimensions: 1) as a synchronous presence in the network and, accordingly, the ability to contact at a given time (in some networks, e. g., VKontakte, and in most messengers, such synchronous presence of a potential communication partner is marked with certain icons); 2) as mutual “friending”, which facilitates the possibility of situational contact and supposes a higher level of mutual access in virtual communication (as noted by respondents who participated in our studies, the nomination of a “friend” greatly facilitates the first contact, and many users, when making the first contact, start with an invitation to “friendship”); 3) the exchange of various kinds of virtual attention signs (likes, emoticons, “winks”) as a way to “knock” and begin start an actual virtual contact. Another feature of social networks is that a user has the technical ability to regulate their levels of availability, as well as their personal information for different types of users even without their explicit network notification. The phenomenon of “civil inattention” (introduced by E. Goffman) at the level of social-network communication also implies the analytical allocation of three dimensions: 1) passive monitoring and non-interference in numerous discourses and comments, as well as battles, unleashing in public profiles (news feeds); 2) avoiding communication with people who are not “friends”, with passive monitoring of their discourse without extreme need; and, finally, 3) an intention not to disturb ones “friends” without serious reasons. Let us turn to virtual transformations of such a key feature of interpersonal communication in the format of weak ties, as the focus on achieving “solidarity trust”. According to E. Goffman, overcoming distrust and uncertainty of expectations in offline semi-public communication requires anchoring frames, or the routinisation of everyday experience [6]. According to G. S. Batygin, people habitually identify which is which and who is who because of the following “anchors”: bracketing devices, roles, resource continuity, unconnectedness, and the generally accepted notion of “what we are all like” [1, p. 20] One of the key tools for “fixing” frames in relation to the situation of social-network communication is a user’s personal account. Usually authorized via phone number or email, in the terminology of Goffman, it provides a “generally accepted idea of person” by introduction with the account’s content and analysis of its archives and profile information. However, this is not the only warrant of trust in virtual communication. Other Goffman’s concepts of “anchors” can be reinterpreted in relation to the network space and used accordingly. The concepts of “bracketing devices” and communicative “roles” contribute to determining the situation and the direction of the flow of communication in the social space of communication same as offline. As external “bracketing devices” within the social network communication, one may consider the types of platforms or content types of public

90 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS relations in networks that specify the formats of communication, “bracketing” them from the general flow of communications (e. g., sharing compliments between virtual fans, professional-business communication, following the idol, friendly “chit-chat” in direct messages). As internal brackets that precede or terminate communication, the discursive network practices usually include likes, emoticons or expressions like “Ok”, meaning a lack of time for the interlocutor and his/her unwillingness to continue the conversation. The participants “accepting” the communicative roles of “virtual fan”, “friend”, “follower”, or “troll” in social network communication also brings more certainty into the organisation of network communications and helps to avoid communicative risks. Network communication “roles” are no exact “copies” or duplication of offline communicative roles; rather, they are “quasi-close” relationships and “quasi-close” communicative roles. As in, an online “friend” is not identical to a real friend, and a “troll”—to a real enemy or an ill-wisher. Goffman’s “resource continuity”, as a way of “anchoring” the situation of communication regarding social network space, can be interpreted primarily as the archivability of all social and network events and communications, as well as the ability to access these archives. Such a principled irreversibility of all actions in the network, on the one hand, does not allow to start communication “from scratch”, but, on the other hand, it allows greatly reducing its risks. The concept of unconnectedness can be interpreted at once in three senses: 1) as an opportunity to “bracket [something] out of the virtual communication” (text messaging in particular) all physical negative communicative features or disturbances (pauses, protracted, stuttering, etc.) ); 2) as an opportunity for a thorough revision of text messages and elimination of all randomly superfluous ones; and 3) as an opportunity for the subsequent removal and editing of ones’ profiles, comments, and direct messages. In general, regarding social and network communication, we can say that the functionality and the format of communications on network platforms reveal wider opportunities compared to offline communication in terms of logistics (planning and alignment) of relations; management (regarding the regulation of one’s impression, the level of involvement, synchronization, and access) of communications; removal of risks and uncertainty in the organization of semi-public network communications. E. Goffman’ approach of “sociology of everyday life” represents the analysis of the interpersonal interactions organisation in the “order of interaction” through the use of various “keys” (or “frames”) to interpreting and defining situations of communication, which allows it to create new opportunities. On the one hand, it describes in detail the “framing” of virtual communication in networks through the allocation of the numerous “frames” of interaction analysed above. On the other hand, it determines the fundamental differences in relation to offline interpersonal communication in the organisation, mechanisms, and “setting” of the process of “framing” of interaction in the situation of social-network communication.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 91 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 TRANSFORMATION OF INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION FRAMES: THE VIEW OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE DIGITAL GENERATION (THE CASE OF TOMSK STUDENTS) The study’s hypothesis supposes that social media, acting as a new communicative infrastructure of interpersonal communications, becomes a carrier platform for two dissimilar types: 1) interpersonal close strong ties in the format of a private communication organization (via messengers and direct messages) and 2) interpersonal weak ties in the format of semi-public communication (on public profiles, in comments, in social publics or groups). Based on the reinterpretation of Goffman’s approach, the assumptions (though requiring further verification) have been formulated that social platforms as a new communication infrastructure 1) facilitate the transformation of closer and stronger ties, preserving the space of intimate private communication due to privacy settings and the availability of communication formats in instant messengers and direct messages; 2) expand the space of semi-public communications into a virtual environment, scale weak ties and promote their transformation into social capital; 3) transpose the “frames” of semi-public communication and weaker ties to the space of professional and business communication, which also partially moves to the network environment. Based on network analytics and monitoring, as well high-quality field research with students (the representatives of the digital generation), several conclusions can be drawn. With regard to close interpersonal relationships, social platforms provide new opportunities for logistics (planning and alignment) of relations, communication management (in terms of regulating the impression of oneself, the level of involvement, synchronization of contacts and access), and removing risks and uncertainty (greater transparency of relations and easier entry and exit).With regard to the infrastructural support of weaker ties in the format of semi-public communications, they mimic the format of “quasi-close” relationships in networks. The participants use them for the purposes of self-presentation, acquisition, and scaling of social capital among familiar and professional people. The verification of assumptions about the transformation of modes of communication and communicative relationships in a network environment allows to identify several transformations of interpersonal virtual communication of the digital generation. First, the communication options and the communicative infrastructure of various network platforms aim at 1) simplification and simultaneous expansion of the opportunities for users’ drama performance and self-presentation in the framework of weak ties (or the tying of stronger relations at the initial stage) in virtual semi-public communication; it is assisted by the appropriate technological “stage props” (an avatar, status, account registration, public profile, comments, likes, shares, etc.); 2) maximum involvement and activation of communication partners with the use of various technological, communicative, and gaming drivers of semi-private

92 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS and private communication, as well as new opportunities for monitoring relationships, events, and other updates that occur with “friends”1; 3) users’ acquisition of the control over their involvement and the availability/ unavailability of the communication partner based on privacy settings and choice of communication forms (be it emotional and symbolic, or emoticons, text, auditory, or audio-visual); 4) “easiness” of relations and economy of time, space, and emotional costs in private interpersonal and semi-public communication2; 5) psychological “anchoring” of communication partners due to the authentication of a person in the account and “guaranteeing” the reputation of the communicative participants through their archived history of relations and communication. Secondly, we can already speak today about the communicative culture of the self-presentation and drama performance of the digital generation that is developing in the youth environment, expressed in the desire to obtain practical competencies in the field of “controlling one’s impressions”. “Digital natives’” network behaviour shows the hyper reflexivity of their virtual identity and the idealisation of their virtual image. They actively use the means of virtual social symbols to build their image, the reception of a dynamic permanent update of their image as a way to remind themselves. Moreover, they actively use the hyperbolised opportunities, provided by social platforms, to conceal social “stigma” and to emphasise their merits. Digital generation consciously target (focus) their branding messages depending on the type of target audiences (e. g., their parents, friends, partners, potential employers, and teachers) and the type of social platforms (Odnoklassniki, VKontakte, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram among many others). Thirdly, the transfer to the social platforms of close interpersonal relations, without changing either the structure or the consistent algorithm of “entering”/”ex- iting” the relationship, brings completely new opportunities for management, greater manageability, and transparency into their organisation.When finding a partner and “entering” the relations, the social-networking opportunities of self-presentation and dramatic performance make communication partners more “transparent” to each other and simplify the contact reached. The possibilities for permanent messaging via instant messengers and social platforms allow to achieve interactivity and quasi-synchronism of close interpersonal contact, while avoiding space-time coordination, and resource-intensive offline meetings. Social platforms provide a simplified form of “exit” from the relationship by removing somebody from the “friend list” or, more painlessly, limiting someone’s access to the account and the information available there. Fourthly, it is important to note that on social platforms, a whole class of relations is maintained, which we have designated as “quasi-friendly”. This includes rela-

1 Never (until the emergence of social networks) were people aware the lives of their loved and close ones, as today, thanks to the news feeds and status updates. 2 This raises concerns about the preservation of authenticity of relations and their devaluation due to a reduction in investments in their development by the participants.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 93 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 tionship with familiar people and acquaintances, within the framework of not private, but semi-public communications, who, nevertheless, bear titles of “friends” on network platforms. The presence of a “quasi-close” nomination in relation to weaker ties of the partnership and companionship masks the fact, which confirms our original hypothesis. Namely, in reality, social networks act as platforms and a communication infrastructure for maintaining two different types of relations and modes of communication: a) close stronger ties of love, friendship, and kinship, as well as b) close weaker ties of acquaintances. Both types of relations can be labelled with the same nominations (i. e. “friends” or “followers”), yet simultaneously, they are clearly differentiated by the network users.

THE PERSPECTIVES OF TRANSFERING PATTERNS OF NETWORK COMMUNICATION ONTO PROFESSIONAL AND BUSINESS SPHERES OF COMMUNICATION In the network space, there is a kind of diffusion and convergence of modes of communication and types of relations, when weaker ties are nominated as “quasi- close”. At the same time, in order to maintain weaker ties, “frames” and patterns of organisation of semi-public communications enter the environment of professional and business communications with its outgoing orientation towards status-role relations and public discourse. The authors see the further perspective of the research of virtual interpersonal communications in the direction of analysing the change in the balance of communication modes under the influence of network platforms. This facilitates the transformation of interpersonal communications in the format of weaker social ties from the peripheral marginal phenomenon into one of the leading types of communication. Social networks act as a platform and an extremely effective communicative infrastructure for organising primarily semi-public communications in the format of weaker ties. Such a “social invention” of a carrier communication infrastructure in the form of social platforms changes the balance of communication modes. Interpersonal communications in the format of weaker social ties turn from a peripheral marginal phenomenon (which was “in the sidelines”) into one of the leading types of communication. Moreover, they transfer their “frames” and patterns into the sphere of professional and business public communication. Professional and business communication, in turn, is forced to move to network platforms. Since this is the “territory” of interpersonal communication, the impersonal practices of traditional non-targeted advertising and depersonalized PR do not work here. Weaker social ties in the network environment suddenly transform into an important social capital and the organizing frame of professional-network communication. This changes the ethics and etiquette of professional and business communication on social media platforms.

94 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS The consequences of the partial transfer of professional and business communication types onto the space of semi-public communications on social platforms require further studying.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was financially supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (grant no 16-13-70004, the project “From sympathy to likes, from love to virt, from friendship to friending, from enmity to trolling, from adherence to following: the regional aspect of frames transformation of interpersonal communication in the virtual space of social networks (based on the analysis of communications of the new network generation of student youth in Tomsk)”).

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vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 95 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM A. P. Glukhov, T. A. Bulatova, pp. 82–96 10. Kraut R., Patterson M., Lundmark V., Kiesler S., Mukophadhyay T., Scherlis W. 1998. “Internet Paradox: A Social Technology that Reduces Social Involvement and Psychological Well-Being?”. American Psychologist, no 53 (9), pp. 1017-1031. 11. Peluchette J., Karl K. 2008. “Social Networking Profiles: An Examination of Student Attitudes Regarding Use and Appropriateness of Content”. Cyberpsychology and Behaviour, no 11 (1), pp. 95-97. 12. Ploshchadka-gruppa, sozdannaya v ramkakh avtorskogo issledovatel’skogo proekta “Frending, virt, trolling i layking: issledovanie” [Site Created in the Framework of the Author’s Research Project “Friending, Virt, Trolling, and Liking: Research”]. https://www.facebook.com/groups/1087976241225793/ 13. Ploshchadka-gruppa, sozdannaya v ramkakh avtorskogo issledovatel’skogo proekta “Frending, layking, trolling: issledovanie” [Site Created in the Framework of the Author’s Research Project “Friending, Virt, Trolling, and Liking: Research”]. https://vk.com/club119169854 14. Turkle S. 2011. Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other. Basic Books. 15. Wellman B., Hogan B. 2006. “Connected Lives: The Project”. In P. Purcell (ed.). Networked Neighbourhoods. London: Springer-Verlag. DOI: 10.1007/1-84628-601-8_8 16. Wolak J., Mitchell K., Finkelhor D. 2003. “Escaping or Connecting? Characteristics of Youth Who Form Close Online Relationships”. Journal of Adolescence, no 26 (1), pp. 105-119.

96 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS SIBERIA AS A MULTIETHNIC REGION

research article

Ethnoregional Education: Institutional Approach Elena A. Lyubimova1, Maksim Yu. Semenov2

1 Cand. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, Department of General and Economical Sociology, University of Tyumen [email protected] 2 Assistant, Department of General and Economical Sociology, University of Tyumen [email protected]

Abstract. This article considers ethnoregional education of the indigenous peoples of the North as a social institute. The study aims to analyze the specifics of functioning of this social institution. The educational system in the North is built taking into account the multicultural nature of these regions; its goal is to maintain the integrity of the cultural and educational space of the country. Ethnoregional education is an element of the educational system of the Russian Federation, which takes into account the right to study in one’s native language. Boarding schools and common state schools operate on the territories of traditional economic activities of the indigenous people, as well as nomadic schools, which are created for the implementation of the primary education among the nomadic tribes, taking into account the specifics of their traditional way of life. The authors present the main results of the sociological research1 that give an overview of the functioning of the educational institution for the children of the indigenous peoples of the North. This paper describes significant qualities of the teacher and the tasks of the national school. Another focus of the research is the nomadic schools—their features and role in the regional educational environment. Nomadic schools represent a resource mechanism for the organization of preschool education. The authors indicate the factors that reduce the effectiveness of the institute of ethno-regional education. The problematic points of this institute include the continuity, organization and provision of the educational process of instruction, as well as the structure and content of educational programs.

Keywords: educational social institute, ethnoregional education, ethnocultural education, nomadic school, education children of Indigenous peoples of the North. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-97-106 Citation: Lyubimova E. A., Semenov M. Yu. 2017. “Ethnoregional Education: Institutional Ap- proach”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 97-106. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-97-106

1 The sociological research—Social and Professional Portrait of the YNAA Teacher—is commissioned by the Yamal-Nenets District Organization of the Education and Science Employees Union of the RF; G. F. Shafranov-Kutsev, the director of studies, Dr. phil., Professor, Academic Adviser of the University of Tyumen, member of the Russian Academy of Education, 2016.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 97 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 The aim of the article is to study the features of the ethnoregional education of the indigenous Arctic ethnic groups (IAEGs) as a kind of social institution. The ethnoregional educational system is determined by the multiculturalism and polyethnicity of the northern regions and the need to maintain the integrity of the domestic cultural and educational environment. Sociological tradition involves the study of social institutions as a normative system and a social organization. Being a social organization, the social institution is a form of coordinated and regulated activity of people, a mechanism or a group of institutions that aims to achieve specific goals of interaction [7: 118-120]. The social institution, being a regulatory system, is an element of the value-normative structure of the society. The institutional structure ensures order, stability and integration of the society. The social institution performs specific functions as a complex system of traditions, customs, and rules. The institution of ethnoregional education, as a normative system, can be considered in terms of its ethnocultural component. In modern conditions, ethnocultural education guides the socialization and self-determination of the child as a subject of the ethnos and a citizen of the multinational Russian society [2; 4; 14]. The interest in ethnocultural problems is a natural reaction of the community to globalization. The ethnocultural education is defined as “a purposeful activity of specialized institutions aimed at preserving the ethnic identity of national groups by bringing them to their native language, culture, and history” [14: 5], “socially significant benefit, carried out in the interests of an individual, family, society, and the state” [4: 159]. The ethnocultural education is a system of knowledge of national-cultural and socio-historical values reflecting the nature and psychological characteristics, the identity of the given people and their culture, as well as the knowledge and ethnocultural achievements of other peoples, skills and habits of their use in life” [2: 189-195]. The ethnocultural component is exercised either at the curriculum lessons or elective courses and additional classes. According to the researchers, ethnoregional education should be studied from legal, ethnopolitical and ethnoecological points of view. The first approach includes the analysis of education as a strategic resource for sustainable development of the multi-ethnic Russian Federation, a factor to ensure our national security. For the regions of the North, especially for the IAEGs, education is a stabilizing social factor, as far as educational institutions function as cultural and educational centers in remote villages. For the indigenous peoples, the exercise of the right to education is a condition for preserving their language, culture, and identity [5: 170-172]. According to the ethnopolitical approach, the cornerstone of the ethnoregional education is the formation of ethnic and civic identity. Ethnic identity is considered as a “conscious and personal experience of belonging to the ancestors, to the spiritual and moral legacy of previous generations, a civic (all-Russian) identity—consciousness and experience of belonging to the historically formed Russian polyethnic community, to the Russian state, Russian history, to the Russian spiritual values that unite peoples” [5: 171].

98 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS Multiculturalism and multi-ethnicity of Russia are ensured by the integration of ethnic and civic identity. Self-perception of an individual as an independent and socially responsible citizen of a multinational state through one’s ethnicity, culture, and traditions of different ethnic groups is the actual goal of identification; it is the basis of the nationwide cultural and educational policy in the northern regions. Ethnoregional identity can unite ethnic and civic identity. Regional ethnicity is a specific feature of the Russian society, caused by a significant degree of ethnic amalgamation of the country. The majority of Russian regions are characterized by polyethnicity, thus regional models of co-citizenship, special regional patriotism, determined by the competition of regions in various spheres of social life are formed. It is the regions that make it possible to shape a civic identity, taking into account its ethnic component, historical memory of the previous generations, ethnic back- grounds, and traditions. The existing national-territorial division allows preserving and developing the all-Russian civil identity. The third ethnoecological approach implies the transfer, preservation, and development of the culture of indigenous peoples in the context of the cultural and educational policies of the regions of the North, Siberia and the Far East. This approach means a complex adaptive process that reproduces, on the one hand, the conceptual basis of the traditional system of life activity, and, on the other hand, embeds these cultures into the modern socio-cultural and socio-economic reality. This process should be carried out on a scientific basis, taking into account the differences in cultures and ethnic identity of the indigenous peoples, since its spontaneous development will inevitably result in acculturation, assimilation, and destruction of the cultural uniqueness of the northern peoples. The institution of ethnoregional education and its key features are unique in every subject of the Russian Federation, ethnic group and populated area. We propose to consider the general trends of the development of this institution, focusing on the issues of its adaptation to globalization, the concepts of teaching and content of educational programs, the creation of new life strategies. The need to transform the institution of education in the northern regions has being recognized since the end of the twentieth century: “since the collapse of the USSR, reintegration of the education system begins in the North” [8: 210]. The emerging decentralization of the management of the education system creates conditions for the revival, development of ethnic culture and self-awareness, formation of the ‘correct’ ethnic and regional identity of the IAEG children. The general knowledge of the indigenous peoples’ culture, geography, and history are in the center of attention. The ethnic identity is a product of the traditional culture of northern peoples, which presupposes the preservation and reproduction of traditional types of economy (reindeer husbandry, fishing, and hunting). In the context of accelerating globalization, the vulnerable traditional economy requires the development of various youth life strategies, the basis of which is formed by education (both school and vocational education). The opportunities to obtain secondary and higher vocational education are one of the main aims of the modern education system in the North. The regularity of educational process is

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 99 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 carried out on the basis of the interrelation of training in the “preschool institution—primary school—secondary school—college—university” system. The IAEG children are included in one of the three forms of school education based on the lifestyle and choice of their parents: 1) township / city school (children live at home); 2) boarding school (boarding, since parents lead a nomadic / semi-nomadic way of life, or in the absence of a secondary school in the settlement); 3) nomadic school (children live with their parents, training is carried out in nomadic conditions, or at a hunting base). For a long time, boarding schools were a universal and the only form of education for the IAEG children. The boarding system is provided with full state support, including food, clothes, and stationery. In the 1990s, the system of boarding schools was criticized. Among the negative aspects were the adaptation difficulties of the pupils in the settlement, family separation, an abrupt change of the cultural environment, leading to the destruction of the traditional culture background and Russification. In many regions, the mother tongue is taught only at the primary school level, not allowing it to be fully mastered. Thus, according to the survey among the teachers of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Area (YNAA)1, who work at schools for the indigenous peoples of the Far North, 87% answered that they did not know any of the indigenous languages [6: 138]. This is a critical problem in the training of the teachers of a mother tongue and culture from among the indigenous peoples, as many future teachers begin to learn their native language either at a vocational college or a higher education institution practically from scratch. Some schools do not provide teaching of the mother tongues at all (for example, the Kumandin language and the Negidal language are not taught because of the lack of staff). Also there is a reduction in the number of hours for teaching a mother tongue: as a core subject—from 1 to 3 hours per week, as an elective course—from 1 to 2 hours per week, as a group extra-curricular activity—1 hour per week. The indigenous peoples’ languages of the North, Siberia and the Far East are at various

1 In March–July 2016, the team of Tyumen Scientific and Educational Center of the Russian Academy of Education and the Educational and Scientific Sociological Laboratory at the Department of General and Economic Sociology of University of Tyumen conducted a sociological study of the social-professional portrait and quality of life of teachers of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Area (YNAA). The research methods: questioning and focus-group interview. The survey was carried out in hard copy and via the Internet (Google Forms). The sampling is 680 teachers of the YNAA. The standard sampling error is 3.55% (calculation according to the V.I. Paniotto formula), which indicates the necessary reliability of the received data. The selection method is sampling without replacement, depending on the number of sampling stages; the type of sampling is a single-stage sampling. The sample type is a quota with a representation by sex, pedagogical tenure, and settlement’s size. From April to June 2016, five focus groups with the YNAA teachers were conducted. The research hypothesis is ethnoregional education of the IAEGs as a social institution is characterized by the functional and dysfunctional components.

100 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS stages of the crisis. According to the UNESCO, some languages have completely disappeared, and the languages of 13 northern peoples out of 40 are on the verge of extinction [11]. Participants of the focus group interview, which was conducted with the YNAA teachers, distinguished the difficulties associated with teaching the mother tongue, including school inefficiency with regard to the choice of educational programs. To learn the language, either the fifth or sixth lesson is given, or the lesson is given in the afternoon, as an elective course. The teachers said that “... only those children who lead a nomadic way of life know their language well.” The boarding schools give lessons and hold special events in the native language. However, boarding school teachers pay attention to significant changes in the attitude towards the native language of indigenous children: “With age, they hesitate to speak their language, they often speak Russian. It happens that parents talk to them their native language, and they respond in Russian.” Stressing the importance of language skills and studying the native language, participants of the focus groups admitted: “... if a person does not know his/her native language, he/she becomes morally degraded ... If children have forgotten their language, it will be hard for them to get into their culture ... .” According to the participants, the social and professional portrait of the teacher of the national school is being formed from the following priority qualities (qualities are arranged with decrease, in % (percentage) to the number of respondents): 1) the Far North peoples language ability—49%; 2) particularly careful attitude to the personality of a child who is away from the parents and family—46%; 3) knowledge of the internal intellectual world of the ethnos, its spirituality—46%; 4) tolerant attitude to the ethnic culture—44%; 5) understanding the difficulties of the nomadic way of life of reindeer herders—33%; 6) desire to enrich children with the knowledge about the globe and culture—28%; 7) broad-based knowledge of the ethnocultural environment—25%. The respondents of the focus group interview completed the quantitative survey with the qualitative features: “... it is necessary to know the child’s psychology, because every child is different in his/her own way.” When implementing educational activities, it is necessary to take into account that the IAEG children are restraint, which is explained by their living conditions: “... here you cannot survive in another way ... .” The teacher needs to know the basics of ethnopedagogy, take into account the ethnocultural specifics, the peculiarities of the northern mentality: “... the children in the north are engaged in the family: the son simply looks at his father and learns from him ... the same is true for the girls: the girl sews well if her mother does it well. Moreover, all the tundra women are handy women, because without it they will not survive under such conditions.” The main tasks of the Far North national schools are listed according to the opinion of the interview participants (the answers are arranged with decrease in % (percentage) to the number of respondents):

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 101 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 1) give knowledge, educate, identify abilities, and develop the personality of students—53%; 2) provide students with knowledge in accordance with the requirements of the state educational standard—46%; 3) promote the adaptation of children to life in other ethnic and cultural settings—43%; 4) prepare children for life and traditional activities of the IAEGs—39%; 5) organize the educational process—12%. Thus, the teachers select the following priority tasks: transfer of knowledge, up- bringing and development of the pupil’s personality, taking into account the national educational standards, successful adaptation of pupils in new socio-cultural conditions, and the ability to reproduce the culture of their peoples. Describing the organization of education, the boarding school teachers emphasize the importance of developing and maintaining the interaction with the parents. They say that “... discipline in the family and boarding school is ensured by the fact that the educator is able to work with the parents.” At boarding schools, they study ethnocultural subjects; in the training workshops, the pupils are prepared for the professions which are necessary in reindeer breeding and fishing. The interaction takes place through various activities: “... our parents constantly participate in all competitions: sewing national clothes, cooking national dishes, helping to prepare an ethnographic corner in a boarding school.” As the study has shown, teachers working with the IAEG children face certain difficulties: lack of methodological literature; insufficient psychological and methodical training of teachers for the work in nomadic schools; insufficient technical equipment; increased fatigue of the teachers in boarding schools; intense moral and psychological climate in the teaching stuff. There are also objective problems, despite the importance of the boarding schools. The children live for a long time without their parents, which weakens the transfer of experience; mobility of the tundra peoples does not allow children to go to regular kindergartens and prepare for schooling. The problems of the boarding schools’ effectiveness have intensified the search for alternative forms of education for the nomadic children. Experiments with the organization of the nomadic educational process for several decades are being held in different countries: Kenya, Nigeria [1; 10], Syria, Iran, India, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia [9]. Foreign researchers use different definitions to describe nomadic educational institutions: “mobile school”, “tent-school”, “peripateticschool”, “school-on-wheels” [12], “shepherd schools” [8: 223]. At the end of the twentieth century, the first nomadic schools began their activities in the Yakutia and the Amur Region. The nomadic education is being developed in the Nenets Autonomous Area, Khanty-Mansy Au- tonomous Area, Chukotka Autonomous Area, the YNAA, the Taimyr municipal district, Dolgano-Nenets municipal district, and Evenk municipal district. One of the ways to solve the problem of access to quality education for the IAEGs, leading a nomadic way of life, is the Nomadic School regional project in the YNAA. It aims to move the educational institutions nearer to the places of

102 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS nomadic migration. The legislation of the YNAA regulates the choice of the nomadic form of education at the preschool level and primary level of education. In the YNAA, 22 educational institutions (including 17 kindergartens and 5 schools) provide the nomadic education for 200 children. In the area, several models of nomadic education are developing, for example, the A. Nerkagi semi-regular school, the regular model, the distance model. Those wishing to receive the vocational education are more often enrolled in the institutions of secondary vocational education, for example, Yamal Multidisciplinary College, Salekhard Multidisciplinary College (Salekhard town), Taimyr College (Dudinka town), Chukotka Multidisciplinary College (the city of Anadyr), the L.P. Vyucheysky Naryan-Mar Social and Humanitarian College, etc. The pupils wishing to get higher education receive support under various programs: target vacancies at universities, agreements with individual educational institutions, special schol- arships for IAEGs students. The applicants enroll in the branches of the regional universities or in the universities of capital cities: Moscow, St. Petersburg, Tyumen, Novy Urengoy, Tomsk, Norilsk, Yakutsk, and Khabarovsk. According to the interviewed teachers, the main role of the nomadic school is as follows (with decrease in % (percentage) to the number of respondents): 1) social and pedagogical basis for the formation of the education system in the Far North—35%; 2) preparation of children for the education at schools of the next levels and living in the boarding school—25%; 3) form and method of preliminary preparation of children for the primary education—16%; 4) formation of family and ethnic values in the children—14%; 5) mastering the Russian language as a language of the interethnic communication—11%. The study has not considered the nomadic school effectiveness specifically, however, some features of its functioning were revealed during the focus group interview. The participants identified a significant social contradiction about the nomadic school effectiveness, which requires careful and thoughtful reflection. This contradiction continues to be the subject of modern discussions: some believe that the nomadic schools are very expensive because they require too much financial investment, while others argue that these schools are vitally important for the nomadic peoples [15]. The respondents paid attention to the following characteristics of the nomadic school and its place in the modern educational environment of the region. One of the focus group participants voiced the following: “Today, the nomadic school is in demand in some areas of residence, but in others it is absolutely not needed.” Educators of the boarding schools, relying on their own experience, argue against nomadic schools as the forms of obtaining primary and secondary education, believing that children should study in comprehensive schools or boarding schools: “ ... children of the nomadic schools are lost in the society ... they go into adulthood

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 103 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 and do not feel confident in life ... “,” ... when they come to us, some pass exams only for the third time. If they were at a boarding school, it would be much easier for them ... “. Some teachers of the regular schools characterize the nomadic schools, as follows: “... the nomadic school loses in terms of training, compared to a boarding school or a regular school.” The specificity of the nomadic school is in the adapted educational program that is objectively behind the regular one: “... the adapted program always loses out to the main one ...”, “We had a survey of the parents living in the tundra last year. They said: we do not want to send children to a nomadic school.” The respondents indicated the following problems of the nomadic school which are difficult to solve (with decrease in % (percentage) to the number of respondents): 1) insufficient psychological and methodical training of the nomadic schools’ teachers—26%; 2) absence or lack of the educational and methodical techniques adapted to the nomadic schools—14%; 3) absence or lack of the experience of interaction among the nomadic school, the regular school, the settlement administration, and the municipal administration—14%; 4) prevailing stereotype of the population—the education of children at boarding schools—13%; 5) absence of the mobile material base of the nomadic schools—10%; 6) absence of access to the electronic library for the teachers of the nomadic schools—5%; 7) guaranteed provision of the teachers with the modern transport—4%. The respondents consider the nomadic school as a resource form of preschool education: “... it is better to use the nomadic schools as a pre-school institution”; “... a nomadic school should be like a school-kindergarten; and after the 5th grade, children should go either to a regular school or a boarding school.” The pre-school preparation in a nomadic form ensures the adaptation of children to a boarding school, improves the success, motivation of pupils in the first months of schooling. Children receive pre-school education in the place where the family lives, preserving the communication skills in their native language, and the cultural and historical traditions of the indigenous people. This opinion is confirmed by the results of the survey among the teachers who characterize the nomadic school as a form of preliminary preparation of children for schooling of the first stage (16%), at the schools of the next stages and boarding schools (25%). The research has confirmed the hypothesis about the functional and dysfunctional components of the institution of ethnoregional education of the IAEGs. Education of the IAEG children is an integral part of the education system in Russia, which is provided taking into account the right to study in a mother tongue. There are comprehensive day schools and boarding schools in the places of traditional residence and economic activity of the IAEGs. The establishment of nomadic schools

104 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 E. A. Lyubimova, M. Yu. Semenov, pp. 97–106 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS has been initiated in the areas of nomadic reindeer herding. Such schools provide primary education taking into account the traditional way of life. The ethnoregional educational institution, as exemplified by the indigenous peoples, faces some functioning difficulties: insufficient provision of methodical literature and technical equipment; need for additional psychological and methodological qualifi- cation of the teachers to work in the nomadic schools; intense moral and psychological climate in the teaching stuff. Also, the study has indicated a social contradiction regarding the effectiveness of nomadic schools, which requires thoughtful reflection. The ethnoregional education is not just a rote review of the traditional IAEG culture, but it creates conditions for a free, conscious choice of the pupil’s life strategy. The educational social institution provides the IAEG children with equal opportunities to continue the traditional way of life, or to obtain a modern vocational education and self-realization in the chosen profession.

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106 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS PATHS FOR SIBERIA’S DEVELOPMENT

research article

Regional Evaluation of Russian Civil Nation Establishment Processes (On the Example of Southern Siberia) Yuri M. Aksyutin1, Elena M. Kochina2

1 Cand. Sci. (Philos.), Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy and Culture Studies, Katanov State University of Khakassia (Abakan) [email protected] 2 Cand. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor, Department of Social Work, Katanov State University of Khakassia (Abakan) [email protected]

Abstract. This article considers the issues of forming the new Russian civil nation and its functioning in the regional community. The authors, firstly, have analysed and classified the main approaches to understanding of the civil nation’s nature. Secondly, they explained the opportunity of diagnosing the processes of civil nation functioning in a regional community, based on a number of criteria. They include 1) civil identity position in the structure of the population’s identities in Southern Siberia; 2) the population’s interest towards the social-political events happening around them; 3) their awareness of the importance of participating in political, cultural, and economic life of the region; 4) their activity when using their civic freedom to participate in politics. Thirdly, based on the results of their sociological research in Southern Siberia (Republics of Tyva, Khakassia, and Altay) in 2015–2016, the authors have analysed the peculiarities of forming the civil nation in the regional community. The results show that more than half of the respondents do not show any interest in (or are not even aware of) the social and political life of the region. The authors conclude that the self-organization of civil society in Southern Siberia is of a rather low level (same as in the country on the whole), yet, the situation will doubtfully change in the future, as the behaviourist models and the processes of the youth’s civil identity are conformist and limited in nature.

Keywords: civil nation, regional society, Southern Siberia, identity, civil society, politics, culture. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-107-117 Citation: Aksyutin Yu. M., Kochina E. M. 2017. “Regional Evaluation of Russian Civil Nation Establishment Processes (On the Example of Southern Siberia)”. Siberian Socium, vol. 1, no 2, pp. 107-117. DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-107-117

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 107 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 INTRODUCTION Nowadays, Russia’s scientific community and general public are actively discussing the ways of forming a truly civic nation, gaining integrity and preventing disintegration. This is confirmed by a whole array of publications, media projects and discussion areas focusing on the consolidation models for the modern Russian society and its integration into the changing international community. At the same time, undoubtedly, there is a serious danger of dissolution in the all-unifying globalization neutralizing sociocultural differences, as well as an unenviable prospect of remaining in the backyard of civilization, yielding to the temptation of conservative traditionalism oriented towards isolationism and cultural particularism. In this context, our research is not only of academic but also practical significance. Its purpose is to analyze the nature of the civic nation and how it was formed in the post-Soviet Russia (exemplified by Southern Siberia).

METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES As most researchers note, the most general approach to the civic nation implies a civic community defined by common citizenship. As for further refinement of the characteristics of the civic nation, its functions and origin, expert opinions diverge. In general, we single out two basic academic approaches to the definition of the civic nation. The first approach is supported by the researchers who are critical of the very possibility to diagnose a civic nation in a state-organized community based on a list of criteria and indicators. In particular, C. Calhoun notes that there are no empirical indicators reliably testifying to the presence of a civic nation in a certain state [4: 31]. The researcher provides a rather voluminous list of conditions for the nation formation (territorial indivisibility and sovereignty, common culture and history, prevalent forms of collective activity, etc.). Herewith, social solidarity and collective identity are considered the minimal essential requirements. Nev- ertheless, C. Calhoun emphasizes that, even if these criteria are satisfied, it is impossible to claim the presence of a political nation, since it cannot be measured [4: 30-32]. Representatives of the second approach, which we for the purpose of our study, call syndrome or criterial, are more optimistic about the identification of the sufficient grounds to diagnose the civic nation. To a certain extent, the methodologically related works of M. Prosekova, R. Aron, V. Malakhov, R. Dal’ and other authors are determine critically significant indicators of the civic nation formation and functioning. Thus, R. Aron, conceptualizing the French model of the civic nation, identifies three significant indicators of being conditionally civic: first, participation in the activities of the state through military service and electoral right; secondly, effective mechanisms of expressing political will by the cultural community; thirdly, absolute autonomy and independence of the nation-state’s foreign policy from external influences [3: 16-17].

108 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS V. Malakhov defines a nation as an institutional space organized through the development of transportation and communication systems within a single state (international status, territory, political institutions, sovereignty, etc.), on the one hand, and as a special system of social ties marking us and them, on the other hand [7: 68]. The institutional component, the physical existence of the state, is the technical minimum for the civic nation existence. Common values are the key drivers of the nation’s consolidation. M. Prosekova and R. Dal’ see an active “participatory” behavioral model of the state’s citizens as the main condition for the functioning of the civic nation. Ac- cording to the model, the majority of the population is politically active, has an opportunity and desire to influence the political course and situation [11: 33-36]. In particular, R. Dal’ identifies four main criteria for the formation and functioning of the civic nation and self-awareness: 1) manifestation of the citizens’ interest in the ongoing social and political events; 2) awareness of the importance of participation in decision-making processes as well as socio-political decisions; 3) awareness of socio-political events; 4) taking an active role in exercising political rights [5: 82]. In other words, civic nation-forming criteria, including the critically essential ones, have not been distinctly defined by modern researchers. Obviously, there should be at least two dimensions: institutional and sociocultural. The processes of institutional design (territory, sovereignty, forms of collective activity, etc.) of the civic nation have been well researched in domestic scientific literature [2: 159- 160]. The sociocultural features of the civic nation formation as well as regional specifics remain understudied.

METHODS In 2015-2016, we simultaneously conducted large-scale sociological surveys in three Siberian regions: the Republic of Khakassia (520 persons), the Republic of Tyva (290 persons), and the Republic of Altai (190 persons)1 [9]. The sample representativeness is ensured by observing the proportions of the population residing in different types of settlements (districts, towns, cities and rural settlements). The research uses quota sampling by sex, age and location within the regions. We applied the widespread approach of age segmentation. A formalized questionnaire was used as a basic method of collecting primary data. The respondents’ answers to the questionnaire’s open questions were studied using the quantitative content analysis.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION In our regional studies, we made an attempt to diagnose the specifics of the civic nation and consciousness formation and functioning based on the four main

1 The sociological survey (2016) was conducted with the financial support of the President’s Grant (MK-6746.2015.6). The study population—1000 persons (290 Tyvanians, 520 Khakassians, and 190 Altaians).

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 109 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 criteria: first, the relevance of civic identity and its place in the structure of the residents’ identities; secondly, manifestation of citizens’ interest in the current events; thirdly, the level of awareness and recognition of the importance of participation in the political and socio-cultural sphere; fourthly, an active role in exercising political rights. 1. The civic national identity in the structure of the identities of the inhabitants of Southern Siberia. The process of the institutional, social and cultural transformation of the Soviet society and state that began more than a quarter of a century ago resulted in a change in the consciousness of the former Soviet citizens and emergence of an objectively new nation—the Russians. However, until now there has been no clear idea of the nature of this new Russian nation and its national identity. In this context, in our opinion, the assessment of the processes of the Russian civic nation formation should be preceded by analysis of the place of the Russian civic national identity in the structure of the identities of the inhabitants of Southern Siberia. The 2015–2016 sociological research shows that the Russian identity comes first in the structure of the identities of Khakassia, Tyva and Altai’s inhabitants. Thus, according to the 2015 survey, the Russian (32.2%) and republican (23.5%) identities dominated in the identity structure of the regions’ residents. The regional identity ranked third (15.1%) and the settlement identity—fourth (12%). The Russian identity is more significant primarily for ethnic Russians (44%) and to a much lesser extent Khakas (11.3%), Tyva (31%) and Altai people (23%), whose identity is dominated by the republican one (Khakas 38.8%, Tyva 33.7%, and Altai people 29.3%). The ethnic identity ranked fifth (9.8%), and cosmopolitan— sixth (5.6%). In 2016, the Russian identity (36.5%) added a little weight and reinforced itself. Almost unchanged were the positions of the ethnic (8.9%), republican (24%) and cosmopolitan (5.4%) identities. The regional identity lost its positions (10.9%). Its strengthening in 2015 can be explained by the objectively existing error in large- scale research. We claim that the Russian identity ranks first in the structure of the identities of the regions’ inhabitants. Further we shall define the foundation of the Russian identity; 31.1% of the respondents adhere to the broadest understanding of the Russian identity. Self-awareness (“I consider myself a Russian”) as the main factor of identification with the Russians was marked by 15.4% of the respondents. In general, the share of the respondents who noted the priority of traditionalist (love to Russia—18.3%, knowledge of Russian—1%, belonging to Orthodoxy—1.5%) and socio-biological grounds for identification (Russian parents—4.5%) is about 25–27%. Consequently, the survey data support constructivist (civic nation) foundation for the formation of the Russian identity. The civic identity of the young residents of Southern Siberia was defined through their description of the concept of being a Russian citizen. About 25% of the young respondents (18-34 years old) consider Russian citizens those who have “grown up in Russian culture and consider it their own”. Slightly fewer respondents (23.2%)

110 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS determine the Russian identity through the Russian citizenship. One-fifth of the respondents (19.6%) consider “love for Russia” the main factor; 6.5% of the respondents determine being a Russian citizen by the parents’ Russian citizenship; 3.1%—by the knowledge of the Russian language; 1.5%—by the Orthodox faith. Only 19.5% of the respondents believe that the Russian citizen is the one who considers him/herself a Russian citizen. Thus, the majority of the young respondents also adhere to the constructivist nature of the concept and phenomenon of the Russian nation, rather than socio-biological. 2. Manifestation of interest in the ongoing socio-political events by the regional inhabitants. Citizens’ interest in the ongoing socio-political events is one of the universal indicators of the civic society’s maturity. The political and public interest index determines the degree of involvement in the current events, since there is a direct correlation between this interest and the degree of involvement. Moreover, participation in socio-political institutions is among the most effective channels of political socialization and formation of civic skills and attitudes. Researchers note that the peak of civic engagement occurred in the 1990s [6; 7; 9]. However, by 2000, as evidenced by data from researches conducted in Russian regions, the situation had changed [1]. More than half of the country’s population was not interested in public or political activities. In particular, according to the data of the polls we carried out in 2015–2016, only 19.7% of the respondents were involved in non-governmental organizations (not political), as opposed to the 80.3% of the non-participating respondents. Less than half of the region’s residents (47.0%) are interested in public and political events. The over- whelming majority of the inhabitants of the Siberian republics under study demonstrate occasional interest in politics and work of non-governmental organizations or none at all. As for the young residents’ interest, we identified similar trends. According to the research, 54.7% of the young people aged 18–24 and 52.3% aged 25–34 are interested in the situation in the region and in Russia; 78.1% of the respondents found it difficult to answer the question “What are the most well-known organizations and movements in Russia?” The five most well-known public and political organizations and movements included: Edinaya Rossiya (United Rus- sia), Communist Party, Greenpeace, LDPR, ONF. Among over a hundred thousand public and political associations in Russia, only political entities are all-time leaders. As for the young residents of Southern Siberia, about 25% of them (18-34 years old) consider Russians to be those who “have grown in Russian culture and consider it their own”; 23.2% of the respondents determine the Russian identity through Russian citizenship. One fifth (19.6%) of the respondents consider “love to Russia” the main factor determining “Russianness”; 6.5% of the respondents answered that it is the Russian citizenship of their parents; 3.1% of the respondents marked knowledge of the Russian language, and 1.5%—Orthodox faith. Only 19.5% of the respondents believe that the Russian is the one who considers him/herself a Russian. Thus, the majority of the young respondents also adhere to the construc-

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 111 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 tivist rather than socio-biological nature of the concept and phenomenon of the Russian nation. Newspapers and television (51% in 2015 and 54.5% in 2016), to a lesser but increasing degree, the Internet (30.4% in 2015 and 36.4% in 2016) remain the main sources of information for the region’s residents. A significant number of the respondents prefer traditional (friends, relatives, or other) sources of information about the events taking place in the state and society. According to experts, these are “unreliable” information channels the importance of which has only been increasing in recent years (28.3% in 2015; 33.5% in 2016). On the one hand, the growing importance of the traditional sources of information is an interesting phenomenon in itself and deserves special attention. On the other hand, it may indicate an increasing distrust in the official media and their versions of the current events. Another fact is a sharp decrease in the age threshold when the respondents are mostly interested in obtaining information about the current events. The figures characterizing the respondents’ involvement in the cultural and information interaction point to a quite rapid decline after the age of 25 years old. Only interest in TV shows is almost the same for the senior and young citizens. The degree of the citizens’ interest and socio-political participation depends on their personal experience and the general practice of implementing social and political rights and freedoms. Our opinion polls revealed a complex picture. In general, the region’s residents are not very concerned about guarantees to exercise their rights. About 10% of the respondents noted infringement and restrictions on the implementation of their political rights to participate in the management of the state (10.2% in 2016 and 12% in 2015). 20% of the respondents have difficulty in realizing the right to freedom of speech and thought (20% in 2016 and 22.2% in 2015). Political and civil rights and freedoms are not among the priorities for the majority of the respondents. It was important to find out how such general orientation is combined with the more specific attitudes under study. We revealed a rather pessimistic picture. The forms of participation and attitude to the rights and freedoms shaping today’s Russian political culture are more indicative of the people’s tendency to internalize their forms of socio-political participation than of the stable process of the civic society formation. The greatest concern among the respondents is infringement of their social and economic rights ensuring a satisfactory standard of living and human activities (45% of the respondents noted that their rights to education and health care were violated). Thus, the regions’ residents place their political rights and freedoms after the personal and socioeconomic ones. 3. Degree of awareness and recognition of the importance of participation in the political and socio-cultural sphere. As for the recognition of the importance to participate in the current events, only 17.1% of those aged 18-24 and 12.8% aged 25-34 believed that their opinion had a real impact on the authorities’ socio-political decisions. Correspondingly, 39.4% and 42.2% of the respondents admitted partial influence of their opinion on the socio-political decisions. About

112 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS 34.1% of the respondents aged 18-24 and 39.4 % of the second age group answered that their opinions have no influence. About 20% of those aged 35-54 and 18.8% aged 55 and older believed that their vote was taken into account by the authorities when making decisions; 42% of the respondents in these age groups indicated that their opinion was partially taken into account, 32% of the respondents aged 35-54 and 34.4% aged 25-34 years noted that the authorities ignore them. According to the respondents’ opinions, the degree of their awareness of political and socio-cultural events is also insufficient. Only one fourth of the respondents noted sufficient awareness. Partial awareness was admitted by 55.9%. Every tenth respondent (less than 11%) claimed a near-zero awareness. A third of the region’s population, 34.9% (33.8% in 2015), are sure that generally their life is normal and the existing problems in the country and region are temporary. Less than half of the population in the region is ready to do anything personally to solve their problems. Only 4.1% (5.7% in 2015) are ready to protest, storm the barricades or in other ways assert their rights; 36.7% of the respondents (34.4% in 2015) are actively trying to improve their economic and social situation; while 12.8% (15% in 2015) have resigned themselves to their fate. At the same time, the residents’ satisfaction with their lives has noticeably declined in recent years. What is behind this dynamic? Why people are not trying to solve economic problems on their own? Why is their apathy growing? To answer these questions, we studied their assessment of the current regional problems. In the south of Siberia, people are more concerned about: rising prices for goods and services (50% in 2015 and 60.8% in 2016); drug addiction and alcoholism (30.4% in 2015 and 31.9% in 2016); unemployment (28.4% in 2015 and 26.2% in 2016); crime (16.8% in 2015 and 17.3% in 2016); the system of education (9.2% in 2015 and 10.9% in 2016); the quality of medical care and social welfare system (17.1% in 2015 and 16.7% in 2016). The most critical problems causing people’s anxiety also include low wages and pensions (29.6% in 2016 and 29.1% in 2015); terrorism (15.1% in 2016 and 13.1% in 2015), ethnic conflicts (11.7% in 2016 and 13.8% in 2015), and bureaucratic arbitrariness (8.6% in 2016 and 10.7% in 2016). The situation is almost the same as 5 years ago. Interestingly, the 2014–2016 economic depression did not manifest itself. In general, the region’s residents (43.4% in 2016 and 44.2% in 2015) are not inclined to blame anyone for the difficulties in their lives. However, the share of such citizens is decreasing. 5.6% of the respondents (7.9% in 2015) view oligarchs and entrepreneurs as the cause of the growing economic gap. The respondents positively evaluate the role played by the federal and regional authorities in their lives. Only 21.4% of the respondents in 2016 (13% in 2015) negatively assess their work and blame them for the difficulties in today’s life. A significantly smaller number, 10.4%, (8.8% in 2015) of the respondents are dissatisfied with the work of the local (republican) authorities. This indicator is rather relative since the survey results may simultaneously indicate a decrease in the aspirations of the citizens

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 113 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 who are disillusioned with the capabilities and effectiveness of the authorities and likely to rely on themselves (30.1% in 2015 and 32.5% in 2016). The survey results discussed above demonstrate a very contradictory nature of the political culture of Russians. It combines the features of participatory and paternalistic behavior. Moreover, we failed to identify active interest of the young citizens in the socio-political events in the country and Southern Siberia. Next, we analyzed involvement of the regions’ inhabitants in the work of social and political non-profit organizations as well as their engagement in policy making. 4. Degree of involvement in the implementation of the right to participate in policy making Researchers distinguish five types of citizens’ political behavior: 1) inactive; persons who do not participate in politics but from time to time participate in elections; 2) conformists; persons avoiding direct political activities, though occasionally able to take part in conventional forms of policy implementation and even in political campaigns; 3) reformists; persons actively participating in conventional forms of policy making and using legal forms of political protest; 4) activists; active participants in the society’s political and public life using conventional and non-conventional forms; 5) protesters; people actively participating in political processes predominantly using non-conventional forms of participation [8: 60]. The results of the regional study confirmed the all-Russian trend of the decreasing activity in the realization of the right to participate in policy implementation by Russian citizens. 7.4% of the respondents included participation in election campaigns in the high-priority list (5th position in the list of 15); 2.3% of the respondents are ready to run “for local political office” (10th position); 2.2%—for “public self-government bodies” (11th position); 12.6% of the respondents are ready to participate in the work of public organizations (4th position); and only 2.8% are ready to participate in the work of political parties (8th position). The forms of direct democracy are also not in priority. About 4.7% of the respondents are ready to take part in rallies and demonstrations (7th position); 1.1%—in strikes (12th position); 1.1%—openly oppose to the police (13th position). Humanitarian aid collection (27.5%, 1st position) and donations (11.2%, 3rd position) top the list; 17.5% of the respondents noted that they are not ready to take part in the social and political life of their region (2nd position). Only 0.1% of the respondents found it difficult to answer the question which indicates their awareness of such passive behavior. Thus, 18% of the respondents adhere to the passive model of behavior in their local regional society; 60% are conformists. The share of reformists does not exceed 10%. Every tenth is an activist. The share of active protesters is within statistical error (about 1–2%). According to some experts, young people are more than other social groups interested in changing and improving their social status. Thus, according to Zh. T. Toshchenko, depending on the level of young people’s self-identification with different power structures and the degree of involvement in the political life of the society, there are declared and actual forms of political participation [13:

114 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS 125]. The actual political activity is characterized by young citizens’ active and consistent expression of will in the form of exercising their political rights. Other- wise, political participation is considered to be declared. Analysis of the study results shows that young people are most willing to take part in humanitarian aid collection (26.3%) and other donations (13%); 14.1% are ready to take part in public organizations; 8.4%—in rallies and demonstrations; 9%—in election campaigns; 4%—in the work of political parties; only 5.2% are ready to run for government or public self-government bodies. About 20% of the young respondents admitted that they are not ready to take part in the social and political life of the region. In general, young people, as expected, are more active in the matter of exercising their right to participate in policy implementation. Nevertheless, the aggregated data indicate the passive-conformist model of youth behavior. About 20% of the region’s young residents adhere to the passive model of behavior; about 50% are conformists; 15% are reformists; 10% are activists; and 5% are active protesters. The weak participatory model of the regional residents’ behavior is hard to explain. For instance, I. M. Dzyaloshinsky and M. I. Dzyaloshinskaya rightly point out that a fairly complex system of objective and subjective factors acts on the level of citizens’ involvement in the social and political life. Age, financial status, authoritarian type of political regime, and the current stage of the socio-economic development are considered to be objective factors. Subjective factors include the degree of trust in the institutions of power, satisfaction with one’s own life, interest in politics, etc. Among the reasons for young people’s low political activity are lack of a strong youth policy and a consolidating idea; insufficient attention to the process of youth political socialization; contradicto- riness of the Russian political culture; negative reputation of the political regime; absence of young charismatic political leaders; and little experience of political participation [8].

CONCLUSION The analysis of the foundations for the national identity and aspects of the contradictory political culture of the inhabitants of Southern Siberia revealed a combination of features of the emerging participatory and traditionalist paternalistic- submissive models of behavior. The study indicates a tendency to internalize values and forms of social and political participation rather than formation of a civic society. Logically, inhabitants of Southern Siberia are not deeply involved in social and political organizations or in policy making. This indicates a lack of proper citizens’ awareness of the significance of such participation and the social and political decisions made as well as insufficient involvement in the main structures of the civic society. Formation of an integrated civic identity is of fundamental importance for the Russian society. However, self-organization of the civic society in Southern Siberia is at a rather low level. Any changes in the near future are not likely because youth’s behavioral models and the processes of their civic self- identification are slow and under-developed.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 115 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The research was supported by the Grant of the President of the Russian Federation (MK-587.2017.6).

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1. Aksyutin Yu. M., Evdokimov A. I., Zakharova A. A., Kochina E. A. 2016. Rossiyskaya natsional’naya identichnost’: novye riski i sposoby preodoleniya (na primere Yuzhnoy Sibiri) [Russian National Identity: New Risks and Methods of Overcoming (by the Example of Southern Siberia)]. Ufa: Aeterna. 2. Aksyutin Yu. M. 2016. “Otsenka effektivnosti realizatsii kontsepta rossiyskoy natsii v regional’nom sotsiume: institutsional’nyy aspect” [Evaluation of the Effectiveness of the Implementation of the Concept of the Russian Nation in the Regional Society: Institutional Aspect]. In: Ekologiya Yuzhnoy Sibiri i sopredel’nykh territoriy [Ecology of Southern Siberia and Adjacent Territories] in 2 vols. Vol. 2, pp. 159-160. Abakan: Izd-vo KhGU im. N. F. Katanova. 3. Aron P. P. 2000. Mir i voyna mezhdu narodami [Peace and War between Peoples]. Moscow: Nota Bene. 4. Calhoun C. 2006. Natsionalism [Nationalism]. Moscow: Territoriya budushchego. 5. Dal R. 1991. “Sovremennyy politicheskiy analiz” [Modern Political Analysis]. In: Aktual’nye problemy sovremennoy zarubezhnoy politicheskoy nauki, vol. 4, pp. 82-93. Moscow. 6. Dorzhu Z. 2016. “The Socio-Demographic Situation in the Republic of Tuva Conditions of Social Transformation, 1990s–early 2000s”. Sibirica, no 15 (3), pp. 107-123. 7. Drobizheva L. 2013. “Myths and Reality in Contemporary Polyethnic Society”. Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia. M. E. Sharpe, Inc, no 4 (51), pp. 27-38. 8. Dzyaloshinskiy I. M. 2009. “Media i sotsial’naya aktivnost’ molodezhi” [Media and Social Activity of Youth]. Vestnik Kemerovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta kul’tury i iskusstv, no 9, pp. 59-65. 9. Kharus O., Shevtsov V. 2017. “Autonomous Siberia in Russia’s Reorganization Projects at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century”. Sibirica, no 16 (2), pp. 27-43. 10. Malakhov V. S. 2005. Natsionalizm kak politicheskaya ideologiya [Nationalism as a Political Ideology]. Moscow: KDU. 11. Prosekova M. N. 2012. “Formirovanie grazhdanskogo obshchestva: sotsial’nyy aspect” [Formation of Civil Society: The Social Aspect]. Izvestiya vysshikh uchebnykh zavedeniy. Sotsiologiya. Ekonomika. Politika, no 3, pp. 33-36. 12. Russian Foundation for Basic Research Sociological Research of 2015. Research Report no 14-03-00493. “Transformatsii nadetnicheskoy identichnosti v kontekste trendov traditsionalizatsii i modernizatsii: imperskost’, sovetskost’, etnichnost’ i rossiyskaya grazhdanstvennost’” [Transformations of Supraethnic Identity in the Context of Trends of Traditionalisation and Modernization:

116 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Y. M. Aksyutin, E. M. Kochina, pp. 107–117 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS Imperialism, Sovietness, Ethnicity and Russian Citizenship]. Accessed on 20 April 2017. http://grant.rfh.ru 13. Toshchenko Zh. T. 2002. Politicheskaya sotsiologiya [Political Sociology]. Moscow: YuNITI-DATA.

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 117 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM The Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum, pp. 118-120 REVIEWS. CRITIQUE. INFORMATION

review

The Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum “The Dynamics of the Social Transformation of Russian Society: Regional Aspects” Organizing Committee

DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-118-120

Tyumen Regional Duma held a large-scale event for Social Sciences community— the Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum “Social Transformation Dynam- ics of the Russian Society: Regional Aspects”. Many scientists participated, including representatives of Educational and Research Institutions, students, and post- graduates. The main objectives of the Forum were discussion of actual problems, experience exchange, and summing up the research results of social transformation dynamics of the Russian society, socio-cultural and socio-economical modernization of Russia and its regions. The Forum was organized by the Tyumen Region Government, Tyumen Regional Duma, University of Tyumen, Tyumen Industrial University, Surgut State University, RAS Federal Sociological Centre, RAS Institute of Philosophy, and Russian Socio- logical Society. The Chairmen of Organizing Committee were: S.M. Sarychev, Tyumen Region Vice-Governor, Candidate of Sociological Sciences; Y.M. Konev, Vice-Chair- man of Committee on Agricultural and Land Matters of Tyumen Regional Duma, Dr. habil. of Sociology, Professor; G.Ph. Kutsev, Academic Director of University of Tyumen, Dr. habil. of Philosophy, Member of Russian Academy of Education. The Forum has been held biennially since the year of 2009. The number of the Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum participants amounts to 248 scientists from 40 regions of the Russian Federation and from six countries: The Republic of Belarus, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Poland, the USA, and South Korea. The Forum grew and developed, enforcing its status in the scientific community. This year for the first time, it has acquired the status of an international event. The Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum materials collection contains 225 scientific reports of 248 authors, among them 3 RAS Corresponding Members, a RAE Member, 70 Drs. habil. and 115 Candidates of Sciences. What did it start with? Let us quote some numbers: in October 2009, the First Tyumen International Sociological Forum was attended by 150 scientists from 18

118 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 The Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum, pp. 118-120 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS regions of Russia (Moscow, the Republic of Karelia, the Republic of Tatarstan, the Krasnoyarsk Territory, the Perm Territory, Volgograd, Kursk, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tula, Tyumen, Saratov, Sverdlovsk, Smolensk, Ulyanovsk, Chelyabinsk Regions, KhMAA and YNAA, and also guests from Latvia) and 120 students, taking part in panels’ work. According to Sergei Sarychev, Tyumen Region Vice-Governor, the Sociological Forum had become a traditional site for academic and research understanding of actual problems of Russian Regions’ socio-economical development. He emphasized that the increase in numbers of forum participants and in geographical scope reveals its high academic and research relevance within the scientific community and state legislative and executive bodies. Sergei Korepanov, Tyumen Regional Duma Chairman noted that he expected to receive from forum participants specific recommendations realization of which would serve to the population’s life standards increase, innovational and technological development of Russia’s regions. Jean Toshchenko, RAS Corresponding Member, Professor, Chief Editor of Social Research Magazine, Principal Researcher of RAS Federal Scientific Research Sociological Centre presented his plenary paper at the Forum. His report was devoted to modernization of human labour activity motivations. As explained by the Academician, employment itself is a key problem of labour in modern Russia. In the second part of the last century the main sense of labour was patriotism. Now- adays the very paid labour becomes the value people strain after. Only 31% of compatriots are afraid to lose their workplace. Also Jean Terentievich in his report informed the audience of a new social class—“precariat” with its such main dis- tinctive features as irregular employment, unstable social position, low level income, social insecurity, and vagueness of life projects. The report of Gennady Philippovich Kutsev, a RAE Member, Professor, Aca- demic Director of University of Tyumen, was devoted to the development of sociological patterns of education in the digital era. He attracted attention of the audience to the priority-oriented role of education in the process of human capital assets formation and development, noted the connection between the level of education and success of an individual or a state in general. Important topics were covered by famous Russian scientists, working at RAS Federal Scientific Research Sociological Centre. Thus, V.V. Markin, Director of Regional Sociology and Conflict Resolution Studies Centre, Dr. habil. of Sociology, Professor dwelt upon “Regions in the social space of Russia: some lessons of modern crisis situation”; Z.T. Golenkova, Director of Social Structure and Society Stratifi- cation Research Centre, Dr. habil. of Philosophy, Professor revealed “Social aspects of labour behaviour in modern Russia”; D.L. Konstantinovskiy, Dr. habil. of Sociology, Professor shed light on the problem of “Expansion and differentiation of Higher Education”. Of great interest were reports by Y.V. Latov, Dr. habil. of Sociology “Inter-urban differentiation of modernization values expansion in modern Russia”, by T.A. Gurko, Dr. habil. of Sociology “Marital relations development and realization of marital policy concept in the Russian Federation”, and also by A.A. Shabunova,

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 119 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM The Fifth Tyumen International Sociological Forum, pp. 118-120 Dr. habil. of Economics, Interim Director of Vologda RAS Scientific Centre “Spatial aspects of Russian society socio-cultural transformation”. Special attention was attracted to Dr. habil., Professor, Chief Editor of Region Magazine (Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, South Korea) who introduced to the participants of the forum the results of his research “City branding in post-So- viet Russia: local symbols and identities”. Further the Forum functioned within five panels: “Culture, ideology, religion in modern society: tendencies, determinants, factors”; “Particular aspects of Institute of Education development in Russia and abroad, transformations of regional educational subsystems”; “Political governmental context of social transformations in Russian regions”; “Comparative analysis of socio-cultural and socio-economical modernization processes in the regions of Russia: polypara- digmal approach”; “Social transformations in the sphere of Economics of Russian regions functioning: tendencies, determinants, factors”. Besides panel work, training workshops, master-classes, exhibitions and presentations of the scientific research results took place It has become a good tradition during the second day of the Sociological Forum to host The School of Young Sociologist, which presupposes leading expert sociologists to meet young scientists, post-graduates, and students. This time nine scientists conversed with inquisitive students and post-graduates. The sociological school was opened by Gennady Kutsev, a RAE Member, Dr. habil. of Philosophy, Academic Director of University of Tyumen, emphasizing the importance of the role Sociology plays in the life of society and the youth participation in science development. He also noted that nowadays Sociology is a dynamically developing science, highly prestigious and promising for sociologists-practitioners and theoreticians. Jean Toshchenko, Chief Editor of Social Research Magazine, RAS Corresponding Member, and Professor gave young scientists some advice on proper publications paperwork in compliance with the requirements of the best scientific magazines. A multi-page Forum materials collection is the best proof of the given scientific event actuality and of the social reality aspects multiplicity, the aspects being thoroughly examined by the participating scientists. Summarizing the Forum results, a resolution containing recommendations to the agencies of state administration and scientific community was adopted.

120 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Siberian Sociological Forum, pp. 121–123 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS review

Siberian Sociological Forum with International Participants “Social Practices and Management: The Problematic Field of Sociology” (Novosibirsk) Olga V. Arlashkina

Cand. Sci. (Soc.), Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology, Novosibirsk State University of Economics and Management

DOI: 10.21684/2587-8484-2017-1-2-121-123

On November 24, 2017, the Novosibirsk State University of Economics and Management (NSUEM) hosted The Siberian Sociological Forum with international participants. The main topic of the forum—Social Practices and Governance: the Problem Field of Sociology—aroused considerable interest among the sociologists and experts from 14 major cities of Russia, as well as Kyrgyzstan and Belarus. There were various interesting events on the Forum Day and it became a real holiday of science for the scientists studying the problems of sociology in the field of economics and management: from beginners to the most authoritative scientists. Opening the forum, Svetlana Ilyinykh, Professor, Doctor of Sociology, the head of the Department of Sociology of the NSUEM, noted that such regional event was being held in Novosibirsk for the first time. Alexander Revnivykh, Vice Rector for Research of the NSUEM and Olesya Orlova, Deputy Minister of Education, Science and Innovation Policy of the Novosibirsk Region also made their welcoming speeches. The leading Russian sociologists reported at the plenary session of the Forum, including: S. A. Barkov, Professor, Doctor of Sociology (Moscow State University); S. Yu. Barsukova, Professor, Doctor of Sociology (Higher School of Economics, Moscow); G. Ye. Zborovsky, Professor, Doctor of Philosophy (Ural Federal Uni- versity, Yekaterinburg); V. G. Nemirovskiy Professor, Doctor of Sociology (Uni- versity of Tyumen); Z. I. Kalou, Professor, Doctor of Sociology and Yu. V. Popkov, Professor, Doctor of Philosophy (Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Novosibirsk). The areas of their research aroused great interest. The speakers reported on the patriotism of consumers, the social risks of human development in Siberia, the innovative bureaucracy, the ideas of the Siberian residents about the meaning of life, and other topics. For instance, Sergey Barkov, Professor of Moscow State University, focused on the unexpected symbiosis of modernity—innovations and bureaucracy: “For a long time, it has been considered that bureaucracy is a symbol of retrogrades

vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 121 SS SIBERIAN SOCIUM Siberian Sociological Forum, pp. 121–123 and conservatism. But over time, it proved its viability and even necessity, for example, in the large-scale innovative endeavors of the twentieth century—a nuclear project, a computer and telecommunications revolution, etc., because innovations require colossal resources, millions of investments, which bureaucracy can provide.” According to the professor, a new special social and administrative structure emerged in the post-industrial society—an innovative bureaucracy. “At the end of the year, every manager believing in progress and innovation, revises what has been done, and, indeed, asks his/her subordinates the question: What new have you done? What new have you suggested? “, said the expert. “The innovative bureaucracy has started from these likely innocent questions.” Professor Barkov considered this new social phenomenon in various aspects of the social life, stressing, for example, that it is the society that makes it possible to effectively control the expenditure of financial resources for the launching of certain innovative projects. Svetlana Barsukova, Professor of the Higher School of Economics National Research University told about the changed consumer’s taste in Russia over the recent 25 years, presenting the results of the Symbols of the Epochs media project of the Higher School of Economics. The expert believes that there were two up- heavals in the post-Soviet Russia consumers’ behavior. The first one was from the general consumer delight about the whole imported products to a differentiated attitude to the imported goods. So, during the late USSR, the word import meant a high quality and an excellent taste. “There were not enough imported goods, so their consumption symbolized a high status of a person”, Svetlana Barsukova emphasized. The early 1990s was the time of naive consumers with unconditional confidence in the imported goods. But people began to make sure by their own experience that everything was not so simple. At that time, many Western manufacturers considered the huge Russian market as a ‘reserve’, where everything could be sold.” Therefore, the credit of trust was gradually spent. Today, the majority of Russians prefer domestic food products, but imported household appliances, electronics and other high-tech goods. “The first wave of sympathy for domestic food products occurred in the mid-1990s because of the idealization of the Soviet past, which was a reaction to the disap- pointment of the reforms. The second wave is associated with the patriotic rise in light of the reunion with the Crimea”, the expert says. Under current conditions (sanctions against Russia, the successive counter- measures—the ban of food imports from a number of countries), shopping is treated as a civil act, Svetlana Barsukova concluded: “Our people do not just choose goods, they are offered to vote with their feet for the right of Russia to remain a super power and pursue its own policy.” Summarizing the plenary session and addressing the participants, M. V. Udaltso- va, Doctor of Economics, Professor, and the Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation, noted: “Despite the various impediments, it is necessary to meet more often at the events like today’s forum, so we are always waiting for you at the NSUEM, and we also expect an invitation to your events.” This proposal was welcomed with burst of applause.

122 vol. 1 | no 2 | 2017 Siberian Sociological Forum, pp. 121–123 SIBERIAN SOCIUM SS The second half of the Siberian Sociological Forum was devoted to the intellectual discourse. Within the Forum, there were organized two discussion platforms where sociologists shared their ideas and solutions of the hot social issues. S. А. Barkov and G. E. Zborovsky, the moderators, as well as the guests noted a high scientific level of research of Siberian sociologists, and expressed regret that the time allocated for the discussion was not enough for a full exchange of views. The Siberian Sociological Forum was very interesting and fruitful for the young Siberian sociologists. M. V. Melnikova, S. V. Rovbel, N. G. Sukhorukova, and O. Yu. Tevlyukova, the leading lecturers of the NSUEM moderated two student panels. Ekaterina Yuditskaya, a student of the NSUEM and Daria Chistyakova, a postgraduate student of the NSUEM made the best reports at the panels. Moreover, E. V. Naumova, Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology, Candidate of Sociology headed a specially organized Novosibirsk Today competition of research works among the senior pupils and students of vocational educational institutions of Novosibirsk. The six teams from Novosibirsk and the Novosibirsk region took part in the competition, including students from the Center of Vocational Education of the NSUEM, the A. N. Kosygin Cooperative Technical School, comprehensive school No. 59, and the Pashinskaya comprehensive school No. 70. Vadim Vasilenko and Kristina Zykova, the final year students of comprehensive school No. 59, won the first place with their research on the topicThe Future of High School Students and University Students in the Modern-day Novosibirsk. The organizers of the Forum summed up results of the Modern Youth: Activity and Creative Practices contest of analytical student works in three categories. The jury worked in the format of triple blind reviewing. Under such harsh conditions, the following students won in their categories: Anastasia Chelombiko, a student of The Kemerovo State University (the supervisor is L. N. Logunova, Ph.D., Professor) and Yana Brandt, a student of The Kemerovo State University (the supervisor is E. A. Kranzeeva, Candidate of Sociology, Associate Professor), and Marina Ryabova, a student of the NSUEM (the supervisor is S. A. Ilyinykh, Candidate of Sociology, Professor). In general, the Siberian Sociological Forum has become not only a major scientific event for the young participants, but also a powerful motivational factor to study science. Marina Ryabova, a winner of the Forum’s student competitions wrote in Facebook: “I will strive for new achievements, carry out new scientific projects (we are lucky that the lecturers are very good; they always help and suggest) and just enjoy life :).” You cannot think of a better end.

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